View source for Institutional racism

{{Short description|Establishment of racial discrimination as a policy within a society or organisation}}
{{Distinguish|Societal racism|Structural inequality|Structural violence|Structural abuse}}
{{use British English|date=August 2020}}<!-- inferred from: behavior labour colour vigour totalling -->
{{Use dmy dates|date=February 2022}}

'''Institutional racism''', also known as '''systemic racism''', is a form of [[institutional discrimination]] based on [[Race (human categorization)|race]] or [[ethnic group]] and can include policies and practices that exist throughout a whole society or organization that result in and support a continued unfair advantage to some people and unfair or harmful treatment of others. It manifests as [[racial discrimination|discrimination]] in areas such as [[criminal justice]], employment, housing, healthcare, education and [[Representation (politics)|political representation]].<ref>{{cite news |last1=Harmon |first1=Amy |last2=Mandavilli |first2=Apoorva |last3=Maheshwari |first3=Sapna |last4=Kantor |first4=Jodi |title=From Cosmetics to NASCAR, Calls for Racial Justice Are Spreading |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/13/us/george-floyd-racism-america.html |work=[[The New York Times]] |date=13 June 2020 |url-access=subscription }}</ref>

The term ''institutional racism'' was first coined in 1967 by [[Stokely Carmichael]] and [[Charles V. Hamilton]] in ''[[Black Power: The Politics of Liberation]]''.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Bhavnani |first1=Reena |last2=Mirza |first2=Heidi Safia |last3=Meetoo |first3=Veena |title=Tackling the Roots of Racism: Lessons for Success |date=2005 |publisher=Policy Press |isbn=978-1-86134-774-9 |page=28 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=KVbRVVHoKkQC&pg=PA28 }}</ref> Carmichael and Hamilton wrote in 1967 that, while individual racism is often identifiable because of its overt nature, institutional racism is less perceptible because of its "less overt, far more subtle" nature. Institutional racism "originates in the operation of established and respected forces in the society, and thus receives far less public condemnation than [individual racism]".<ref>{{cite book |last1=Carmichael |first1=Stokely |author-link1=Stokely Carmichael |last2=Hamilton |first2=Charles V. |author-link2=Charles V. Hamilton |title=Black Power: Politics of Liberation |date=1967 |publisher=[[Vintage Books]]|location=[[New York City]]|isbn=978-0-679-74313-2 |page=[https://archive.org/details/blackpowerpoliti00carm_0/page/4 4] |edition=November 1992 |url=https://archive.org/details/blackpowerpoliti00carm_0/page/4}}</ref>

Institutional racism was defined by [[William Macpherson (judge)|Sir William Macpherson]] in the UK's [[Murder of Stephen Lawrence#The Macpherson Inquiry|Lawrence report]] (1999) as: "The collective failure of an organisation to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their colour, culture, or ethnic origin. It can be seen or detected in processes, attitudes and behaviour that amount to discrimination through prejudice, ignorance, thoughtlessness, and racist stereotyping which disadvantage minority ethnic people."<ref>{{cite web|title= The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry: Report of an Inquiry by Sir William MacPherson of Cluny|url=https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/277111/4262.pdf|url-status=live|access-date= 12 February 2018|archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20171123104633/https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/277111/4262.pdf|archive-date= 23 November 2017}}</ref><ref>Home Office, ''The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry: Report of an Inquiry by Sir William Macpherson of Cluny'', Cm 4262-I, February 1999, para 6.34 (cited in ''Macpherson Report—Ten Years On'' in 2009); [https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200809/cmselect/cmhaff/427/42703.htm available] on the official British Parliament Website.</ref>

