View source for Autonomous communities of Spain

{{Short description|First-level administrative divisions of Spain}}
{{Redirect|Regions of Spain}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=September 2024 }}
{{Infobox subdivision type
| name = Autonomous communities<br />
<div style="font-size:85%;font-weight:normal;">
{{langx|es|comunidad autónoma}}{{efn|{{IPA|es|komuniˈðað awˈtonoma|small=no}}}}<br />
{{langx|an|comunidat autonoma}}<br />
{{langx|ast|comunidá autónoma}}<br />
{{langx|eu|autonomia erkidegoa}}{{efn|{{IPA|eu|autonomi.a erkiðeɣo|small=no}}}}<br />
{{langx|ca|comunitat autònoma}}{{efn|{{IPA|ca|kumuniˈtat əwˈtɔnumə|small=no}}, {{IPA|ca-valencia|komuniˈtat awˈtɔnoma|small=no}}}}<br />
{{langx|gl|comunidade autónoma}}{{efn|{{IPA|gl|komuniˈðaðɪ awˈtɔnʊmɐ|small=no}}}}<br />
{{langx|oc|comunautat autonòma}}
</div>
| alt_name = 
| map = {{Autonomous regions of Spain}}
| category = [[Autonomous administrative division]]
| territory = [[Spain|Kingdom of Spain]]
| upper_unit = 
| start_date = 1979–1983
| legislation_begin = [[Constitution of Spain|Spanish Constitution of 1978]]
| legislation_end = 
| end_date = 
| current_number = [[#List of autonomous communities|17 autonomous communities]]<br />[[#Autonomous cities|2 autonomous cities]]
| number_date = 
| type = 
| status = 
| exofficio = 
| population_range = Autonomous communities:<br />324,184 ([[La Rioja]]) – 8,631,862 ([[Andalusia]])<br />Autonomous cities:<br />83,179 ([[Ceuta]]) – 85,985 ([[Melilla]])
| area_range = Autonomous communities:<br />4,992 km<sup>2</sup> ([[Balearic Islands]]) – 94,223 km<sup>2</sup> ([[Castile and León]])<br />Autonomous cities:<br />12.3 km<sup>2</sup> ([[Melilla]]) – 18.5 km<sup>2</sup> ([[Ceuta]])
| government = [[Autonomous Communities Administration|Autonomous governments]]
| government2 = [[Government of Spain|National government]]
| subdivision = [[Provinces of Spain|Provinces]]
| subdivision1 = [[Comarcas of Spain|Comarcas]]
| subdivision2 = [[Municipalities of Spain|Municipalities]]
}}

The '''autonomous communities'''<ref>M. Z. Dankowski, ''Zagadnienie stołeczności miast w regionach autonomicznych Hiszpanii, Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego,'' s. 173-187.</ref> ({{langx|es|comunidad autónoma}}) are the first-level [[political divisions of Spain|administrative divisions]] of [[Spain]], created in accordance with the [[Constitution of Spain|Spanish Constitution of 1978]], with the aim of guaranteeing limited autonomy to the [[nationalities and regions of Spain|nationalities and regions]] that make up Spain.{{sfn|Spanish Constitution|1978|loc=Articles 2, 143}}

There are 17 autonomous communities and two autonomous cities ([[Ceuta]] and [[Melilla]]) that are collectively known as "'''autonomies'''".{{efn-lr|"Autonomies" (in Spanish: ''autonomías'', in Basque: ''autonomien'', in Catalan/Valencian: ''autonomies'', in Galician: ''autonomías'').}} The two autonomous cities have the right to become autonomous communities.

The autonomous communities exercise their right to self-government within the limits set forth in the constitution and [[Organic Law (Spain)|organic laws]] known as [[Statute of Autonomy|Statutes of Autonomy]],{{efn-lr|"Statutes of Autonomy" (in Spanish: ''Estatutos de Autonomía'', in Basque: ''Autonomia Estatutuen'', in Catalan/Valencian: ''Estatuts d'Autonomia'', in Galician: ''Estatutos de Autonomía'').}} which broadly define the powers that they assume.

Each statute sets out the devolved powers ({{langx|es|competencia}}) for each community; typically those communities with stronger local nationalism have more powers, and this type of devolution has been called ''asymmetrical'' which is on the whole seen as advantageous, able to respond to diversity.<ref name=tanja>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=j1YzvIIiOAYC|title=States and Regions in the European Union|last=Börzel|first=Tanja A|publisher=University Press, Cambridge|pages=93–151|year=2002|access-date=20 October 2012|isbn=978-0521008600}}</ref>

Despite the Constitution not setting a mandatory [[legislative chamber]] framework, all autonomous communities have chosen [[unicameralism]]. All such governments have legislative and executive branches of government but not judicial.

==Decentralisation model==
{{main|Political_divisions_of_Spain#Decentralisation_model|l1=Political divisions of Spain}}
The Spanish model is generally considered by foreign political scientists and scholars as "a federal system with certain peculiarities".{{sfn|Colino|2020|p=75}} However it is also described as a decentralised<ref name="sinopsis145">{{cite web|url=https://app.congreso.es/consti/constitucion/indice/sinopsis/sinopsis.jsp?art=145&tipo=2|title=Sinópsis of Article 145|work=Constitución española (con sinópsis)|last=Bacigalupo Sagesse|first=Mariano|publisher=[[Congress of Deputies (Spain)|Congress of the Deputies]]|date=June 2005|access-date=28 January 2012}}</ref>{{sfn|Ruíz-Huerta Carbonell|Herrero Alcalde|2008|p=ix}} unitary country. While sovereignty is vested in the nation as a whole, represented in the central institutions of government, the nation has, to varying degrees, [[devolution|devolved]] power to the communities.

This unique framework of territorial administration has been labeled by the [[Constitutional Court of Spain|Constitutional Court]] as the "State of Autonomous Communities",{{efn-lr|"State of Autonomies" (in Spanish: ''Estado de las Autonomías'', in Basque: ''Autonomien Estatuaren'', in Catalan/Valencian: ''Estat de les Autonomies'', in Galician: ''Estado das Autonomías''). Also known as "Autonomous State"<!-- ambiguous English meaning, direct translation of "Estado Autonómico" -->{{sfn|Arbós Marín|2013|page=375}} (in Spanish: ''Estado Autonómico'', in Basque: ''Autonomia Estatuko'', or ''Estatuaren'', in Catalan/Valencian: ''Estat Autonòmic'', in Galician: ''Estado Autonómico'')}} to avoid implying either a [[Unitary state|unitary]] or [[federation|federal]] model.<ref>{{cite web |title=Synopsis of Article 137 of the Spanish Constitucion |url=https://app.congreso.es/consti/constitucion/indice/sinopsis/sinopsis.jsp?art=137&tipo=2 |publisher=Congreso de los Diputados [Congress] |access-date=11 June 2023 |year=2011 |language=Spanish |ref={{harvid| Synopsis of Article 137|2011}}}} paragraph 2-4</ref> Some scholars have referred to the resulting system as a federal system in all but name, or a "federation without federalism".{{sfn|Arbós Marín|2013|page=375}}

