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{{Short description|French politician (1761–1793)}}
{{More footnotes needed|date=August 2017}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=May 2024}}
{{Infobox officeholder
| name                = Antoine Barnave
| image               = Antoine-Pierre-Joseph-Marie Barnave.png
| image_size          = 
| caption             = ''Antoine Barnave'' by [[Joseph Boze]] (1791, [[Carnavalet Museum]])
| office1             = [[List of mayors of Grenoble|3rd Mayor of Grenoble]]
| term_start1         = 1 August 1790
| term_end1           = 21 November 1790
| predecessor1        = [[Joseph Marie de Barral]]
| successor1          = [[Daniel d'Isoard]]
| office2             = [[National Constituent Assembly (France)|Member of the Constituent Assembly]]
| term_start2         = 9 July 1789
| term_end2           = 30 September 1791
| constituency2       = [[Grenoble]]
| office3             = [[Estates-General of 1789|Member of the Estates-General]]<br>for the [[Third Estate]]
| term_start3         = 7 January 1789
| term_end3           = 9 July 1789
| constituency3       = [[Grenoble]]
| birth_name          = Antoine Pierre Joseph Marie Barnave
| birth_date          = {{Birth date|df=y|1761|9|21}}
| birth_place         = [[Grenoble]], [[Kingdom of France|France]]
| death_date          = {{Death date and age|df=y|1793|11|29|1761|9|21}}
| death_place         = Paris, [[First French Republic|France]]
| nationality         = [[French nationality law|French]]
| party               = [[Jacobin]] {{small|(1789–1791)}}<br>[[Feuillant (political group)|Feuillant]] {{small|(1791–1793)}}
| parents             = Jean-Pierre Barnave and Marie-Louise de Pré de Seigle de Presle
| alma_mater          = [[University of Grenoble]]
| profession          = Lawyer, writer
}}
'''Antoine Pierre Joseph Marie Barnave''' ({{IPA|fr|ɑ̃twan pjɛʁ ʒozɛf maʁi baʁnav}}, 21 September 1761{{snd}}29 November 1793) was a French politician, and, together with [[Honoré Mirabeau]], one of the most influential orators of the early part of the [[French Revolution]]. He is most notable for correspondence with [[Marie Antoinette]] in an attempt to set up a [[constitutional monarchy]] and for being one of the founding members of the [[Feuillant (political group)|Feuillants]].<ref>François Furet and Mona Ozouf, eds. ''A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution'' (1989), pp 186–96</ref>

==Early life==
Antoine Barnave was born on 21 September 1761 in [[Grenoble]] ([[Dauphiné]]),<ref name=":0">{{Cite web |title=Notice de Personne: Barnave, Antoine (1761-1793) |url=https://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb12028056d |access-date=15 February 2025 |website=Bibliothèque nationale de France: Catalog générale |language=fr}}</ref> in a Protestant family. His father was an advocate at the ''[[Parlement]]'' of Grenoble, and his mother, Marie-Louise de Pré de Seigle de Presle, was a highly educated [[aristocracy|aristocrat]]. Because they were Protestants, Antoine could not attend local schools, as those were run by the Catholic church, and his mother educated him herself. Barnave was prepared for a career in law, and at the age of twenty-two made himself known by a speech pronounced before the local ''Parlement'', the ''Parlement du Dauphiné'', also known as ''Parlement de Grenoble'', on the [[Separation of powers|separation of political powers]].<ref name="EB1911">{{Cite EB1911|wstitle=Barnave, Antoine Pierre Joseph Marie|volume=3|pages=411–412}}</ref>

Dauphiné was one of the first of the [[provinces of France]] to be touched by revolutionary ideals. After being heavily influenced by the [[Day of the Tiles]] ({{langx|fr|link=no|Journée des Tuiles}}) in [[Grenoble]], Barnave became actively revolutionary. He explained his political position in a [[pamphlet]] entitled ''Esprit des édits, Enregistrés militairement, le 20 mai 1788''.<ref>''ESPRIT DES ÉDITS, Enregistrés militairement, le 10 mai 1788'' [https://archive.org/stream/espritdeseditsen00barn_2#page/n0/mode/2up], 19 pages, French</ref> He was immediately elected deputy, with his father, to the [[Estates General (France)|Estates General of Dauphiné]], and played a prominent role in their debates.<ref name="EB1911"/>