Individual or formal [[equality of opportunity]] typically disregards systemic or institutional aspects of inequality and racism.<ref name="EU">{{cite journal | doi=10.1177/1358229120927947 | title=The European Court of Justice and the march towards substantive equality in European Union anti-discrimination law | date=2020 | last1=De Vos | first1=Marc | journal=International Journal of Discrimination and the Law | volume=20 | issue=1 | pages=62–87 }}</ref> Institutional racism could be caused by [[Power (social and political)|power imbalance]].<ref>{{cite journal | doi=10.5153/sro.239 | title=Institutional Racism, Power and Accountability | date=1999 | last1=Anthias | first1=Floya | journal=Sociological Research Online | volume=4 | issue=1 | pages=143–151 }}</ref> Combating institutional racism is a motivation for [[structural change]]s.<ref name="Inequality 2010">Combating Poverty and Inequality: Structural Change, Social Policy. Rep. no. 978-92-9085-076-2. Geneva: [[United Nations Research Institute for Social Development]], 2010. Web. 3 Nov. 2011.</ref> [[Substantive equality]] with [[equality of outcome]]s for people of different [[Race (human categorization)|race]]s and [[ethnicity]] could be one way of preventing institutional racism.<ref>[https://heinonline.org/HOL/LandingPage?handle=hein.journals/ilr102&div=47&id=&page= Stancil, Paul. "Substantive Equality and Procedural Justice." Iowa L. Rev. 102 (2016): 1633.]</ref>  [[Diversity, equity, and inclusion]] can be applied to diminish institutional racism.<ref>{{Cite journal |url=https://www.cell.com/neuron/pdf/S0896-6273(21)00535-3.pdf |doi=10.1016/j.neuron.2021.07.014 |title=A year in review: Are diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives fixing systemic barriers? |date=2021 |last1=Singleton |first1=Kaela S. |last2=Murray |first2=De-Shaine R.K. |last3=Dukes |first3=Angeline J. |last4=Richardson |first4=Lietsel N.S. |journal=Neuron |volume=109 |issue=21 |pages=3365–3367 |pmid=34358432 }}</ref>

==Classification==
[[File:Stand Up To Racism (42540231585).jpg|thumb|Stand Up To Racism protest]]
In the past, the term "racism" was often used interchangeably with "prejudice", forming an opinion of another person based on incomplete information. In the last quarter of the 20th century, racism became associated with systems rather than individuals. In 1977, David Wellman  defined racism as "a system of advantage based on race" in his book ''Portraits of White Racism'', illustrating this definition through countless examples of white people supporting racist institutions while denying that they are prejudiced. White people can be nice to people of color while continuing to uphold systemic racism that benefits them, such as lending practices, well-funded schools, and job opportunities.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Wellman|first=David|title=Portraits of White Racism|publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]]|location=Cambridge, England|year=1977|isbn= 0-521-21514-5 |page=75}}</ref> The concept of institutional racism re-emerged in political discourse in the mid and late 1990s, but has remained a contested concept.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Phillips |first1=Coretta |title=Institutional Racism and Ethnic Inequalities: An Expanded Multilevel Framework |journal=Journal of Social Policy |publisher=[[Cambridge University Press]]|location=Cambridge, England|date=2 July 2010 |volume=40 |issue=1 |pages=173–192 |doi=10.1017/s0047279410000565 |doi-access=free }}</ref> Institutional racism is where race causes a different level of access to the goods, services, and opportunities of society.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://fpg.unc.edu/sites/fpg.unc.edu/files/resources/other-resources/What%20Racism%20Looks%20Like.pdf |title=What Racism Looks Like |date=30 June 2020 |publisher=Frank Porter Graham Child Development Institute, The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill }}</ref>

Professor [[James Jones (psychologist)|James M. Jones]] theorised three major types of racism: personally mediated, [[Internalized racism|internalized]], and institutionalized.<ref>{{cite book|first=James M.|last=Jones|author-link=James Jones (psychologist)|date=1997|title=Prejudice and Racism|publisher=[[McGraw-Hill]]|location=New York City|isbn=0-2010-3376-3|page= 289}}</ref> Personally mediated racism includes the deliberate specific social attitudes to racially prejudiced action ([[bigotry|bigoted]] differential assumptions about abilities, motives, and the intentions of others according to their race), discrimination (the differential actions and behaviours towards others according to their race), [[stereotyping]], commission, and omission (disrespect, suspicion, devaluation, and dehumanization). [[Internalized racism]] is the acceptance, by members of the racially [[stigmatized]] people, of negative perceptions about their own abilities and intrinsic worth, characterized by low [[self-esteem]], and low esteem of others like them. This racism can be manifested through embracing "whiteness" (e.g. [[Social stratification|stratification]] by skin colour in non-white communities), self-devaluation (e.g., racial slurs, nicknames, rejection of ancestral culture, etc.), and resignation, helplessness, and hopelessness (e.g., [[dropping out]] of school, [[abstention|failing to vote]], engaging in health-risk practices, etc.).<ref>{{cite book |first1=W. Michael |last1=Byrd |first2=Linda A. |last2=Clayton |year=2003 |chapter=Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Healthcare: A Background and History |pages=455–523 |chapter-url=https://www.nap.edu/read/10260/chapter/20 |editor1-first=Brian D. |editor1-last=Smedley |editor2-first=Adrienne Y. |editor2-last=Stith |editor3-first=Alan R. |editor3-last=Nelson |title=Unequal Treatment: Confronting Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Health Care |publisher=[[National Academies Press]]|location=Washington, D.C.|isbn=978-0-309-08532-8 }}</ref>