== List of autonomous communities ==
The official names of the autonomous communities can be in Spanish only (which applies to the majority of them), in the co-official language in the community only (as in the Valencian Community and the Balearic Islands), or in both Spanish and the co-official language (as in the Basque Country, Navarre and Galicia). Since 2006, [[Occitan language|Occitan]]—in its [[Aranese language|Aranese dialect]]—is also a co-official language in Catalonia, making it the only autonomous community whose name has three official variants (Spanish: ''Cataluña'', Catalan: ''Catalunya'', Occitan: ''Catalonha'').
{{mw-datatable}}
{| class="wikitable sortable mw-datatable"
|-
! class="unsortable" style="width:50px" | Flag
! Autonomous<br />community
! Capital
! colspan="2" | [[President (Autonomous Community of Spain)|President]]
! Legislature
! Government<br />coalition
! [[Senate of Spain|Senate]]<br />seats
! Area<br />(km<sup>2</sup>)
! Pop.<br />(2024)<ref name=population2024>{{Cite web|url=https://www.ine.es/jaxiT3/Tabla.htm?t=67988|title=Annual population census 2021-2024|website=ine.es|access-date=29 January 2025}}</ref>
! Density<br />(/km<sup>2</sup>)
! [[Gross regional product|GRP]] per capita ([[euro|€]]) 2023<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.ine.es/dyngs/Prensa/en/CRE2023.htm | title=Spanish Regional Accounts 2000-2023 Series|website=ine.es}}</ref>
! Status
|-
| align="center" | {{Flagdeco|Andalusia|size=75px|text=none}}
| [[Andalusia]]
| [[Seville]]
| [[Juan Manuel Moreno]] ([[People's Party (Spain)|PP]])
| width="1" style="color:inherit;background:{{party color|People's Party (Spain)}};"|
| [[Parliament of Andalusia|Parliament]]
| [[People's Party of Andalusia|PP]]
| 41 (9 RA, 32 DE)
| align="right" | 87,268 <small>(17.2%)</small>
| align="right" | 8,631,862
| align="right" | 96
| align="center" | 23,218
| Nationality
|-
| align="center" | {{Flagdeco|Aragon|size=75px|text=none}}
| [[Aragon]]
| [[Zaragoza]]
| [[Jorge Azcón]] (PP)
| width="1" style="color:inherit;background:{{party color|People's Party (Spain)}};"|
| [[Cortes of Aragon|Cortes]]
| [[People's Party of Aragon|PP]], [[Vox (political party)|Vox]] <small>(until July 2024)</small>
PP <small>(since July 2024)</small>
| 14 (2 RA, 12 DE)
| align="right" | 47,719 <small>(9.4%)</small>
| style="text-align:right" | 1,351,591
| align="right" | 28
| align="center" | 34,658
| Nationality
|-
| align="center" | {{Flagdeco|Asturias|size=75px|text=none}}
| [[Asturias]]
| [[Oviedo]]
| [[Adrián Barbón]] ([[Spanish Socialist Workers' Party|PSOE]])
| width="1" style="color:inherit;background:{{party color|Spanish Socialist Workers' Party}};"|
| [[General Junta of the Principality of Asturias|General Junta]]
| [[Asturian Socialist Federation|FSA–PSOE]], [[United Left of Asturias|IU–IX]], [[Asturian Left|IAS]]
| 6 (2 RA, 4 DE)
| align="right" | 10,604 <small>(2.1%)</small>
| style="text-align:right" | 1,009,599
| align="right" | 96
| align="center" | 28,130
| Historical community
|-
| align="center" | {{Flagdeco|Balearic Islands|size=75px|text=none}}
| [[Balearic Islands]]
| [[Palma de Mallorca|Palma]]
| [[Marga Prohens]] (PP)
| width="1" style="color:inherit;background:{{party color|People's Party (Spain)}};"|
| [[Parliament of the Balearic Islands|Parliament]]
| [[People's Party of the Balearic Islands|PP]]
| 7 (2 RA, 5 DE)
| align="right" | 4,992 <small>(1%)</small>
| style="text-align:right" | 1,231,768
| align="right" | 230
| align="center" | 34,381
| Nationality
|-
| align="center" | {{Flagdeco|Basque Country|size=75px|text=none}}
| [[Basque Country (autonomous community)|Basque Country]]
| [[Vitoria-Gasteiz]]<br /><small>(''[[de facto]]'' seat of institutions)</small>
| [[Imanol Pradales]] ([[Basque Nationalist Party|PNV]])
| width="1" style="color:inherit;background:{{party color|Basque Nationalist Party}};"|
| [[Basque Parliament|Parliament]]
| [[Basque Nationalist Party|PNV]], [[Socialist Party of the Basque Country–Basque Country Left|PSE-EE (PSOE)]]
| 15 (3 RA, 12 DE)
| align="right" | 7,234 <small>(1.4%)</small>
| style="text-align:right" | 2,227,684
| align="right" | 305
| align="center" | 39,547
| Nationality
|-
| align="center" | {{Flagdeco|Canary Islands|size=75px|text=none}}
| [[Canary Islands]]
| [[Las Palmas]],<br />[[Santa Cruz de Tenerife|Santa Cruz]]
| [[Fernando Clavijo Batlle]] ([[Canarian Coalition|CC]])
| width="1" style="color:inherit;background:{{party color|Canarian Coalition}};"|
| [[Parliament of the Canary Islands|Parliament]]
| [[Canarian Coalition|CC]], [[People's Party of the Canary Islands|PP]], [[Gomera Socialist Group|ASG]], [[Independent Herrenian Group|AHI]]
| 14 (3 RA, 11 DE)
| align="right" | 7,447 <small>(1.5%)</small>
| style="text-align:right" | 2,238,754
| align="right" | 289
| align="center" | 24,345
| Nationality
|-
| align="center" | {{Flagdeco|Cantabria|size=75px|text=none}}
| [[Cantabria]]
| [[Santander, Spain|Santander]]
| [[María José Sáenz de Buruaga]] (PP)
| width="1" style="color:inherit;background:{{party color|People's Party (Spain)}};"|
| [[Parliament of Cantabria|Parliament]]
| [[People's Party of Cantabria|PP]]
| 5 (1 RA, 4 DE)
| align="right" | 5,321 <small>(1%)</small>
| style="text-align:right" | 590,851
| align="right" | 109
| align="center" | 28,461
| Historical community
|-
| align="center" | {{Flagdeco|Castile and León|size=75px|text=none}}
| [[Castile and León]]
| [[Valladolid]]<br /><small>(''[[de facto]]'' seat of institutions)</small>
| [[Alfonso Fernández Mañueco]] (PP)
| width="1" style="color:inherit;background:{{party color|People's Party (Spain)}};"|
| [[Cortes of Castile and León|Cortes]]
| [[People's Party of Castile and León|PP]], [[Vox (political party)|Vox]] <small>(until July 2024)</small>
PP <small>(since July 2024)</small>
| 39 (3 RA, 36 DE)
| align="right" | 94,223 <small>(18.6%)</small>
| style="text-align:right" | 2,391,682
| align="right" | 25
| align="center" | 29,698
| Historical community
|-
| align="center" | {{Flagdeco|Castile-La Mancha|size=75px|text=none}}
| [[Castilla–La Mancha]]
| [[Toledo, Spain|Toledo]]
| [[Emiliano García-Page]] (PSOE)
| width="1" style="color:inherit;background:{{party color|Spanish Socialist Workers' Party}};"|
| [[Cortes of Castilla–La Mancha|Cortes]]
| [[Socialist Party of Castilla–La Mancha|PSOE]]
| 23 (3 RA, 20 DE)
| align="right" | 79,463 <small>(15.7%)</small>
| style="text-align:right" | 2,104,433
| align="right" | 26
| align="center" | 25,758
| Region
|-
| align="center" | {{Flagdeco|Catalonia|size=75px|text=none}}
| [[Catalonia]]
| [[Barcelona]]
| [[Salvador Illa]] ([[Socialists' Party of Catalonia|PSC]])
| width="1" style="color:inherit;background:{{party color|Socialists' Party of Catalonia}};"|
| [[Parliament of Catalonia|Parliament]]
| [[Socialists' Party of Catalonia|PSC]]
| 24 (8 RA, 16 DE)
| align="right" | 32,114 <small>(6.3%)</small>
| style="text-align:right" | 8,012,231
| align="right" | 239
| align="center" | 35,325
| Nationality
|-
| align="center" | {{Flagdeco|Extremadura|size=75px|text=none}}
| [[Extremadura]]
| [[Mérida, Spain|Mérida]]
| [[María Guardiola]] (PP)
| width="1" style="color:inherit;background:{{party color|People's Party (Spain)}};"|
| [[Assembly of Extremadura|Assembly]]
| [[People's Party of Extremadura|PP]], [[Vox (political party)|Vox]] <small>(until July 2024)</small>
PP <small>(since July 2024)</small>
| 10 (2 RA, 8 DE)
| align="right" | 41,634 <small>(8.2%)</small>
| style="text-align:right" | 1,054,681
| align="right" | 26
| align="center" | 23,604
| Region
|-
| align="center" | {{Flagdeco|Galicia|size=75px|text=none}}
| [[Galicia (Spain)|Galicia]]
| [[Santiago de Compostela]]
| [[Alfonso Rueda]] (PP)
| width="1" style="color:inherit;background:{{party color|People's Party (Spain)}};"|
| [[Parliament of Galicia|Parliament]]
| [[People's Party of Galicia|PP]]
| 19 (3 RA, 16 DE)
| align="right" | 29,574 <small>(5.8%)</small>
| style="text-align:right" | 2,705,833
| align="right" | 91
| align="center" | 28,644
| Nationality
|-
| align="center" | {{Flagdeco|La Rioja (Spain)|size=75px|text=none}}
| [[La Rioja]]
| [[Logroño]]
| [[Gonzalo Capellán]] (PP)
| width="1" style="color:inherit;background:{{party color|People's Party (Spain)}};"|
| [[Parliament of La Rioja|Parliament]]
| [[People's Party of La Rioja|PP]]
| 5 (1 RA, 4 DE)
| align="right" | 5,045 <small>(1%)</small>
| style="text-align:right" | 324,184
| align="right" | 63
| align="center" | 32,828
| Region
|-
| align="center" | {{Flagdeco|Community of Madrid|size=75px|text=none}}
| [[Community of Madrid|Madrid]]
| [[Madrid|City of Madrid]]
| [[Isabel Díaz Ayuso]] (PP)
| width="1" style="color:inherit;background:{{party color|People's Party (Spain)}};"|
| [[Assembly of Madrid|Assembly]]
| [[People's Party of the Community of Madrid|PP]]
| 11 (7 RA, 4 DE)
| align="right" | 8,028 <small>(1.6%)</small>
| style="text-align:right" | 7,009,268
| align="right" | 830
| align="center" | 42,198
| Region
|-
| align="center" | {{Flagdeco|Region of Murcia|size=75px|text=none}}
| [[Region of Murcia|Murcia]]
| [[Murcia|City of Murcia]]
| [[Fernando López Miras]] (PP)
| width="1" style="color:inherit;background:{{party color|People's Party (Spain)}};"|
| [[Regional Assembly of Murcia|Regional Assembly]]
| [[People's Party of the Region of Murcia|PP]], [[Vox (political party)|Vox]] <small>(until July 2024)</small>
PP <small>(since July 2024)</small>
| 6 (2 RA, 4 DE)
| align="right" | 11,313 <small>(2.9%)</small>
| style="text-align:right" | 1,568,492
| align="right" | 132
| align="center" | 25,887
| Region
|-
| align="center" | {{Flagdeco|Navarre|size=75px|text=none}}
| [[Navarre]]
| [[Pamplona]]
| [[María Chivite]] (PSOE)
| width="1" style="color:inherit;background:{{party color|Spanish Socialist Workers' Party}};"|
| [[Parliament of Navarre|Parliament]]
| [[Socialist Party of Navarre|PSN-PSOE]], [[Geroa Bai|GBai]], [[Contigo Navarra|CN-ZN]]
| 5 (1 RA, 4 DE)
| align="right" | 10,391 <small>(2%)</small>
| style="text-align:right" | 678,333
| align="right" | 63
| align="center" | 37,088
| Nationality
|-
| align="center" | {{Flagdeco|Valencian Community|size=75px|text=none}}
| [[Valencian Community|Valencia]]
| [[Valencia|City of Valencia]]
| [[Carlos Mazón]] (PP)
| width="1" style="color:inherit;background:{{party color|People's Party (Spain)}};"|
| [[Corts Valencianes|Corts]]
| [[People's Party of the Valencian Community|PP]], [[Vox (political party)|Vox]] <small>(until July 2024)</small>
PP <small>(since July 2024)</small>
| 17 (5 RA, 12 DE)
| align="right" | 23,255 <small>(4.6%)</small>
| style="text-align:right" | 5,319,285
| align="right" | 215
| align="center" | 26,453
| Nationality
|}

''RA: Regionally Appointed''

''DE: Directly Elected''

=== Autonomous cities ===
{| class="wikitable sortable mw-datatable"
|-
! class="unsortable" style="width:50px" | Flag
! class="unsortable" style="width:50px" | Coat of arms
! Autonomous<br />city
! Mayor-President
! Legislature
! Government<br />coalition
! [[Senate of Spain|Senate]] seats
! Area<br />(km<sup>2</sup>)
! Pop.<br />(2024)<ref name=population2024>{{Cite web|url=https://www.ine.es/jaxiT3/Tabla.htm?t=67988|title=Annual population census 2021-2024|website=ine.es|access-date=29 January 2025}}</ref>
! Density<br />(/km<sup>2</sup>)
! [[Gross regional product|GRP]] per capita <br />([[euro|€]]) 2023<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.ine.es/dyngs/Prensa/en/CRE2023.htm | title=Spanish Regional Accounts 2000-2023 Series|website=ine.es}}</ref>
|-
| align="center" | {{Flagdeco|Ceuta|size=75px|text=none}}
| {{Coat of arms|Ceuta|size=50px|text=none}}
| [[Ceuta]]
| [[Juan Jesús Vivas]] (PP)
| [[Assembly of Ceuta|Assembly]]
| [[People's Party of Ceuta|PP]]
| 2 (DE)
| align="right" | 18.5
| align="right" | 83,179
| align="right" | 4,583
| align="right" | 22,751
|-
| align="center" | {{Flagdeco|Melilla|size=75px|text=none}}
| {{Coat of arms|Melilla|size=50px|text=none}}
| [[Melilla]]
| [[Juan José Imbroda]] (PP)
| [[Assembly of Melilla|Assembly]]
| [[People's Party of Melilla|PP]]
| 2 (DE)
| align="right" | 12.3
| align="right" | 85,985
| align="right" | 7,031
| align="right" | 20,479
|}

''DE: Directly Elected''

==History==
{{Main|History of the territorial organization of Spain|Nationalities and regions of Spain}}

===Background===
[[File:España1757.jpg|thumb|upright=1.6|A map of [[Iberia]] in 1757]]
Spain is a diverse country made up of several different regions with varying economic and social structures, as well as different languages and historical, political and cultural traditions.<ref name=villar>{{cite web|url=http://www.stormingmedia.us/46/4624/A462453.html|last=Villar|first=Fernando P.|title=Nationalism in Spain: Is It a Danger to National Integrity?|publisher=Storming Media, Pentagon Reports|date=June 1998|access-date=3 February 2012|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130927225951/http://www.stormingmedia.us/46/4624/A462453.html|archive-date=27 September 2013|url-status=dead}}</ref><ref name=shabad>{{cite journal|title=Language, Nationalism and Political Conflict in Spain|journal = Comparative Politics|volume = 14|issue = 4|pages = 443–477|last1=Shabad|first1=Goldie|last2=Gunther|first2=Richard|publisher=Comparative Politics Vol 14 No. 4|date=July 1982|jstor = 421632|doi = 10.2307/421632}}</ref> While the entire Spanish territory was united under one crown in 1479, this was not a process of national homogenization or amalgamation. The constituent territories—be they crowns, kingdoms, principalities or dominions—retained much of their former institutional existence,{{sfn|Moreno|2007|loc=}} including limited legislative, judicial or fiscal autonomy. These territories also exhibited a variety of local customs, laws, languages and currencies until the mid 19th century.{{sfn|Moreno|2007|loc=}}

From the 18th century onwards, the [[Spanish royal family|Bourbon kings]] and the government tried to establish a more centralized regime. Leading figures of the [[Spanish Enlightenment]] advocated for the building of a Spanish nation beyond the internal territorial boundaries.{{sfn|Moreno|2007|loc=}} This culminated in 1833, when Spain was [[1833 territorial division of Spain|divided]] into 49 (now 50) [[provinces of Spain|provinces]], which served mostly as transmission belts for policies developed in Madrid.

Spanish history since the late 19th century has been shaped by a dialectical struggle between Spanish nationalism and peripheral nationalisms,{{sfn|Conversi|2002|loc=}}{{sfn|Moreno Fernández|2008|loc=}} mostly in Catalonia and the Basque Country, and to a lesser degree in [[Galicia (Spain)|Galicia]].