==Estates-General and Assemblies==
A few months later he became better known, when the [[Estates-General of 1789]] convened in [[Versailles, Yvelines|Versailles]] on 5 May 1789, and Barnave [[List of members of the National Constituent Assembly of 1789|was elected a deputy]] of the [[Estates of the realm|Third Estate]] for his native province of Dauphiné.<ref name="EB1911"/>

He soon rose to prominence in the [[National Assembly (French Revolution)|National Assembly]], becoming the friend of most of the leaders of the party originating in the Third Estate, and formed with [[Adrien Duport]] and [[Alexandre Lameth]] the group known during the [[National Constituent Assembly (France)|Constituent Assembly]] as "the [[triumvirate]]". Together these three would later be principal figures in the formation of the [[Feuillant (political group)|''Feuillants'']], the breakaway party from the Jacobin Club dedicated to a moderate course supporting [[constitutional monarchy]]. Barnave took part in the conference on the claims of the three orders, drew up the first address to king [[Louis XVI]], and supported the proposal of [[Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès]] that the Assembly should declare itself "National". Until 1791, he was one of the preeminent members of the club known later as the [[Jacobin Club]], of which he drew up the [[manifesto]] and first rulebook.<ref name="EB1911"/>

==Political views==
[[File:Antoine Barnave (buste).JPG|thumb|180px|Bust of Antoine Barnave, [[Museum of Grenoble]]]]
Although a partisan of [[Freedom (political)|political freedom]], Barnave hoped to preserve revolutionary liberties together while maintaining the ruling [[House of Bourbon]]. He felt that a [[constitutional monarchy]] would solve the problems facing France without being a complete upheaval of the government, although it does not mean that he was entirely in favor of the monarchy. Subject to the more radical forces, Barnave took part in the attacks on the monarchy, on the clergy, on Roman [[Catholic Church]] property, and on the provincial ''Parlements''. On several occasions, he stood in opposition to [[Honoré Gabriel Riqueti, comte de Mirabeau|Mirabeau]]. After the [[storming of the Bastille]], he saw the power of the masses as possibly leading to political chaos, and wished to avoid this by saving the throne. He advocated the suspensory veto, and the establishment of trial by jury in civil causes, but voted with the [[Left-wing politics|Left]] against the system of two chambers.<ref name="EB1911"/>

His conflict with Mirabeau on the question of assigning to the king the right to make peace or war (from 16 to 23 May 1790) was one of the main episodes of the Assembly's mandate. In August 1790, after a vehement debate, he fought a [[duel]] with [[Jacques Antoine Marie de Cazalès]], in which the latter was slightly wounded. About the close of October 1790, Barnave was called to the presidency of the Assembly. On the occasion of the death of Mirabeau, which occurred on 2 April 1791, Barnave paid a high tribute to his worth and public services, designating him the "[[William Shakespeare]] of oratory".<ref name="EB1911"/>

Being in favor of a new system of government, Barnave spoke passionately about terminating the powerful influence of religious authorities and allocating that role in government to the people of France. Passing the [[Civil Constitution of the Clergy]] would lawfully impose Church adherence to the King and the nation of France by having the state pay them salaries for their service and holding popular elections for the priests and bishops. He strongly supported that government influence remain limited to the people and the King, not a single entity.<ref>Sutherland, Donald. The French Revolution and Empire: The Quest for a Civic Order. Oxfork, UK: Blackwell Pub., 2003. Print.</ref>

Barnave also advocated in favor of freedom of speech and the protection of private property. His views were in accord with those the [[Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen]], all citizens were entitled to the purchase and ownership of 'immovables' that were not to be taken away or trespassed unless it were deemed necessary. He said individuals had to possess the liberty to express what they feel and believe in, arguing that the voice of the French people was not to be silenced. The independent quality of ownership of land or business would encourage financial, political, and societal progress.<ref>Bradby, E. D. The Life of Barnave. Oxford: Clarendon Pr., 1915. Print.</ref>