Persistent negative [[stereotype]]s fuel institutional racism and influence [[interpersonal relations]]. Racial stereotyping contributes to patterns of [[racial segregation#United States|racial residential segregation]] and [[redlining]], and shapes views about crime, crime policy and welfare policy, especially if the contextual information is stereotype-consistent.<ref>{{cite web |title=Race, Ethnicity, and the Health of Americans |date=July 2005 |publisher=Sydney S. Spivack Program in Applied Social Research and Social Policy |url=http://www2.asanet.org/centennial/race_ethnicity_health.pdf |access-date=27 February 2012 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120913200412/http://www2.asanet.org/centennial/race_ethnicity_health.pdf |archive-date=13 September 2012 }}</ref>

Other examples sometimes described as institutional racism are [[racial profiling]] by security guards and police,<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Romero |first=Mary |date=2011 |title=Are Your Papers in Order: Racial Profiling, Vigilantes, and America's Toughest Sheriff |url=https://heinonline.org/HOL/LandingPage?handle=hein.journals/hllr14&div=21&id=&page= |journal=Harvard Latino Law Review |volume=14 |page=337}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Schclarek Mulinari |first1=Leandro |last2=Keskinen |first2=Suvi |date=2022 |title=Racial profiling in the racial welfare state: Examining the order of policing in the Nordic region |journal=Theoretical Criminology |language=en |volume=26 |issue=3 |pages=377–395 |doi=10.1177/1362480620914914 |issn=1362-4806|doi-access=free }}</ref> use of stereotyped racial caricatures, the under- and misrepresentation of certain racial groups in the mass media, and race-based barriers to gainful employment and professional advancement. Additionally, differential access to goods, services and opportunities of society can be included within the term "institutional racism", such as unpaved streets and roads, inherited socio-economic disadvantage and [[standardized test]]s (each ethnic group prepared for it differently; many are poorly prepared).<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.aaup.org/article/why-standardized-tests-have-standardized-postracial-ideology#.W7JDamhKjIU|title=Why Standardized Tests Have Standardized Postracial Ideology|website=[[Association of American University Professors]]|date=31 October 2016|access-date=1 October 2018}}</ref>

Some [[sociology|sociological]]<ref>{{cite web | url=http://www.strategicpractice.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/GPP_4FacesOfPower.pdf | title=The Four Faces of Power | last1=Healey | first1=Richard | last2=Hinson| first2=Sandra}}</ref> investigators distinguish between institutional racism and "[[structural racism]]" (sometimes referred to as "structured [[racialization]]").<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://kirwaninstitute.osu.edu/docs/NewSR-brochure-FINAL.pdf|title=Kirwan Institute brochure|access-date=21 October 2022|archive-date=10 August 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190810065832/http://kirwaninstitute.osu.edu/docs/NewSR-brochure-FINAL.pdf}}</ref> The former focuses upon the norms and practices within an institution, and the latter upon the ''interactions'' among institutions, which interactions produce racialized outcomes against non-white people.<ref name="Snapshot of racialized Poverty in Canada 2013">{{cite web |url=http://www.esdc.gc.ca/eng/communities/reports/poverty_profile/snapshot.shtml |title=Snapshot of racialized Poverty in Canada |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140227153229/http://www.esdc.gc.ca/eng/communities/reports/poverty_profile/snapshot.shtml |archive-date=27 February 2014 |publisher=Employment and Social Development Canada |date=16 August 2013 }}</ref> An important feature of structural racism is that it cannot be reduced to individual [[prejudice]] or to the single function of an institution.<ref>{{cite conference |first1=Keith |last1=Lawrence |first2=Terry |last2=Keleher |title=Structural Racism |conference=Race and Public Policy Conference |date=2004 |url=https://www.racialequitytools.org/resourcefiles/Definitions-of%20Racism.pdf |access-date=21 October 2022 |archive-date=11 November 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201111211324/https://www.racialequitytools.org/resourcefiles/Definitions-of%20Racism.pdf }}</ref>