In a response to Catalan demands, limited autonomy was granted to the [[Commonwealth of Catalonia]] in 1914, only to be abolished in 1925. It was granted again in 1932 during the [[Second Spanish Republic]], when the [[Generalitat of Catalonia|Generalitat]], Catalonia's mediaeval institution of government, was restored. The constitution of 1931 envisaged a territorial division for all Spain in "autonomous regions", which was never fully attained—only [[Autonomous Region of Catalonia (1931–1939)|Catalonia]], the Basque Country and Galicia had approved "[[Statute of Autonomy|Statutes of Autonomy]]"—the process being thwarted by the [[Spanish Civil War]] that broke out in 1936, and the victory of the rebel Nationalist forces under [[Francisco Franco]].{{sfn|Conversi|2002|loc=}}

[[Francoist Spain|Franco's dictatorial regime]] strongly believed that the only way of preserving the "unity of the Spanish nation" was by ruling Spain as a highly centralized state.{{sfn|Conversi|2002|loc=}} Peripheral nationalism, along with communism and atheism, were regarded by his regime as the main threats.<ref name=frans/> His attempts to fight separatism with heavy-handed but sporadic repression,<ref name=shabad/> and his often severe suppression of language and regional identities<ref name="shabad"/> backfired: the demands for democracy became intertwined with demands for the recognition of a pluralistic vision of Spanish nationhood.{{sfn|Conversi|2002|loc=}}{{sfn|Moreno Fernández|2008|pages=78,79}}

When Franco died in 1975, Spain entered into a phase of [[Spanish transition to democracy|transition to democracy]]. The most difficult task of the newly democratically elected {{Lang|es|[[Cortes Generales]]|italic=no}} (the Spanish Parliament) in 1977 acting as a Constituent Assembly was to transition from Franco's rigid centralism to a more decentralized model{{sfn|Colomer|1998|loc=}} in a way that would satisfy the demands of the peripheral nationalists.<ref name=mundo>{{cite web|url=http://www.elmundo.es/especiales/2005/06/espana/estatutos_autonomia/historia.html|title=Café para Todos|work=La España de las Autonomías. Un Especial de elmundo.es|last=Aparicio|first=Sonia|access-date=29 January 2012}}</ref><ref name=portero>{{Cite book |last=Portero Molina |first=José Antonio |title=El Estado Autonómico: Integración, Solidaridad, Diversidad. |publisher=Instituto Nacional de Administración Pública |year=2005 |isbn=978-8478799770 |editor-last=Vidal Beltrán |editor-first=José María |volume=1 |pages=39–64 |trans-title=The Autonomous State: Integration, Solidarity, Diversity. |chapter=El Estado de las Autonomías en Tiempo de Reformas |trans-chapter=The State of the Autonomies in the time of reforms |oclc=83606618 |editor-last2=García Herrera |editor-first2=Miguel Ángel}}</ref>

The [[Prime Minister of Spain]], [[Adolfo Suárez]], met with [[Josep Tarradellas]], president of the [[Generalitat of Catalonia]] in exile. They agreed to restore the Generalitat and transfer limited powers while the constitution was still being written. Shortly after, the government allowed the creation of "assemblies of members of parliament" made up of deputies and senators of the different territories of Spain, so that they could constitute "pre-autonomic regimes" for their regions as well. {{citation needed|date=December 2015}}

The [[Fathers of the Constitution]] had to strike a balance between the opposing views of Spain—on the one hand, the centralist view inherited from monarchist and nationalist elements of Spanish society,{{sfn|Colomer|1998|loc=}} and on the other hand [[federalism]] and a pluralistic view of Spain as a "nation of nations";<ref name=sinopsis2>{{cite web |url=http://www.congreso.es/consti/constitucion/indice/sinopsis/sinopsis.jsp?art=2&tipo=2|title=Sinópsis artículo 2|work=Constitución española (con sinópsis) |last=Delgado-Ibarren García-Campero|first=Manuel| publisher=[[Congress of Deputies (Spain)|Congress of the Deputies]]|date=June 2005|access-date=28 January 2012}}</ref> between a uniform decentralization of entities with the same powers and an asymmetrical structure that would distinguish the nationalities. Peripheral nationalist parties wanted a multinational state with a federal or confederal model, whereas the governing [[Union of the Democratic Centre (Spain)|Union of the Democratic Centre]] (UCD) and the [[People's Alliance (Spain)|People's Alliance]] (AP) wanted minimum decentralization; the [[Spanish Socialist Workers' Party]] (PSOE) was sympathetic to a federal system.<ref name=frans/>

In the end, the constitution, published and ratified in 1978, found a balance in recognizing the existence of "nationalities and regions" in Spain, within the "indissoluble unity of the Spanish nation". In order to manage the tensions present in the Spanish transition to democracy, the drafters of the current Spanish constitution avoided giving labels such as 'federal' to the territorial arrangements,<ref>[https://foreignpolicy.com/2016/03/18/why-talk-of-federalism-wont-help-peace-in-syria-assad/ Why Talk of Federalism Won't Help Peace in Syria]. ''[[Foreign Policy]]''</ref> while enshrining in the constitution the right to autonomy or self-government of the "nationalities and regions", through a process of asymmetric [[devolution]] of power to the "autonomous communities" that were to be created.<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.mreza-mira.net/wp-content/uploads/Devolution-in-Spain-May-2014.pdf |title=Devolution of Powers in Spain |access-date=2016-03-31 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161012014346/http://www.mreza-mira.net/wp-content/uploads/Devolution-in-Spain-May-2014.pdf |archive-date=2016-10-12 |url-status=dead }}</ref><ref>[http://www.brandeis.edu/departments/politics/researchcircle/publications/docs/chernyha-burgpaper.pdf Devolution and Democracy: Identity, Preferences, and Voting in the Spanish "State of Autonomies"]</ref>

===Constitution of 1978===
{{Main|Spanish Constitution of 1978}}
{{See also|Political divisions of Spain}}
[[File:Primera página de la Constitución española de 1978, con escudo de 1981.jpg|thumb|First page of the Spanish Constitution.]]
The starting point in the territorial organization of Spain was the second article of the constitution,<ref name=perez>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4SnZBb6pIZkC|title=El Funcionamiento del Estado Autonómico|chapter=Desarrollo y Evolución del Estado Autonómico: El Proceso Constituyente y el Consenso Constitucional|trans-title=The Functioning of the Autonomous State|trans-chapter=Development and Evolution of the Autonomous State: The Constituent Process and the Constitutional Consensus|last=Pérez Royo|first=Javier|editor-last=Hernández Lafuente|editor-first=Adolfo|pages=50–67|publisher=Ministerio de Administraciones Públicas|date=December 1999|access-date=7 October 2012|isbn=978-8470886904|language=es}}</ref> which reads:

{{Blockquote|The Constitution is based on the indissoluble unity of the Spanish Nation, the common and indivisible homeland of all Spaniards; it recognizes and guarantees the right to self-government of the nationalities and regions of which it is composed and the solidarity among them all.|Second Article of the Spanish Constitution of 1978}}

The constitution was rather ambiguous on how this was to take place.{{sfn|Colomer|1998|loc=}}<ref name=nunez/> It does not define, detail, or impose the structure of the state;<ref name=portero/><ref name=perez/> it does not tell the difference between "nation" and "nationality"; and it does not specify which are the "nationalities" and which are the "regions", or the territories they comprise.<ref name=perez/><ref name=clavero>{{cite web|url=http://www.fundacioncajamar.es/mediterraneo/revista/me1003.pdf |title=Un balance del Estado de las Autonomías |last=Clavero Arévalo |first=Manuel |work=Colección Mediterráneo Económico, num. 10. |publisher=Fundación Caja Rural Intermediterránea |year=2006 |access-date=7 October 2012 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100409105900/http://www.fundacioncajamar.es/mediterraneo/revista/me1003.pdf |archive-date=April 9, 2010 }}</ref> Rather than imposing, it ''enables'' a process towards a decentralized structure based on the exercise that these "nationalities and regions" would make of the right to self-government that they were granted.<ref name=perez/> As such, the outcome of this exercise was not predictable<ref name=barberia>{{cite news|url=http://sociedad.elpais.com/sociedad/2012/09/30/actualidad/1349028022_631925.html|title=¿Reformamos la Constitución?|last=Barbería|first=José Luis|date=30 September 2012|newspaper=[[El País]]|access-date=23 September 2012}}</ref> and its construction was deliberately open-ended;<ref name=frans>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=u8gZklxHTMUC|title=Regionalism after Regionalisation. Spain, France and the United Kingdom|first=Frans|last=Schrijver|publisher=Vossiupers UvA. Amsterdam University Press|date=30 June 2006|isbn=978-9056294281|access-date=14 October 2012}}</ref> the constitution only created a process for an eventual [[devolution]], but it was voluntary in nature: the "nationalities and regions" themselves had the option of choosing to attain self-government or not.<ref name=sinopsis143>{{cite web |url=http://www.congreso.es/consti/constitucion/indice/sinopsis/sinopsis.jsp?art=143&tipo=2|title=Sinópsis artículo 143|work=Constitución española (con sinópsis) |last=Alonso de Antonio|first=José Antonio| publisher=[[Congress of Deputies (Spain)|Congress of the Deputies]]|date=June 2003|access-date=29 January 2012}}</ref>

In order to exercise this right, the constitution established an open process whereby the "nationalities and regions" could be constituted as "autonomous communities". [[provinces of Spain|Provinces]] would serve as the building blocks and constituent parts of the autonomous communities. The 50 provinces were a pre-existing territorial division of the liberal centralizing regime of the 19th century created for purely administrative purposes (and in the 1978 Constitution were defined as groupings of [[municipalities of Spain|municipalities]]). The constitution stipulated that the following could be constituted as autonomous communities:{{sfn|Spanish Constitution|1978|loc=Articles 143-158}}
* Two or more adjacent provinces with common historical, cultural and economic characteristics
* Insular territories
* A single province with a "historical regional identity"

It also allowed for exceptions to the above criteria, in that the Spanish Parliament could:{{sfn|Spanish Constitution|1978|loc=Article 143}}
* authorize, in the nation's interest, the constitution of an autonomous community even if it was a single province without a historical regional identity (which allowed for example, the creation of the [[Community of Madrid]], which had been part of the historical region of [[Castile–La Mancha]]); and to
* authorize or grant autonomy to entities or territories that were not provinces (which allowed for the creation of two autonomous cities, Spanish exclaves in North Africa).

[[File:Parlamento_Vasco.jpg|left|thumb|The [[Basque Parliament]] or the ''Eusko Legebiltzarra'', in session.]]

The constitution also established two "routes" to accede to autonomy. The "fast route" or "fast track",<ref name=nunez/> also called the "exception",<ref name=perez/> was established in article 151, and was implicitly reserved for the three "historical nationalities"<ref name=clavero/><ref name=sinopsisDT2>{{cite web|url=http://www.congreso.es/consti/constitucion/indice/sinopsis/sinopsis.jsp?art=2&tipo=4|title=Sinópsis Disposición Transitoria 2|publisher=[[Congress of Deputies]]|first=José Antonio|last=Alonso de Antonio|date=December 2003|access-date=29 September 2012}}</ref><ref name=brit>"[http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-70303/Spain Regional Government]". Spain. ''Encyclopædia Britannica Online'' Accessed 10 December 2007</ref>—[[Catalonia]], the [[Basque Country (autonomous community)|Basque Country]] and [[Galicia (Spain)|Galicia]], regions with strong regional identities{{sfn|Keating|2006|p=22}}—in that the very strict requirements to opt for this route were waived for those territories that had approved a "Statute of Autonomy" during the [[Second Spanish Republic]] (1931–1936).<ref name=sinopsisDT2/> Otherwise, the constitution required the approval of three-fourths of the municipalities involved whose population would be at least the majority of the electoral census of each province, and required the ratification through a [[referendum]] with the affirmative vote of the absolute majority of the electoral census of each province (that is, of all registered citizens, not only of those who would vote).

While the constitution was still being drafted, and self-government seemed likely to be granted only to the "historical nationalities", there was a popular outcry in [[Andalusia]], demanding self-government as well, which led to the creation of a quicker process for that region, which eventually self-identified as a "historical nationality" as well. In the end, the right to self-government was extended to any other region that wanted it.{{sfn|Keating|2006|p=22}}

The "slow route" or "slow track",<ref name=nunez/> also called the "norm",<ref name=perez/> was established in Article 143. This route could be taken—via the first transitory disposition—by the "pre-autonomic regimes" that had been constituted in 1978, while the constitution was still being drafted, if approved by two-thirds of all municipalities involved whose population would sum up to at least the majority of the electoral census of each province or insular territory. These communities would assume limited powers ({{langx|es|competencias}}) during a provisional period of 5 years, after which they could assume further powers, upon negotiation with the central government. However, the constitution did not explicitly establish an institutional framework for these communities. They could have established a parliamentary system like the "historical nationalities", or they could have not assumed any legislative powers and simply established mechanisms for the administration of the powers they were granted.<ref name=perez/>

The constitution also explicitly established that the institutional framework for these communities would be a [[parliamentary system]], with a Legislative Assembly elected by [[universal suffrage]], a [[cabinet (government)|cabinet]] or "council of government", a president of such a council, elected by the Assembly, and a High Court of Justice. They were also granted a maximum level of devolved powers.

[[File:Carles_Puigdemont_el_10_d'octubre_de_2017.jpg|right|thumb|The [[Parliament of Catalonia]] or the ''Parlament de Catalunya'', in 2017.]]