==Ideas for economic advancement==

===Decree of Lands===

To Barnave, allocating the appropriated land of the [[History of Roman Catholicism in France|Church]] among the French people would help abate the economic burden and starvation in the country. Having land put up as collateral enables France to receive loans from foreign nations. The land would also become a source of food for the hungry through harvests. This encourages a system of production and sale to stimulate the economy. Barnave saw that the Church, being first estate, had great power and wealth. To him, the roles of the clergy, priests, and bishops resided on spreading the message of God and thus should not oppose providing His children with basic proprietary rights.<ref>Doyle, William. The Oxford History of the French Revolution. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2003. Print.</ref> He stood with the [[Civil Constitution of the Clergy|Decree on Church Lands]] which provided each clergymen with no more than an annual income of 1200 livres while retaining ownership of his residency and lawn.<ref>Popiel, Jennifer J., Mark C. Carnes, and [[Gary Kates]]. Rousseau, Burke, and Revolution in France, 1791. 2nd ed. New York: W.W. Norton, 2015. Print.</ref> He believed that laborers working this land would strengthen the role of France in the manufacturing sector and revitalize the quality and quantity of agricultural goods.<ref>Blanning, Timothy C. W. The French Revolution: Class War or Culture Clash? Second ed. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1998. Print.</ref>

===End of feudalism and taxation on the nobility===

In 1789, Barnave was one of the key figures to advise King [[Louis XVI]] to work in unison with the [[National Assembly (French Revolution)|National Assembly]] in order to prevent riots that seek an anarchic form of government. He argued that the [[French Revolution|revolution]] had sparked a necessary change in politics. The [[Constitutional monarchy]] was a way to maintain an improved version of French tradition.<ref>Barnave, Antoine, and Emanuel Chill. Power, Property, and History; Barnave's Introduction to the French Revolution and Other Writings. New York: Harper & Row, 1971. Print.</ref> However, the [[Estates of the realm|nobility's]] special privileges provided by the [[Feudalism|Feudal system]] were to be fully terminated. People of higher class had to adhere to the same laws and regulations as did any common citizen, so taxation would be equally applicable to them. Noblemen especially would contribute to tax revenue that will ameliorate France's national debt. Barnave was strongly in favor of making France into a country that allowed people unrestricted economic or entrepreneurial practices, enabling all citizens to take part in the offerings of commercial markets.<ref>Markoff, John. Abolition of Feudalism: Peasants, Lords, and Legislators in the French Revolution. Place of Publication Not Identified: Lightning Source, 2004. Print.</ref>

===Slaves in Saint-Domingue===
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Barnave argued that successful political changes, incorporation of equal rights, and an inclusive government stem from successful financial progression. Without a sound economic state, France would not be able to compete with foreign powers, and the people would not have the opportunity to improve their lives or truly live freely.<ref>Barnave, Antoine, and Emanuel Chill. Power, Property, and History; Barnave's Introduction to the French Revolution and Other Writings. New York: Harper & Row, 1971. Print.Barnave, Antoine, and Emanuel Chill. Power, Property, and History; Barnave's Introduction to the French Revolution and Other Writings. New York: Harper & Row, 1971. Print.</ref> [[Slavery]] in [[Saint-Domingue]] allowed the cultivation and sale of coffee and sugar to thrive. He opposed discrimination against any race but also understood how the [[Atlantic slave trade|African slaves]] contributed to the only source of wealth France had at a moment of deep financial crisis. He advocated that [[Abolitionism|abolishing slavery]] was not an economically smart course of action.<ref>De Stael, Germaine. Considerations on the Principal Events of the French Revolution. Ed. Aurelian Craiutu. English ed. Indianapolis: Liberty Funds, 1818. Print.</ref>