While the constitution did not establish how many autonomous communities were to be created, on 31 July 1981, [[Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo]], then the [[prime minister of Spain]] and [[Felipe González]], leader of the opposition in Parliament, signed the "[[First Autonomic Pacts]]" (''Primeros pactos autonómicos'' in Spanish), in which they agreed to the creation of 17 autonomous communities and two autonomous cities, with the same institutions of government, but different competences.<ref name=pactos>Aparicio, Sonia. [http://www.elmundo.es/especiales/2005/06/espana/estatutos_autonomia/historia2.html Los Pactos Autonómicos]. El Mundo. España</ref> By 1983, all 17 autonomous communities were constituted: [[Andalusia]], [[Aragon]], [[Asturias]], the [[Balearic Islands]], the [[Basque Country (autonomous community)|Basque Country]], the [[Canary Islands]], [[Cantabria]], [[Castile and León]], [[Castile–La Mancha]], [[Catalonia]], the [[Community of Madrid]], [[Extremadura]], [[Galicia (Spain)|Galicia]], [[La Rioja (Spain)|La Rioja]],  [[Navarra]], the [[Region of Murcia]] and the [[Valencian Community]].  The two autonomous cities, [[Ceuta]] and [[Melilla]] were constituted in 1995.

Once the autonomous communities were created, Article 145 prohibits the "federation of autonomous communities".{{sfn|Spanish Constitution|1978|loc=Article 145}} This was understood as any agreement between communities that would produce an alteration to the political and territorial equilibrium that would cause a confrontation between different blocks of communities, an action incompatible with the principle of solidarity and the unity of the nation.<ref name=gonzalez>{{cite web|url=http://congreso.us.es/cidc/Ponencias/federalismo/IgnacioGonzalez.pdf|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20091222190640/http://congreso.us.es/cidc/Ponencias/federalismo/IgnacioGonzalez.pdf|url-status=dead|archive-date=22 December 2009|title=La Prohibición de la Federación entre Territorios Autónomos en el Constitucionalismo Español|last=González García|first=Ignacio|publisher=Congreso Iberoamericano de Derecho Constitucional|access-date=20 October 2012}}</ref>

The so-called "additional" and "transitory" dispositions of the constitution allowed for some exceptions to the above-mentioned framework. In terms of territorial organization, the fifth transitory disposition established that the cities of [[Ceuta]] and [[Melilla]], Spanish exclaves located on the northern coast of Africa, could be constituted as "autonomous communities" if the absolute majority of the members of their city councils would agree on such a motion, and with the approval of the Spanish Parliament, which would exercise its prerogatives to grant autonomy to other entities besides provinces.<ref name=transitorias>{{cite web|url=http://www.congreso.es/consti/constitucion/indice/titulos/articulos.jsp?ini=1&fin=9&tipo=4|title=Disposiciones transitorias|work=Constitución española|author=Congreso de los Diputados|year=1978|access-date=22 October 2012}}</ref>

However [[Autonomous communities of Spain#Degree of financial autonomy|one aspect of this asymmetry]] in powers between regions is a cause of friction, namely that the [[Basque Country (autonomous community)|Basque Country]] and [[Navarre]] can raise their own taxes and negotiate a transfer to Madrid to pay for common services and hence, unlike the other regions, do not contribute to fiscal equalisation across Spain.{{sfn|Keating|2006|p=22}} These two regions or communities are known as "chartered" territories,{{efn-lr|name=lurraldeak|"Historical territories" or "chartered territories" (in Spanish: ''territorios históricos'' or ''territorios forales'', in Basque: ''lurralde historikoak'' or ''foru lurraldeak'').}}<ref name=adicionales>{{cite web|url=http://www.congreso.es/consti/constitucion/indice/titulos/articulos.jsp?ini=1&fin=4&tipo=3|title=Disposiciones transitorias|work=Constitución española|author=Congreso de los Diputados|year=1978|access-date=22 October 2012}}</ref>
In all other communities, all taxes are levied and collected by or for the central government and then redistributed among all.

===Autonomic pacts===
[[File:Conferencia_de_Presidentes,_17_de_enero_de_2017_-_32219744902.jpg|right|thumb|350px|The Conference of Presidents in 2017, is the meeting between the [[Government of Spain]] or ''Gobierno de la Nación'' and the presidents of the Autonomous communities of Spain.]]

The Statutes of Autonomy of the Basque Country and Catalonia were sanctioned by the Spanish Parliament on 18 December 1979. The position of the party in government, the [[Union of the Democratic Centre (Spain)|Union of the Democratic Centre]] (UCD), was that only the three "historical nationalities" would assume full powers, while the rest would accede to autonomy via article 143, assuming fewer powers and perhaps not even establishing institutions of government.<ref name=rebollo>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Auv9-CI_Mv8C|last=Rebollo|first=Luis Martín|chapter=Consideraciones sobre la Reforma de los Estatutos de Autonomía de las Comunidades Autónomas|editor=Ministerio de Justicia|title=La Reforma Constitucional: XXVI Jornadas de Estudio (27, 28 y 29 de octubre de 2004)|year=2005|access-date=3 November 2012|publisher=Dirección del Servicio Jurídico del Estado|isbn=978-84-7787-815-5}}</ref> This was firmly opposed by the representatives of [[Andalusia]], who demanded for their region the maximum level of powers granted to the "nationalities".<ref name=clavero/><ref>{{cite news |date=9 December 1979 |url=https://elpais.com/diario/1979/12/09/espana/313542004_850215.html |title=El referéndum de iniciativa, barrera no exigida a las nacionalidades históricas |language=es |newspaper=El País |access-date=16 December 2019}}</ref>

After a massive rally in support of autonomy, a referendum was organized for Andalusia to attain autonomy through the strict requirements of article 151, or the "fast route"—with UCD calling for abstention, and the main party in opposition in Parliament, the [[Spanish Socialist Workers' Party]] (PSOE) calling for a vote in favour.<ref name=clavero/> These requirements were not met, as in one of the eight provinces, [[province of Almería|Almería]], votes in favour — although the plurality — did not amount to half of the electoral census as required. Yet, in general, the results of the referendum had been clear and unequivocal.<ref name=perez/>

After several months of discussion, the then prime minister of Spain, [[Adolfo Suárez]] and the [[Leader of the Opposition (Spain)|leader of the opposition]], [[Felipe González]], reached an agreement to resolve the Andalusian issue, whereby the Parliament approved an amendment to the law that regulated referendums, and used a prerogative of article 144c of the constitution, both actions which combined would allow Andalusia to take the fast route. They also agreed that no other region would take the "fast route", but that all regions would establish a parliamentary system with all institutions of government.<ref name=clavero/> This opened a phase that was dubbed as {{lang|es-ES|[[café para todos]]}}, "coffee for all".<ref name=tanja/> This agreement was eventually put into writing in July 1981 in what has been called the "first autonomic pacts".<ref name=nunez>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ogvsITQ0cmwC|chapter=The awakening of peripheral nationalisms and the State of the Autonomous Communities|last=Núñez Seixas|first=Xosé M|author-link=Xosé Manoel Núñez Seixas|editor1-last=Álvarez Junco|editor1-first=José|editor-link=José Álvarez Junco|editor2-last=Schubert|editor2-first=Adrian|title=Spanish History since 1808|publisher=Arnold Publishers|year=2000|access-date=9 October 2008|pages=315–330|isbn=978-0340662298}}</ref>

These "autonomic pacts"{{efn-lr|"Autonomic pacts" or "autonomic agreements" (in Spanish: ''pactos autonómicos'' or ''acuerdos autonómicos'').}} filled in the gap left by the open character of the constitution. Among other things:<ref name=perez/><ref name=acuerdos>{{cite web|url=http://www.idpbarcelona.net/docs/recerca/ccaa/pdf/documentos/acuerd_auton_gob_psoe_1981.pdf|title=Acuerdos Autonómicos firmados por el Gobierno de la Nación y el Partido Socialista Obrero Español el 31 de julio de 1981|date=31 July 1981|access-date=11 October 2012}}</ref>
* They described the final outline of the territorial division of Spain, with the specific number and name of the autonomous communities to be created.
* They restricted the "fast route" to the "historical nationalities" and Andalusia; all the rest had to take the "slow route".
* They established that all autonomous communities would have institutions of government within a parliamentary system.
* They set up a deadline for all the remaining communities to be constituted: 1 February 1983.

[[File:Daoiz o Velarde.jpg|right|thumb|The Spanish Parliament, Congress of Deputies]]

In the end, 17 autonomous communities were created:
* Andalusia, and the three "historical nationalities"—the Basque Country, Catalonia and Galicia—took the "fast route" and immediately assumed the maximum set of powers allowed in the constitution; the rest took the "slow route".
* [[Aragon]], [[Castilla-La Mancha]], [[Castile and León]], [[Extremadura]] and the [[Valencian Community]] acceded to autonomy as communities made up of two or more provinces with common historical, economic and cultural characteristics.
* The [[Balearic Islands]] and the [[Canary Islands]] acceded to autonomy as insular territories, the latter made up of two provinces.
* [[Asturias|Principality of Asturias]], [[Cantabria]], [[La Rioja (Spain)|La Rioja]] and [[Region of Murcia|Murcia]] acceded to autonomy as single provinces with historical identity (also called "uniprovincial" autonomous communities).
* [[Navarre]], as a single province, acceded to autonomy through the recognition, update and improvement of its historical and local "law" (charters; Spanish ''fueros''), and as such, it is known as a "chartered community".
* The province of Madrid, home to the national capital, was removed from Castilla-La Mancha (formerly [[New Castile (Spain)|New Castile]]), to which it previously belonged, and constituted as a single-province autonomous community in the "national interest", the ''[[Community of Madrid]]''.

Special provisions were made for the Valencian Community and the Canary Islands in that, although they took the "slow route", through the subsequent approval of specific organic laws, they were to assume full autonomy in less than 5 years, since they had started a process towards the "fast route" prior to the approval of the "autonomic pacts".

On the other hand, Cantabria and La Rioja, although originally part of [[Old Castile]]—and both originally included in the "pre-autonomic regime" of Castile and León—were granted autonomy as single provinces with historical identity, a move supported by the majority of their populations.{{sfn|Conversi|2002|loc=}}<ref name="clavero"/><ref name=garciaruiz>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=7eOCDrlpOC0C|title=Estudios sobre descentralización territorial. El caso particular de Colombia|editor1-last=García Ruíz|editor1-first=José Luis|editor2-last=Girón Reguera|editor2-first=Emilia|chapter=Dos siglos de cuestión territorial: de la España liberal al Estado de las autonomías|last=García Ruíz|first=José Luis|pages=109–126|publisher=Servicio de Publicaciones. Universidad de Cádiz|isbn=978-8498280371|year=2006|access-date=21 October 2012}}</ref> The "autonomic pacts" give both Cantabria and La Rioja the option of being incorporated into Castile and León in the future, and required that the Statutes of Autonomy of all three communities include such a provision.<ref name=acuerdos/> León, a historical kingdom and historical region of Spain, once joined to [[Old Castile]] to form Castile and León, was denied secession to be constituted as an autonomous community on its own right.{{sfn|Moreno Fernández|2008|p=66}}

During the second half of the 1980s, the central government seemed reluctant to transfer all powers to the "slow route" communities.<ref name="mundo" /> After the five years set up by the constitution, all "slow route" communities demanded the maximum transfer guaranteed by the constitution. This led to what has been called the "second autonomic pacts" of 1992, between the then prime minister of Spain [[Felipe González]] from PSOE and the leader of the opposition, [[José María Aznar]] from the newly created [[People's Party (Spain)|People's Party]] (PP), successor to the [[People's Alliance (Spain)|People's Alliance party]]. Through these agreements new powers were transferred, with the reforms to many Statutes of Autonomy of the "slow-route" communities with the aim of equalizing them to the "fast route" communities.<ref name=mundo/> In 1995, the cities of [[Ceuta]] and [[Melilla]] were constituted as "autonomous cities" without legislative powers, but with an autonomous assembly{{clarify|reason=How can an autonomous assembly not have legislative powers?|date=October 2014}} not subordinated to any other province or community.

The creation of the autonomous communities was a diverse process, that started with the constitution, was normalized with the autonomic pacts and was completed with the Statutes of Autonomy.<ref name=perez/> It is, however, an ongoing process; further devolution—or even the return of transferred powers—is always a possibility. This has been evidenced in the 2000s, at the beginning with a wave of approval of new Statutes of Autonomy for many communities, with many considering the recentralization of some powers after the [[2008 financial crisis]]. Nonetheless, Spain is now a decentralized country with a structure unlike any other, similar but not equal to a [[federation]],<ref name=perez/> even though in many respects the country can be compared to countries which are undeniably federal.{{sfn|Arbós Marín|2013|page=381}} The unique resulting system is referred to as "Autonomous state", or more precisely "State of Autonomies".{{sfn|Colomer|1998|loc=}}

===Current state of affairs===

With the implementation of the Autonomous Communities, Spain went from being one of the most centralized countries in the [[OECD]] to being one of the most decentralized; in particular, it has been the country where the incomes and outcomes of the decentralized bodies (the Autonomous Communities) has grown the most, leading this rank in Europe by 2015 and being fifth among OECD countries in tax devolution (after Canada, Switzerland, the United States and Austria).<ref>{{cite news|url=http://elpais.com/elpais/2017/03/15/opinion/1489609169_575022.html|title=Cataluña: Por una descentralización creíble|author=Ramon Marimon|newspaper=El País|date=23 March 2017|access-date=24 March 2017}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|url=http://www.oecd.org/publications/fiscal-federalism-2016-9789264254053-en.htm|title=Fiscal Federalism 2016: Making Decentralization Work|date=20 June 2016 |publisher=OCDE}}</ref> By means of the State of Autonomies implemented after the Spanish Constitution of 1978, Spain has been quoted to be "remarkable for the extent of the powers peacefully devolved over the past 30 years" and "an extraordinarily decentralized country", with the central government accounting for just 18% of public spending,<ref name="Mallet">{{cite news|url=https://www.ft.com/content/de6c00f0-8c25-11de-b14f-00144feabdc0 |title=Flimsier footings |last=Mallet |first=Victor |date=18 August 2010 |newspaper=Financial Times |access-date=25 August 2010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090822075253/http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/de6c00f0-8c25-11de-b14f-00144feabdc0.html |archive-date=22 August 2009 |url-status=live }}{{Registration required}}</ref> 38% by the regional governments, 13% by the local councils, and the remaining 31% by the [[social insurance|social security system]].<ref name="economist.com">{{cite news|url=http://www.economist.com/specialreports/displaystory.cfm?story_id=12501023|title=A survey of Spain: How much is enough?|newspaper=[[The Economist]]|access-date=25 August 2010|date=6 November 2008| archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20090910071548/http://www.economist.com/specialreports/displaystory.cfm?story_id=12501023| archive-date=10 September 2009| url-status= live}}{{Subscription required}}</ref>

In terms of personnel, by 2010 almost 1,350,000 people or 50.3% of the total [[civil servants]] in Spain were employed by the autonomous communities;<ref>[http://www.mpt.gob.es/servicios/empleo_publico/boletin/boletin/document_es/documento.pdf] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110904064839/http://www.mpt.gob.es/servicios/empleo_publico/boletin/boletin/document_es/documento.pdf|date=4 September 2011}}</ref> city and provincial councils accounted for 23.6% and those employees working for the central administration (police and military included) represented 22.2% of the total.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.elpais.com/articulo/sociedad/funcionario/le/cunda/elpepisoc/20110730elpepisoc_1/Tes |title=Que al funcionario le cunda más &#124; Edición impresa &#124; EL PAÍS |publisher=Elpais.com |date=2011-07-30 |access-date=2012-04-30|newspaper=El País  }}</ref>

== Movement for further autonomy ==
{{See also|Galician independence movement}}
Peripheral nationalism continues to play a key role in Spanish politics. Some peripheral nationalists view that there is a vanishing practical distinction between the terms "nationalities" and "regions",{{sfn|Keating|2006|loc=}} as more powers are transferred to all communities in roughly the same degree and as other communities have chosen to identify themselves as "nationalities". In fact, it has been argued that the establishment of the State of Autonomies "has led to the creation of "new regional identities",<ref name=smith>{{cite web|url=https://www.ucl.ac.uk/constitution-unit/sites/constitution_unit/files/64.pdf|title=Regional Government in France and Spain|last1=Smith|first1=Andy|last2=Heywood|first2=Paul|publisher=University College London|date=August 2000|access-date=11 July 2022}}</ref><ref name=junco>{{cite news|url=http://elpais.com/elpais/2012/09/28/opinion/1348855849_016658.html|title=El sueño ilustrado y el Estado-nación|last=Junco|first=José Álvarez|newspaper=[[El País]]|date=3 October 2012|access-date=23 October 2012}}</ref> and "invented communities".<ref name=junco/>
Many in Galicia, the Basque Country, and Catalonia view their communities as "nations", not just "nationalities", and Spain as a "plurinational state" or a "nation of nations", and they have made demands for further devolution or secession.

=== Basque Country ===
{{Main|Basque Country independence}}
In 2004 the Basque Parliament approved the [[Ibarretxe Plan]], whereby the Basque Country would approve a new Statute of Autonomy containing key provisions such as shared sovereignty with Spain, full independence of the [[judiciary]], and the right to [[self-determination]], and assuming all powers except that of the [[Spanish nationality law]], defense, and monetary policy. The plan was rejected by the Spanish Parliament in 2005 and the situation has remained largely stable in that front so far.

=== Catalonia ===
{{Main|Catalan independence movement}}
{{multiple image
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| footer = Pro-Catalan independence (left) and pro-Spanish unity demonstrations in [[Barcelona]].
}}A particularly contentious point – especially in Catalonia –  has been the one of fiscal tensions, with Catalan nationalists intensifying their demand for further financing during the 2010s. In this regard, the new rules for fiscal decentralisation in force since 2011 already make Spain one of the most decentralized countries in the world also in budgetary and fiscal matters,<ref name="Piketty">{{cite web|url=http://piketty.blog.lemonde.fr/2017/11/14/the-catalan-syndrom/ |title=The Catalan Syndrom |publisher=lemonde.fr |first=Thomas|last=Piketty|date=2017-11-14 |access-date=2017-11-14}}</ref> with the base for income tax split at 50/50 between the Spanish government and the regions (something unheard of in much bigger federal states such as Germany or the United States, which retain the income tax as an exclusively or primarily federal one).<ref name="Piketty"/> Besides, each region can also decide to set its own income tax bands and its own additional rates, higher or lower than the federal rates, with the corresponding income accruing to the region which no longer has to share it with other regions.<ref name="Piketty"/> This current level of fiscal decentralisation has been regarded by economists such as [[Thomas Piketty]] as troublesome since, in his view, "challenges the very idea of solidarity within the country and comes down to playing the regions against each other, which is particularly problematic when the issue is one of income tax as this is supposed to enable the reduction of inequalities between the richest and the poorest, over and above regional or professional identities".<ref name="Piketty"/>

==== Catalan independence ====
The severe [[Economy of Spain|economic crisis in Spain]] that started in 2008 produced different reactions in the different communities. On one hand, some began to consider a return of some responsibilities to the central government<ref name=abc>{{cite web|url=http://www.abc.es/20110729/espana/abcp-varias-autonomias-meditan-devolver-20110729.html|title=Varias autonomías meditan devolver competencias por el bloqueo del gobierno|publisher=[[ABC (Spain)|ABC]]|date=29 July 2011|access-date=29 January 2012}}</ref> while, on the other hand, in Catalonia debate on the fiscal deficit—"Catalonia being one of the largest net contributors in taxes"{{Citation needed|date=June 2018}}—led many to support secession.<ref name=nextstate>{{cite news|url=https://www.economist.com/europe/2012/09/22/europes-next-independent-state|title=Catalonia: Europe's next state. A row about money and sovereignty|newspaper=The Economist|date=22 September 2012|access-date=29 September 2012}}</ref><ref name=guardianfabric>{{cite news|url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2012/sep/28/spain-cultural-fabric-tears-austerity-cuts|title=Spain's cultural fabric tearing apart as austerity takes its toll|last1=Tremlett|first1=Giles|last2=Roberts|first2=Martin|newspaper=The Guardian|date=28 September 2012|access-date=29 September 2012}}</ref> In September 2012, [[Artur Mas]], then Catalonia's president, requested from the central government a new "fiscal agreement", with the possibility of giving his community powers of fiscal autonomy equal to those of the  [[Communities of chartered regime|chartered communities]], but prime minister [[Mariano Rajoy]] refused. Mas dissolved the Catalan Parliament, called for new elections, and promised to conduct a referendum on independence within the next four years.<ref>{{cite web|title=Two thirds of the Catalan Parliament approve organising a self-determination citizen vote within the next 4 years |url=http://www.catalannewsagency.com/news/politics/two-thirds-catalan-parliament-approve-organising-self-determination-citizen-vote-withi |publisher=Catalan News Agency |date=28 September 2012 |access-date=29 September 2012 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121001020028/http://www.catalannewsagency.com/news/politics/two-thirds-catalan-parliament-approve-organising-self-determination-citizen-vote-withi |archive-date=1 October 2012 }}</ref>

Rajoy's government declared that they would use all "legal instruments"—current legislation requires the central executive government or the [[Congress of Deputies (Spain)|Congress of Deputies]] to call for or sanction a binding referendum—<ref name=ley>{{cite web|url=http://noticias.juridicas.com/base_datos/Admin/lo2-1980.html|title=Ley Orgánica 2/1980, de 18 de enero, sobre Regulación de las Distintas Modalidades de Referéndum|publisher=Congress of the Deputies, Spain|date=18 January 1980|access-date=29 September 2012}}</ref> to block any such attempt.<ref name=clash>{{cite news|title=Spain heads towards confrontation with Catalan parliament|url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2012/sep/27/spain-heads-towards-confrontation-catalan?INTCMP=SRCH|newspaper=The Guardian|date=27 September 2012|access-date=29 September 2012}}</ref> The Spanish Socialist Workers' Party and its [[Socialist Party of Catalonia|counterpart in Catalonia]] proposed to reopen the debate on the territorial organization of Spain, changing the constitution to create a true [[federation|federal system]] to "better reflect the singularities" of Catalonia, as well as to modify the current taxation system.<ref name=estadofederal>{{cite news|url=http://politica.elpais.com/politica/2012/09/24/actualidad/1348472542_065250.html|title=Rubalcaba, a favor de cambiar la Constitución para ir a un Estado federal|newspaper=[[El País]]|date=24 September 2012|access-date=29 September 2012|last1=Calvo|first1=Vera Gutiérrez|last2=País|first2=El}}</ref><ref name=navarro>{{cite web|url=http://www.elperiodico.cat/ca/noticias/politica/navarro-candidatura-psc-eleccions-autonomiques-terrassa-2214254|title=Navarro presenta la seva candidatura aquesta tarda a Terrassa|publisher=El Periódico de Catalunya|date=28 September 2012|access-date=29 September 2012}}</ref>

In 2017 and 2018 the situation developed into [[2017–2018 Spanish constitutional crisis|constitutional crisis]]. Following a highly fraught attempted [[2017 Catalan independence referendum|referendum]], on Friday 27 October 2017 the Catalan Parliament voted on the independence of Catalonia; the result was 70 in favor, 10 against, 2 neither, with 53 representatives not present in protest. In the following days, the members of the Catalan government either fled or were imprisoned.

One scholar summarises the current situation as follows:

<blockquote>the autonomous state appears to have come full circle, with reproaches from all sides. According to some, it has not gone far enough and has failed to satisfy their aspirations for improved self-government. For others it has gone too far, fostering inefficiency or reprehensible linguistic policies.{{sfn|Arbós Marín|2013|page=395}}
</blockquote>

=== Possible rearrangements ===
Besides [[List of territorial disputes|the territorial disputes]] that Spain holds with [[disputed status of Gibraltar|the United Kingdom]], [[plazas de soberanía|Morocco]] and [[Olivenza#Claims of sovereignty|Portugal]], some forces have campaigned for the redistribution of territories among communities:
* There are independence movements pleading for secession from Spain in [[Catalan independentism|Catalonia]], [[Basque independence|the Basque Country and Navarre]], [[Galician independence movement|Galicia]] and [[Canarian independence|the Canary Islands]].
* The [[Basque Statute of Autonomy]] and the {{ill|Fourth transitory provision|es|Disposición transitoria cuarta|lt=fourth transitory provision of the 1978 Spanish Constitution}} provide a pathway for the integration of Navarre in the Basque autonomous community. The [[Parliament of Navarre]] has not entertained the possibility.
* The [[Treviño enclave]] (formed by the municipalities of [[Condado de Treviño]] and [[La Puebla de Arganzón]]) is part of the province of Burgos (in the autonomous community of Castile and León) but is surrounded by Álava (Basque autonomous community). There is [[Treviño enclave dispute|a dispute]] in which the Castilian-Leonese government support the status quo and the Basque Government and much of the local population support integration in Álava and the Basque Country.<ref name="Treviño">{{cite news|title=Treviño quiere ser vasco|url=http://www.publico.es/espana/451845/trevino-quiere-ser-vasco|publisher=Público|date=8 March 2013}}</ref>
* Similarly, [[Valle de Villaverde]] is part of the autonomous community of Cantabria but surrounded by Biscay, in the Basque autonomous community. Lately local support for integration in the Basque Country has diminished.
* [[Leonesism]] pleads for the establishment of the autonomous community of León separating the provinces of León, Zamora and Salamanca (or in a restricted sense, just the province of León) from the rest of the provinces of the autonomous community of Castile and León, pursuant to the configuration of the former [[Region of León]].
* The [[Ayuntamiento (Spain)|Ayuntamiento]] of [[La Línea de la Concepción]] has asked for permission to call a referendum on the secession of the municipality from the [[province of Cádiz]] in the autonomous community of Andalusia to become a standalone autonomous community,<ref name="EDLínea">{{cite news |title=El 'procés' de La Línea de la Concepción para independizarse de Andalucía muere en el Supremo |url=https://www.eldiario.es/andalucia/cadiz/proces-linea-concepcion-independizarse-andalucia-muere-supremo_1_10552188.html |access-date=28 September 2023 |work=elDiario.es |date=28 September 2023 |language=es}}</ref> citing the special case of bordering Gibraltar.