==From violence to compromise==

After the [[Storming of the Bastille]], Barnave argued that violence led the citizens of France to their desired goals – the start of the Revolution and constitutional change. It was now time for people, despite their factions and distinct beliefs, to compromise and unite. Barnave advised the members of the National Assembly of the King's role in achieving this. King [[Louis XVI]] would enable [[French Constitution of 1791|the new Constitution of France]] to pass smoothly, and cease the bloodshed by working alongside the people of France. The economy was too weak to sustain the costs of military action against foreign or domestic rivals.<ref>Goldhammer, Arthur. In ''A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution''. Eds. François Furet and Mona Ozouf.</ref>

[[File:AntoineBarnave.jpg|thumb|Barnave in prison where he wrote his ''Introduction to the French Revolution'']]
When Louis XVI and the royal family were arrested after the [[Flight to Varennes]], Barnave was one of the three appointed to bring them back to Paris, together with [[Jérôme Pétion de Villeneuve]] and [[Charles César de Fay de La Tour-Maubourg]]. During the journey, he began to feel compassion for queen [[Marie Antoinette]] and the royal family, and subsequently attempted to do what he could to alleviate their sufferings. In one of his most powerful speeches, he maintained the [[Sovereign immunity|inviolability of the king's person]].<ref name="EB1911"/>

==Correspondence with Marie Antoinette==
It was during the escort of the royal family from Varennes back to Paris that Barnave first met queen Marie Antoinette. Though their initial interactions were marked by Barnave's shy attempts to avoid eye contact, the queen was soon able to charm the twenty-nine-year-old politician and earn his favor. On the journey back to Paris, the two were reported to have been seen conversing intently on several occasions within the carriage, and near the rest stops. Purportedly, the subject of these conversations included Barnave and the rest of the Feuillants' fervent belief that a [[constitutional monarchy]] was the most viable solution for ending the [[French Revolution|revolution]] with a minimum of further bloodshed.

Much evidence indicates that, because her closest friends, including [[Count Axel von Fersen the Younger|Count von Fersen]], who had organized the flight from Paris, were absent, [[Marie Antoinette]] was attempting to influence Barnave and his fellow ''Feuillants'' as a way to ensure her family's safety. She may also have dared to hope that it was still possible to reinstate some form of the former monarchy. Barnave was taken by the queen's charm and waited for her to call on him when she was in grave circumstances.

A few weeks later, in early July 1791, Marie Antoinette wrote to Barnave the first of a long series of cryptic letters. Referring to him by a code name, Barnave received his letters through an unknown similarly codenamed intermediary. Her instructions were that her letter be read while the intermediary stood by to accept a reply. He then would return both documents to the queen. She herself never wrote any of the letters; instead, she dictated them so as to avoid embarrassing, and possibly incriminating, documentation. Barnave pursued the Queen's support of furthering his political agenda of establishing a constitutional monarch. He believed that her support would improve the public opinion on the royal family by preventing her brother, the [[Leopold II, Holy Roman Emperor|Emperor of Austria]], from invading France and imposing upon it an [[Absolute monarchy|absolutist monarchical state of government]] that conflicted with the ideals of the French Revolution.<ref>Plain, Nancy. Louis XVI, Marie-Antoinette, and the French Revolution. New York: Benchmark, 2002. Print.</ref> However, as communication between the two increased, it became evident to Barnave that Antoinette had no intentions of working alongside him but was in fact attempting to emotionally manipulate him. Their conversations led to nothing more than rejection by the Queen and suspicions leading Barnave to be labeled as a traitor to the French and their cause for revolution.<ref name="Heidstein">{{cite book|last1=Gustaf Von Heidenstam|first1=Oscar|title=The Letters of Marie Antoinette, Fersen and Barnave|date=1926|publisher=John Lane|location=London}}</ref>

Eventually, the entire series of letters were smuggled out of the [[Tuileries]] to Count von Fersen who sent them to his sister in [[Sweden]] where they remain today. The letters revealed that Barnave was confident of his influence in the National Assembly, especially in light of the [[Champ de Mars Massacre|massacre at the ''Champ de Mars'']].

==Feuillant and fall from power==
As the [[Jacobin Club]] grew more radically in favor of a republic, Barnave and the other two members of the triumvirate broke away from it and formed the [[Feuillant (political group)|''Feuillant'' political group]] on 18 July 1791. In July and August 1791, Barnave reached the height of his political prominence after 17 July 1791 [[Champ de Mars Massacre]] weakened the position of the [[Jacobin]]s.