==Constitutional and statutory framework==
The State of Autonomies, as established in Article 2 of the constitution, has been argued to be based on four principles: willingness to accede to autonomy, [[unity in diversity]], autonomy but not sovereignty of the communities, and solidarity among them all.<ref name=carreras/> The structure of the autonomous communities is determined both by the devolution allowed by the constitution and the powers assumed in their respective Statutes of Autonomy. While the autonomic agreements and other laws have allowed for an "equalization" of all communities, differences still remain.

===The Statute of Autonomy===
{{Main|Statute of Autonomy}}

The Statute of Autonomy is the basic institutional law of the autonomous community or city, recognized by the Spanish constitution in article 147. It is approved by a parliamentary assembly representing the community, and then approved by the {{Lang|es|[[Cortes Generales]]|italic=no}}, the Spanish Parliament, through an "Organic Law", requiring the favourable vote of the absolute majority of the [[Congress of Deputies (Spain)|Congress of Deputies]].

For communities that acceded to autonomy through the "fast route", a [[referendum]] is required before it can be sanctioned by the Parliament. The Statutes of Autonomy must contain, at least, the name of the community, its territorial limits, the names, organization and seat of the institutions of government, the powers they assume and the principles for their bilingual policy, if applicable.

The Constitution establishes that all powers not explicitly assumed by the State (the central government) in the constitution, can be assumed by the autonomous community in their Statutes of Autonomy; but also, all powers not explicitly assumed by the autonomous community in their Statutes of Autonomy are automatically assumed by the State.{{sfn|Spanish Constitution|1978|loc=Article 143}} In case of conflict, the constitution prevails.{{sfn|Spanish Constitution|1978|loc=Article 143}} In case of disagreement, any administration can bring the case before the [[Constitutional Court of Spain]].

===Institutional organization===
All autonomous communities have a parliamentary system based on a division of powers comprising:
* A Legislative Assembly, whose members are elected by universal suffrage according to a system of [[proportional representation]], in which all areas that integrate the territory are fairly represented
* A Council of Government, with executive and administrative powers, headed by a prime minister, whose official title is "president",{{efn|name=lehendakari|In the Basque Country, the head of government is officially known as ''[[lehendakari]]'' in Basque, or by the Spanish rendering of the title, ''lendakari''.}}{{efn-lr|"Autonomic president", "regional president", or simply "president" (in Spanish: ''presidente autonómico'', ''presidente regional'', or simply ''presidente''; in Catalan/Valencian: ''president autonòmic'', ''president regional'', or simply ''president''; in Galician: ''presidente autonómico'', ''presidente rexional'', or simply ''presidente''). In the Basque language ''lehendakari'' is not translated.}} elected by the Legislative Assembly—usually the leader of the party or coalition with a majority in the Assembly—and nominated by the [[King of Spain]]
* A High Court of Justice, hierarchically under the [[Supreme Court of Spain]]

[[File:Oviedo03.jpg|thumb|Regional Palace, seat of the [[General Junta]], the Parliament of the [[Asturias|Principality of Asturias]]]]
The majority of the communities have approved regional electoral laws within the limits set up by the laws for the entire country. Despite minor differences, all communities use [[proportional representation]] following the [[D'Hondt method]]; all members of regional parliaments are elected for four-year terms, but the president of the community has the faculty to dissolve the legislature and call for early elections. Nonetheless, in all communities except for the Basque Country, Catalonia, Galicia, and Andalusia, elections are held the last Sunday of May every four years, concurrent with municipal elections in all of Spain.<ref name=carreras>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=zkclm60b_yoC|first=Francesc|last=de Carreras Serra|chapter=El Estado de las Autonomías en España|title=Descentralización en Perspectiva Comparada: España, Colombia y Brasil|publisher=Plural Editores|year=2005|access-date=12 October 2012|isbn=978-9990563573}}</ref>

The names of the Council of Government and the Legislative Assembly vary between communities. In some autonomous communities, these institutions are restored historical bodies of government or representation of the previous kingdoms or regional entities within the Spanish Crown—like the Generalitat of Catalonia—while others are entirely new creations.

In some, both the executive and the legislature, though constituting two separate institutions, are collectively identified with a single specific name. A specific denomination may not refer to the same branch of government in all communities; for example, ''junta'' may refer to the executive office in some communities, to the legislature in others, or to the collective name of all branches of government in others.

Given the ambiguity in the constitution that did not specify which territories were nationalities and which were regions, other territories, besides the implicit three "historical nationalities", have also chosen to identify themselves as nationalities, in accordance with their historical regional identity, such as Andalusia, Aragon, the [[Balearic Islands]], the [[Canary Islands]], and the [[Valencian Community]].

{{Anchor|Autonomous cities}}The two autonomous cities have more limited powers than autonomous communities, but less limited than other municipalities. The executive is exercised by a president, who is also the mayor of the city. In the same way, limited legislative power is vested in a local assembly in which the deputies are also the city councillors.

===Legal powers===
The autonomic agreements of 1982 and 1992 tried to equalize powers ({{langx|es|competencias}}) devolved to the 17 autonomous communities, within the limits of the constitution and the differences guaranteed by it. This has led to an "asymmetrical homogeneity".<ref name=perez/> In the words of the [[Constitutional Court of Spain]] in its ruling of 5 August 1983, the autonomous communities are characterized by their "homogeneity and diversity...equal in their subordination to the constitutional order, in the principles of their representation in the Senate, in their legitimation before the Constitutional Court, and in that the differences between the distinct Statutes [of Autonomy] cannot imply economic or social privileges; however, they can be unequal with respect to the process to accede to autonomy and the concrete determination of the autonomic content of their Statute, and therefore, in their scope of powers. The autonomic regime is characterized by an equilibrium between homogeneity and diversity ... Without the former there will be no unity or integration in the state's ensemble; without the latter, there would not be [a] true plurality and the capacity of self-government".<ref name=sinopsis137>{{cite web|url=http://www.congreso.es/consti/constitucion/indice/sinopsis/sinopsis.jsp?art=137&tipo=2|title=Sinópsis artículo 137|first=Julio|last=Castelao|work=Constitución española (con sinópsis)| publisher=[[Congress of Deputies (Spain)|Congress of the Deputies]]|date=June 2005|access-date=14 October 2012}}</ref>

[[File:Ertzaintza Volkswagen Bilbao.jpg|thumb|An {{Lang|eu|[[Ertzaintza]]}} police car in the Basque Country]]
The asymmetrical devolution is a unique characteristic of the territorial structure of Spain, in that the autonomous communities have a different range of devolved powers. These were based on what has been called in Spanish as ''hechos diferenciales'', "differential facts" or "differential traits".{{efn-lr|"Differential facts", or, "traits" (in Spanish: ''hechos diferenciales'', in Basque: ''eragin diferentziala'', in Catalan/Valencian: ''fets diferencials'', in Galician: ''feitos diferenciais'').}}<ref name=aja>{{cite web|url=http://congreso.us.es/cidc/Ponencias/federalismo/eliseo%20AJA.pdf|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20091222073845/http://congreso.us.es/cidc/Ponencias/federalismo/eliseo%20AJA.pdf|url-status=dead|archive-date=22 December 2009|title=El Estado Autonómico de España a los 25 años de su constitución|last=Aja|first=Eliseo|publisher=Congreso Ibeoramericano de Derecho Constitucional|year=2003|access-date=22 October 2012}}</ref>

This expression refers to the idea that some communities have particular traits, with respect to Spain as a whole. In practice these traits are a native "language proper to their own territories" separate from Spanish, a particular financial regime or special civil rights expressed in a code, which generate a distinct political personality.<ref name=aja/> These ''hechos diferenciales'' of their distinct political and historical personality are constitutionally and statutorily (i. e., in their Statutes of Autonomy) recognized in the exceptions granted to some of them and the additional powers they assume.<ref name=aja/>

However a doctrine that came to be called [[café para todos]] (coffee for everyone), sought to harmonise the autonomy model across Spain while simultaneously reinforcing the primacy of the central government and dilute claims of ethno-territorial distinctiveness from the historic nationalities. In particular, the organic law on the Harmonisation of the Autonomy Process (LOAPA) in 1982 not only extended powers to the other communities to achieve similar powers as the historic nationalities, but showed an intention to reverse already devolved powers.{{sfn|Anderson|2020|p=4}}

The powers to be exercised can be divided into three groups: exclusive to the State or central government, shared powers, and devolved powers exclusive to the communities. Powers can also be "executive", meaning the autonomous community may have exclusive responsibility for the administration of a policy area but may only have executive (i. e., carries out) powers as far as the policy itself is concerned, meaning it must enforce policy and laws decided at the national level.

The Constitution states which powers are exclusive to the central government: international relations, defense, administration of justice, commercial, criminal, civil, and labour legislation, customs, general finances and state debt, public health, basic legislation, and general coordination.{{sfn|Spanish Constitution|1978|loc=Article 149}}{{sfn|Ruíz-Huerta Carbonell|Herrero Alcalde|2008|p=4,5}} As the Constitution had not set clearly defined methods for power sharing, particularly over shared powers, there had been major conflict because the real power of an autonomous community depended upon how far the State wanted to legislate.{{sfn|Arzoz|2012|p=182}} There is now a large body of case-law produced by the Constitutional Court to clarify ambiguities.{{sfn|Moreno|2016|page=183}}{{sfn|Anderson|2020|p=8}}

All autonomous communities have the power to manage their own finances in the way they see fit, and are responsible for the administration of education—school and universities—health and social services and cultural and urban development.<ref name=howmuch>{{cite news|url=https://www.economist.com/special-report/2008/11/08/how-much-is-enough|url-access=subscription|title=How much is enough? Devolution has been good for Spain, but it may have gone too far|newspaper=The Economist|date=6 November 2008|access-date=1 April 2025|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120428050210/http://www.economist.com/node/12501023|archive-date=28 April 2012}}</ref> Yet there are differences as stipulated in their Statutes and the constitution:<ref name=carreras/>
* Aragon, the Balearic Islands, the Basque Country, [[Civil Code of Catalonia|Catalonia]], Galicia and the Valencian Community have a regional civil code
* Basque Country, Catalonia, and Navarre have their own police corps—the {{Lang|eu|[[Ertzaintza]]}}, the [[Mossos d'Esquadra]] and the [[Policía Foral|Nafarroako Foruzaingoa]], respectively; other communities have them too, but not fully developed (adscribed to the Spanish National Police) {{dubious|date=October 2020}}
* The Canary Islands have a special financial regime in virtue of its location as an overseas territories, while the Basque Country and Navarre have a distinct financial regime called "chartered regime"
* The Balearic Islands, the Basque Country, Catalonia, Galicia, Navarre, and the Valencian Community have a co-official language and therefore a distinct linguistic regime<ref name=carreras/>

The powers of the autonomous communities are not homogeneous.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.seap.minhap.es/es/areas/politica_autonomica/Estatutos_Autonomia/estatutos_materias.html |title=Estatutos de Autonomía comparados por materias |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141006093822/http://www.seap.minhap.es/es/areas/politica_autonomica/Estatutos_Autonomia/estatutos_materias.html |archive-date=6 October 2014 |work=Secretaría de Estado de Administraciones Públicas |publisher=Ministerio de Hacienda y Administraciones Públicas |language=es |agency=[[Gobierno de España]]}}</ref>

{|class="wikitable" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"
! Power
! Basque Country
! Galicia
! Catalonia
! Others
|-
| '''Law, Order & Justice'''
|
|
|
|
|-
| Police||Partial||Partial||Partial||Partial
|-
| Public Safety (Civil protection, Firearms, gambling)||Shared||Shared||Shared||Shared
|-
| Civil & Administrative Law (Justice, Registries, Judicial Appointments)||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive
|-
| Child & Family Protection ||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive
|-
| Consumer Protection||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive
|-
| Data protection||Shared||Shared||Shared||
|-
| Civil registry & Statistics||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive
|-
| '''Health, Welfare & Social Policy'''
|
|
|
|
|-
| Social Welfare ||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive
|-
| Equality||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive||[[Andalusia|AN]] (Exclusive)
|-
| Social Security||Shared||Shared||Shared||Shared
|-
| Employment||Shared||Shared||Shared||Shared
|-
| Health Care||Shared||Shared||Shared||Shared
|-
| Benevolent/Mutual Societies||Administrative||Administrative||Shared||[[Andalusia|AN]], [[Navarre|NA]], [[Valencian Community|VC]] (Shared)
|-
| '''Economy, Transport & Environment'''
|
|
|
|
|-
| Public Infrastructure (Road, Highways)||Exclusive||Shared||Shared||
|-
| Public Infrastructure (Rail, Airports)||Shared||Shared||Shared||Shared
|-
| Environment (Nature, Contamination, Rivers, Weather)||Exclusive||Exclusive||Shared||Shared
|-
| Economic Planning & Development||Exclusive||Exclusive||Shared||
|-
| Advertising, Regional Markets and regional controlled origin designations||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive
|-
| Professional associations||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive
|-
| Workplace & Industrial safety||Partial||Partial||Partial||Partial
|-
| Financial (Regional Cooperative Banks, & Financial Markets)||Exclusive||Exclusive||Shared||Exclusive
|-
| Press & Media||Shared||Shared||Shared||Shared
|-
| Water (Local drainage Basin)||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive
|-
| Regional Development (Coast, Housing Rural Services)||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive
|-
| Public Sector & Cooperative Banks||Shared||Shared||Shared||Shared
|-
| Energy & Mining||Exclusive||Exclusive||Shared||Shared
|-
| Competition ||Partial||Partial||Partial||Partial
|-
| Agriculture and Animal welfare||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive
|-
| Fisheries||Shared||Shared||Shared||Shared
|-
| Hunting & Fishing||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive||
|-
| Local Transport & Communications (Road Transport, Maritime Rescue)||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive
|-
| Tourism||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive
|-
| '''Culture & Education'''
|
|
|
|
|-
| Culture (libraries, museums, Film industry, Arts & crafts)||Shared||Shared||Shared||Shared
|-
| Culture (Language Promotion, R & D Projects)||Shared||Shared||Exclusive||Shared
|-
| Culture (Sports, Leisure, Events)||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive
|-
| Education (Primary, secondary, University, Professional & Language)||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive
|-
| Religious Organizations||||Shared||Exclusive||
|-
| Cultural, Welfare, & Education Associations Regulation||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive||Exclusive
|-
| International Relations (Culture & language, Cross border relations)||Partial||Partial||Partial||
|-
| '''Resources & Spending'''
|
|
|
|
|-
| Own Tax resources||Yes||Yes||Yes||Yes
|-
| Allocation by Central Government||No||Convergence Funds||Convergence Funds||Convergence Funds (except [[Navarre|NA]])
|-
| Other resources||Co-payments (Health & Education)||Co-payments (Health & Education)||Co-payments (Health & Education)||Co-payments (Health & Education)
|-
| Resources||100%||60%||60%||60%
|-
|Devolved Spending as % of total public spending
|colspan="4"|36% (Average for all autonomous communities)<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.seap.minhap.gob.es/dms/es/areas/politica_autonomica/info_basica/1finccaa/modelo_financia/finan_tot_ccaa/LIQUIDACION-MODELO-FINANCIACION-2009 |work=Ministerio de Política Territorial y Administración Pública |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150318171929/http://www.seap.minhap.gob.es/dms/es/areas/politica_autonomica/info_basica/1finccaa/modelo_financia/finan_tot_ccaa/LIQUIDACION-MODELO-FINANCIACION-2009 |archive-date=18 March 2015 |title=EL MODELO DE FINANCIACIÓN DE LAS COMUNIDADES AUTÓNOMAS DE RÉGIMEN COMÚN. Liquidación definitiva 2009 |date=November 2011 |language=es |access-date=2 December 2018 |pages=13 |format=PDF}}</ref>
|}

===Degree of financial autonomy===
{{Main|Communities of chartered regime}}

How the communities are financed has been one of the most contentious aspects in their relationship with the central government.<ref name=smith/> The constitution gave all communities significant control over spending, but the central government retained effective control of their revenue supply.<ref name=smith/> That is, the central government is still charge of levying and collecting most taxes, which it then redistributes to the autonomous communities with the aim of producing "[[fiscal equalization]]". This applies to all communities, with the exception of the Basque Country and Navarre, which level all taxes and pay an annual quote for the public services provided by the State.{{sfn|Ruíz-Huerta Carbonell|Herrero Alcalde|2008|p=7}}

This financial scheme is known as the "common regime" and applies to the other 15 autonomous communities.{{sfn|Ruíz-Huerta Carbonell|Herrero Alcalde|2008|p=7}} In essence, fiscal equalization implies that richer communities become net contributors to the system, while poorer communities become net recipients. The two largest net contributors to the system are the Balearic Islands and the Community of Madrid, in percentage terms, or the Community of Madrid and Catalonia in absolute terms.<ref name=cinco>{{cite web|url=http://www.cincodias.com/articulo/economia/madrid-aporta-estado-doble-cataluna/20071129cdscdieco_1/|title=Madrid aporta al Estado más del doble que Cataluña|publisher=Cinco Días|date=29 November 2007|access-date=1 April 2012}}</ref>

Central government funding is the main source of revenue for the communities of "common regime". Redistribution, or [[transfer payments]], are given to the communities of common regime to manage the responsibilities they have assumed. The amount they receive is based upon several calculations which include a consideration for population, land area, administrative units, dispersal of population, relative poverty, fiscal pressure and insularity.<ref name=tanja/> The central government is committed to returning a specific percentage of taxes to all communities with common regime, within the differences allowed for fiscal equalization. The communities of common regime have the ability to add a surcharge to the so-called "ceded taxes"—taxes set at the central level, but collected locally—and they can lower or raise personal income taxes up to a limit.<ref name=smith/>

The Basque Country and Navarre were granted an exception in the fiscal and financial system through the first additional disposition of the constitution that recognizes their historical "charters"{{efn-lr|"Charters" (in Spanish: ''fueros'', in Basque: ''foruak'').}}&nbsp;—hence they are known as "[[communities of chartered regime]]" or "foral regime".<ref name=smith/> Through their "chartered regime", these communities are allowed to levy and collect all so-called "contracted taxes", including income tax and corporate tax, and they have much more flexibility to lower or raise them.<ref name=smith/> This "chartered" or "foral" contract entails true financial autonomy.<ref name=smith/>

Since they collect almost all taxes, they send to the central government a pre-arranged amount known as ''cupo'', "quota" or ''aportación'', "contribution", and the treaty whereby this system is recognized is known as ''concierto'', "treaty", or ''convenio'', "pact".<ref name=hacienda>{{cite web|url=http://www.minhap.gob.es/es-ES/Areas%20Tematicas/Financiacion%20Autonomica/Paginas/Regimen%20foral.aspx|title=Régimen foral|author=Ministerio de Hacienda y Administraciones Públicas (Ministry of the Treasury and Public Administrations)|access-date=1 April 2012}}</ref> Hence they are also said to have ''[[concierto económico]]'', an "economic treaty". Since they collect all taxes themselves and only send a prearranged amount to the central government for the powers exclusive to the State, they do not participate in "fiscal equalization", in that they do not receive any money back.

===Spending===
As more responsibilities have been assumed by the autonomous communities in areas such as social welfare, health, and education, public expenditure patterns have seen a shift from the central government towards the communities since the 1980s.<ref name=smith/> In 2005, autonomous communities accounted for 35% of all public expenditure in Spain, a percentage that is even higher than that of states within a federation.{{sfn|Ruíz-Huerta Carbonell|Herrero Alcalde|2008|p=6}} With no legal constraints to balance budgets, and since the central government retains control over fiscal revenue in the communities of common regime, these are in a way encouraged to build up debt.<ref name=smith/>

The [[Council on Fiscal and Financial Policy]], which includes representatives of the central government and of the autonomous communities, has become one of the most efficient institutions of coordination in matters of public expenditures and revenue.<ref name=toboso>{{cite web|url=http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1P3-870986501.html|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130518201932/http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1P3-870986501.html|url-status=dead|archive-date=18 May 2013|title=Un Primer Análisis Cuantitativo de la Organización Territorial de las Tareas de Gobierno en España, Alemania y Suiza|last=Toboso|first=Fernando|publisher=El Trimestre Económico|date=1 April 2001|access-date=21 October 2012}}</ref> Through the Council several agreements of financing have been agreed, as well as limits to the communities' public debt. The Organic Law of the Financing of Autonomous Communities of 1988 requires that the communities obtain the authorization of the central Ministry of Finance to issue public debt.<ref name=toboso/>

===Linguistic regimes===
[[File:BilingualSign Spain.svg|thumb|Bilingual signs, showing the names of the city known as [[Pamplona]] in both Spanish and Iruña in Basque]]
The preamble to the constitution explicitly stated that it is the nation's will to protect "all Spaniards and the peoples of Spain in the exercise of human rights, their cultures and traditions, languages and institutions".<ref name=preamble>Preamble to the Constitution. {{cite web|url=https://www.lamoncloa.gob.es/lang/en/espana/leyfundamental/paginas/index.aspx |title=Spanish Constitution |author=[[Cortes Generales]] |date=27 December 1978 |publisher=President of the Government of Spain and the Council of Ministers |access-date=6 August 2022}}</ref> This is a significant recognition not only in that it differed drastically from the restrictive linguistic policies during the Franco era, but also because part of the distinctiveness of the "historical nationalities" lies on their own regional languages.<ref name="villar"/><ref name="shabad"/> The nation is thus openly multilingual,{{sfn|Conversi|2002|loc=}} in which [[Names given to the Spanish language|Castilian]]—that is, Spanish—is the official language in all territories, but the "other Spanish languages" can also be official in their respective communities, in accordance with their Statutes of Autonomy.

Article 3 of the constitution ends up declaring that the "richness of the distinct linguistic modalities of Spain represents a patrimony which will be the object of special respect and protection".{{sfn|Spanish Constitution|1978|loc=Article 3}} Spanish remains the only official language of the State; other languages are only co-official with Spanish in the communities that have so regulated. In addition, knowledge of the Spanish language was declared a right and an obligation of all Spaniards.

Spanish legislation, most notably in the Statutes of Autonomy of the bilingual communities, use the term "own language", or "language proper to a community",{{efn-lr| "Own language (of a community)" or "language proper [to a community]" (in Spanish: ''lengua propia'', in Basque: ''berezko hizkuntza'', in Catalan/Valencian: ''llengua pròpia'', in Galician: ''lingua propia'').}} to refer to a language other than Spanish that originated or had historical roots in that particular territory. The Statutes of Autonomy of the respective autonomous communities have declared [[Basque language|Basque]] the language proper to the Basque Country and Navarre, [[Catalan language|Catalan]] the language proper to Catalonia, the Balearic Islands and the Valencian Community—where it is historically, traditionally and officially known as [[Valencian language|Valencian]]—and [[Galician language|Galician]] to be the language proper to Galicia. There are other protected regional languages in other autonomous communities. As a percentage of total population in Spain, [[Basque language|Basque]] is spoken by 2%, [[Catalan language|Catalan/Valencian]] by 17%, and [[Galician language|Galician]] by 7% of all Spaniards.<ref name=cia>{{cite web|url=https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/countries/spain/|title=Spain|work=The CIA World Factbook|publisher=[[Central Intelligence Agency]]|access-date=22 October 2012}}</ref> A 2016 Basque Government census revealed 700,000 fluent speakers in Spain (51,000 in Basque counties in France) and 1,185,000 total when passive speakers are included.<ref>VI Enquete Euskal Herria 2016, in French</ref>