The ''Feuillants'' began to lose political power by early autumn, when disagreements arose with the growing influence of [[Jacques Pierre Brissot]] and his supporters, known as the [[Girondists]]. After the ''Feuillants'' opposed war against [[Habsburg monarchy|Austria]], they were driven out of the Assembly. Barnave's public career came to an end, and he returned to [[Grenoble]] at the beginning of 1792. His sympathy for and relations with the royal family, to whom he had submitted a plan for a counter-revolution, and his desire to check the violence of the Revolution, brought on him suspicion of [[treason]].<ref name="EB1911"/>

He was denounced on 15 August 1792 in the Legislative Assembly, arrested and imprisoned for ten months in Grenoble, then transferred to Fort Barraux (also called ''Fort Saint-Barthélémy''), near [[Barraux]] in the [[Isère]] department, and in November 1793 to Paris (during the [[Reign of Terror]]). On 28 November, he appeared before the [[Revolutionary Tribunal]]. He was condemned for treason on the evidence of papers detailing his extensive clandestine correspondence with Marie Antoinette discovered in Louis XVI's ''[[armoire de fer]]'' at the [[Tuileries Palace]]. Barnave was [[guillotine]]d in Paris the following day, 29 November 1793,<ref name=":0" /> as was [[Marguerite-Louis-François Duport-Dutertre]], former Minister of Justice.<ref name="EB1911"/>

==Publications==
Barnave's (posthumously published) ''Introduction à la rèvolution française'' anticipates in its sociology the work of [[Auguste Comte]];<ref>J H Thompson, ''The French Revolution'' (Oxford 1943) p. 251</ref> and the Marxist concept of the [[mode of production]].<ref>R Meek, ''Social Science and the Ignoble Savage'' (Cambridge 1976) p. 229</ref>

Barnave's belief that "just as landed property is the basis of aristocracy and federalism, commercial property is the principle of democracy and unity",<ref>Quoted in R Meek, ''Social Science and the Ignoble Savage'' (Cambridge 1976) p. 228</ref> explicitly tied political relations to underlying differences in economic structures.

==Notes==
{{reflist}}

==Further reading==
*Andress, David. ''The Terror: The Merciless War for Freedom in Revolutionary France'' New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 2005. pp.&nbsp;38–70.
* Furet, François and Mona Ozouf, eds. ''A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution'' (1989), pp.&nbsp;186–96
* Hardman, John. ''Marie Antoinette: The making of a French queen'' (Yale University Press, 2019.
* Linton, Marisa, ''Choosing Terror: Virtue, Friendship and Authenticity in the French Revolution'' (Oxford University Press, 2013).
* Linton, Marisa, 'Friends, Enemies and the Role of the Individual', in Peter McPhee (ed.), ''Companion to the History of the French Revolution'' (Wiley-Blackwell, 2013), 263–77.

===Primary sources===
*Barnave's ''Œuvres posthumes'' were published in 1842 by [[Alphonse-Marie-Marcellin-Thomas Bérenger|Bérenger]] (de la Drôme) in 4 volumes.
* Joseph Barnave and Emanuel Chill. ''Power, Property and History: Introduction to the French Revolution'' (1972), includes a translation of Barnave's  ''Introduction to the French Revolution'' and a 74pp preface by Chill
*Heidenstam, Oscar Gustaf von, Marie Antoinette, Hans Axel von Fersen, and Joseph Barnave. 1926. The letters of Marie Antoinette, Fersen and Barnave. London: John Lane.

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{{DEFAULTSORT:Barnave, Antoine Pierre Joseph Marie}}
[[Category:1761 births]]
[[Category:1793 deaths]]
[[Category:Politicians from Grenoble]]
[[Category:Huguenots]]
[[Category:Jacobins]]
[[Category:Feuillants]]
[[Category:Members of the National Constituent Assembly (France)]]
[[Category:Mayors of Grenoble]]
[[Category:French people executed by guillotine during the French Revolution]]