{|class="wikitable" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"
|+ Co-official or protected languages of Spain
|-
! Language
! Status
! Speakers in Spain{{efn|All figures as reported on ''[[Ethnologue]]'' for the number of speakers in Spain only.}}
|-
| [[Aragonese language|Aragonese]]
| Not official but recognised in [[Aragon]]
| 11,000<ref name=aragonese>{{cite web|url=http://www.ethnologue.com/show_language.asp?code=arg|title=Aragonese|work=Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Sixteenth Edition|editor=Lewis, M. Paul|year=2009|location=Dallas, TX|publisher=[[SIL International]]|access-date=25 November 2012}}</ref>
|-
| [[Astur-Leonese languages|Asturleonese]]
| Not official but recognised in [[Asturias]] and in [[Castile and León]]{{efn|In the Statute of Autonomy of Castile and León, the Astur-Leonese dialect spoken therein is referred to as [[Leonese language|Leonese]].}}
| 100,000<ref name=asturian>{{cite web|url=http://www.ethnologue.com/show_language.asp?code=ast|title=Asturian|work=Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Sixteenth Edition|editor=Lewis, M. Paul|year=2009|location=Dallas, TX|publisher=[[SIL International]]|access-date=25 November 2012}}</ref>
|-
| [[Basque language|Basque]]
| Official in the [[Basque Country (autonomous community)|Basque Country]] and [[Navarre]]
| 580,000<ref name=basque>{{cite web|url=http://www.ethnologue.com/show_language.asp?code=eus|title=Basque|work=Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Sixteenth Edition|editor=Lewis, M. Paul|year=2009|location=Dallas, TX|publisher=[[SIL International]]|access-date=25 November 2012}}</ref>
|-
| [[Catalan language|Catalan/Valencian]]
| as ''Catalan'', official in [[Catalonia]] and [[Balearic Islands]], and as ''Valencian'', in the [[Valencian Community]];{{efn|The Catalan dialect spoken in the Valencian Community is historically, traditionally and officially referred to as [[Valencian language|Valencian]].}} Not official but recognised in [[Aragon]]
| around 10 million,<ref name=catalan>{{cite web|url=http://www.llull.cat/catala/cultura/llengua_catala.cfm |title=Catalan|work=Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Sixteenth Edition|editor=Lewis, M. Paul|year=2009|location=Dallas, TX|publisher=[[SIL International]]|access-date=25 November 2012}}</ref> including 2nd language speakers
|-
| [[Galician language|Galician]]
| Official in [[Galicia (Spain)|Galicia]] and recognised in some municipalities in Castile and León that border [[Galicia (Spain)|Galicia]]
| 2.34 million<ref name=galician>{{cite web|url=http://www.ethnologue.com/show_language.asp?code=glg|title=Galician|work=Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Sixteenth Edition|editor=Lewis, M. Paul|year=2009|location=Dallas, TX|publisher=[[SIL International]]|access-date=25 November 2012|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080328094338/http://www.ethnologue.com/show_language.asp?code=glg|archive-date=28 March 2008|url-status=dead}}</ref>
|-
| [[Occitan language|Occitan]]
| Official in [[Catalonia]]
| 4,700
|-
| [[Fala language|Fala]]
| Not official but recognised as a "[[Bien de Interés Cultural]]" in [[Extremadura]]<ref>{{Cite web | url=https://www.boe.es/diario_boe/txt.php?id=BOE-A-2001-7994 | title=BOE.es – Documento BOE-A-2001-7994}}</ref>
| 11,000
|}

===Subdivisions===
{{Main|Political divisions of Spain}}
{{See also|Local government in Spain|Comarcas of Spain|Provinces of Spain|Municipalities of Spain}}

{|class="wikitable" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"
|+ Provinces of each autonomous community
|-
! Autonomous community
! Provinces{{efn|name=lurraldeak}}
|-
| {{flag|Andalusia}}
| [[Province of Almería|Almería]], [[Province of Cádiz|Cádiz]], [[Province of Córdoba (Spain)|Córdoba]],{{efn|name=CO|Also spelled "Cordova" in English.}} [[Province of Granada|Granada]], [[Province of Huelva|Huelva]], [[Province of Jaén (Spain)|Jaén]], [[Province of Málaga|Málaga]] and [[Province of Seville|Seville]]
|-
| {{flag|Aragon}}
| [[Province of Huesca|Huesca]], [[Province of Teruel|Teruel]] and [[Province of Zaragoza|Zaragoza]]{{efn|name=Z|Also spelled "Saragossa" in English.}}
|-
| {{flag|Asturias}}
| (Asturias){{efn|Previously known as Oviedo.}}
|-
| {{flag|Balearic Islands}}
| (Balearic Islands)
|-
| {{flag|Basque Country}}
| [[Álava]], [[Biscay]], and [[Gipuzkoa]]{{efn|name=lurraldeak|The Basque provinces and Navarre are officially known as "historical territories" or "chartered territories".{{efn-lr|name=lurraldeak}}}}
|-
| {{flag|Canary Islands}}
| [[Province of Las Palmas|Las Palmas]] and [[Province of Santa Cruz de Tenerife|Santa Cruz de Tenerife]]
|-
| {{flag|Cantabria}}
| (Cantabria){{efn|Previously known as Santander.}}
|-
| {{flag|Castilla-La Mancha}}
| [[Province of Albacete|Albacete]], [[Province of Ciudad Real|Ciudad Real]], [[Province of Cuenca (Spain)|Cuenca]], [[Province of Guadalajara|Guadalajara]] and [[Province of Toledo|Toledo]]
|-
| {{flag|Castile and León}}
| [[Province of Ávila|Ávila]], [[Province of Burgos|Burgos]], [[Province of León|León]], [[Province of Palencia|Palencia]], [[Province of Salamanca|Salamanca]], [[Province of Segovia|Segovia]], [[province of Soria|Soria]], [[province of Valladolid|Valladolid]] and [[province of Zamora|Zamora]]
|-
| {{flag|Catalonia}}
| [[Province of Barcelona|Barcelona]], [[Province of Girona|Girona]], [[Province of Lleida|Lleida]] and [[Province of Tarragona|Tarragona]]
|-
| {{flag|Extremadura}}
| [[Province of Badajoz|Badajoz]] and [[province of Cáceres|Cáceres]]
|-
| {{flag|Galicia}}
| [[Province of A Coruña|A Coruña]], [[Province of Lugo|Lugo]], [[Province of Ourense|Ourense]] and [[Province of Pontevedra|Pontevedra]]
|-
| {{flag|La Rioja (Spain)|name=La Rioja}}
| (La Rioja){{efn|Previously known as Logroño.}}
|-
| {{flag|Madrid}}
| (Madrid)
|-
| {{flag|Murcia}}
| (Murcia)
|-
| {{flag|Navarre}}
| (Navarre){{efn|Previously known as Pamplona.}}
|-
| {{flag|Valencia|name=Valencian Community}}
| [[Province of Alicante|Alicante]], [[province of Castellón|Castellón]] and [[province of Valencia|Valencia]]
|}

==See also==
{{Portal|Spain}}
* [[Autonomous administrative division]]
* [[Autonomous Communities Administration]]
* [[Autonomous Regions of Portugal]]
* [[History of the territorial organization of Spain]]
* [[List of current presidents of the autonomous communities of Spain]]
* [[List of Spanish autonomous communities by gross domestic product]]
* [[List of Spanish autonomous communities by Human Development Index]]
* [[Manuel Clavero]]
* {{annotated link|National and regional identity in Spain}}
* [[Political divisions of Spain]]
* [[President (Autonomous Community of Spain)|President (Autonomous community)]]
* [[Composition of the Spanish autonomous parliaments]]
* [[Ranked lists of Spanish autonomous communities]]
* [[Singular population entity]]

==Notes==
{{Notelist|3}}

=== Translation of terms ===
{{notelist-lr|3}}

==References==
{{reflist|30em}}

===Bibliography===
* {{cite journal|title=Decentralisation at a crossroads: Spain, Catalonia and the Territorial Crisis |first=Paul |last=Anderson |journal=Ethnopolitics |volume=19 |year=2020| issue=4 |location=London |publisher=Routledge |pages=342–355|doi=10.1080/17449057.2020.1795470 |language=en | issn=1744-9065|oclc=300873767|url=https://repository.canterbury.ac.uk/download/08de36fe281562b260890afcb48ed7e443ec7cf8a7e309319c7f0f5f9442485f/259158/Catalonia%20final%20paper%20PDF.pdf}}
* {{cite journal|title=New developments in Spanish federalism |first=Xabier |last=Arzoz |journal=L'Europe en Formation  |year=2012| volume=363 |issue=1 |publisher= Centre international de formation européenne |pages=179–188 |doi=10.3917/eufor.363.0179 |language=en | issn= 2410-9231|oclc=1404651662|url=https://shs.cairn.info/article/EUFOR_363_0179/pdf?lang=en}}
* {{cite book|chapter=The Federal Option and Constitutional Management of Diversity in Spain| first=Xavier |last=Arbós Marín| pages=375–399| title=The Ways of Federalism in Western Countries and the Horizons of Territorial Autonomy in Spain| volume=2| editor-first1=Alberto |editor-last1=López-Basaguren |editor-first2= Leire |editor-last2=Escajedo San Epifanio|publisher=[[Axel Springer SE|Springer]]|isbn=978-3-642-27717-7|url=https://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/libro?codigo=559187|doi=10.1007/978-3-642-27717-7_27|year=2013}}
* {{cite journal|title=The Spanish 'state of autonomies': non-institutional federalism|last=Colomer|first=Josep M.|author-link1=Josep Colomer|url=http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1G1-54171792.html|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130518204854/http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1G1-54171792.html|url-status=dead|archive-date=18 May 2013|journal=[[West European Politics]] | volume =21 |issue=4 |pages=40–52 |date=1 October 1998|access-date=4 June 2024|oclc=41125258|publisher=Frank Cass|location=Essex |doi=10.1080/01402389808425270 }}
* {{Cite book |last=Colino |first=César |chapter=Decentralization in Spain |pages=62–81 |editor-first1=Diego |editor-last1=Muro |editor-first2=Ignacio |editor-last2=Lago |year=2020 |title=The Oxford Handbook of Spanish Politics |publisher=Oxford University Press |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=BtjODwAAQBAJ |isbn=978-0-19-882693-4}}
* {{Cite journal |last=Conversi |first=Daniele |year=2002 |title=The smooth transition: Spain's 1978 Constitution and the nationalities question |url=http://danieleconversi.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/The_smooth_transition_Spains_1978_consti.pdf |journal=National Identities |publisher=Carfax Publishing, Inc. |volume=4 |issue=3 |pages=223–244 |bibcode=2002NatId...4..223C |doi=10.1080/1460894022000026105 |issn=1460-8944 |oclc=4893678333 |s2cid=145731993 |access-date=4 June 2024}}
* {{cite journal |last=Keating |first=Michael |year=2006 |title=Federalism and the Balance of Power in European States |journal=Support for Improvement in Governance and Management |url=http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/61/8/37890628.pdf|publisher=[[Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development]], Inc. |access-date=4 June 2024}}
* {{Cite book |last=Moreno Fernández |first=Luis Miguel |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=OVzC9t5sxBMC |title=La federalización de España. Poder político y territorio |publisher=Siglo XXI España Editores |year=2008 |isbn=978-8432312939 |edition=2nd |pages=98, 99 |language=es |trans-title=The federalisation of Spain. Political power and territory. |orig-year=April 1997}}
* {{cite book |last1=Moreno |first1=Angel M. |editor1-last=Merloni |editor1-first=Francesco |title=Regionalisation Trends in European Countries 2007-2015: Spain |date=June 2016 |publisher=Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of The Council of Europe |pages=183–191 |url=https://rm.coe.int/168071aa29|language=en}}
* {{Cite book |last=Moreno |first=Luis |year=2007 |title=Multinational Federations |publisher=Routledge  |isbn=978-0-415-41490-6 |editor-last=Burgess |editor-first=Michael |pages=86–107 |chapter=Federalisation in Multinational Spain |hdl=10261/177010 |oclc=1257713892 |access-date=19 October 2023 |editor-last2=Pinder |editor-first2=John |chapter-url=https://digital.csic.es/handle/10261/177010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220308234940/https://digital.csic.es/handle/10261/177010 |archive-date=8 March 2022 |url-status=live}}
* {{cite book |last1=Ruíz-Huerta Carbonell|first1=Jesús|last2=Herrero Alcalde|first2=Ana|chapter=Fiscal Equalization in Spain|pages=147–168|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ngoAEwlqMIsC|title=Fiscal Federalism and Political Decentralization: Lessons from Spain, Germany and Canada|editor1-last=Bosch|editor1-first=Núria|editor2-last=Durán|editor2-first=José María|publisher=Edward Elgar Publisher Limited|year=2008|location=Cheltenham|isbn=9781847204677|access-date=15 October 2012}}
* {{cite web |title=The Spanish Constitution |url=https://www.tribunalconstitucional.es/es/tribunal/normativa/normativa/constitucioningles.pdf |publisher=Agencia Estatal Boletín Oficial del Estado [National Agency of the [[Boletín Oficial del Estado|Official State Gazette]]]|access-date=10 June 2022 |language=English |date=1978|ref={{harvid|Spanish Constitution|1978}}}}

==External links==
* [http://www.rulers.org/spanautc.html Information about Spain's Autonomous Communities from rulers.org]
* [http://www.citymayors.com/government/spain_government.html Relations between tiers&nbsp;– CityMayors feature]

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[[Category:Autonomous communities of Spain| ]]
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