D. C. Matthew has argued in favor of "distinguishing between 'intrinsic institutional racism', which holds that institutions are racist in virtue of their constitutive features, and 'extrinsic institutional racism', which holds that institutions are racist in virtue of their negative effects."<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Matthew |first=D. C. |date=2022-08-09 |title=Against 'institutional racism' |url=http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/01914537221114910 |journal=Philosophy & Social Criticism |volume=50 |issue=6 |language=en |pages=971–996 |doi=10.1177/01914537221114910 |s2cid=251478267 |issn=0191-4537|url-access=subscription }}</ref>

== By country ==

=== Algeria ===
{{main|Pacification of Algeria}}
[[File:Alexis de Tocqueville (Théodore Chassériau - Versailles).jpg|thumb|Alexis de Tocqueville]]
The French political thinker [[Alexis de Tocqueville]] (1805–1859) supported colonization in general, and particularly the colonization of Algeria. In several speeches on France's foreign affairs, in two official reports presented to the National Assembly in March 1847 on behalf of an ''ad hoc'' commission, and in his voluminous correspondence, he repeatedly commented on and analyzed the issue. In short, Tocqueville developed a theoretical basis for French expansion in North Africa.<ref>See De la colonie en Algérie, Complexe, Brussels, 1988, and Nous et les Autres, Seuil, Paris, 1989, "Tocqueville", pp 219–234.</ref> He even studied the [[Quran]], sharply concluding that [[Islam]] was "the main cause of the decadence... of the Muslim world". His opinions are also instructive about the early years of the French conquest and how the colonial state was first set up and organized. Tocqueville emerged as an early advocate of "total domination" in Algeria and subsequent "devastation of the country".<ref>Alexis de Tocqueville, Travail sur l'Algérie, op cit, pp. 699 and 706.</ref>

On 31 January 1830, [[Charles X of France|Charles X]] capturing Algiers made the French state thus begin what became institutional racism directed at the Kabyle, or Berbers, of Arab descent in North Africa. The [[Dey of Algiers]] had insulted the monarchy by slapping the French ambassador with a [[fly-whisk]], and the French used that pretext to invade and to put an end to [[piracy]] in the vicinity. The unofficial objective was to restore the prestige of the French crown and gain a foothold in North Africa, thereby preventing the British gaining advantage over France in the Mediterranean. The [[July Monarchy]], which came to power in 1830, inherited that burden. The next ten years saw the indigenous population subjected to the [[Abdelkader El Djezairi|might of the French army]]. By 1840, more conservative elements gained control of the government and dispatched General [[Thomas Bugeaud]], the newly appointed governor of the colony, to [[French Algeria|Algeria]], which marked the real start of the country's conquest. The methods employed were atrocious; the army deported villagers ''en masse'', massacred the men and raped the women, took the children hostage, stole livestock and harvests and destroyed orchards. Tocqueville wrote, "I believe the laws of war entitle us to ravage the country and that we must do this, either by destroying crops at harvest time, or all the time by making rapid incursions, known as raids, the aim of which is to carry off men and flocks."<ref>Alexis de Tocqueville, Travail sur l'Algérie in Oeuvres complètes, Paris, Gallimard, Bibliothèque de la Pléiade, 1991, pp 704 and 705.</ref>

Tocqueville added: "In France I have often heard people I respect, but do not approve, deplore [the army] burning harvests, emptying granaries and seizing unarmed men, women and children. As I see it, these are unfortunate necessities that any people wishing to make war on the Arabs must accept."<ref>In a work that seeks to defend the army's excesses, Pierre Montagnon wrote of the victims: "500,000? A million? The truth must lie somewhere between these figures. Anything less would be to play down a terrible reality", La conquête de l'Algérie, Paris, Pygmalion, 1986, p. 414. If we compare these figures with historian Denise Bouche's estimate of the total population in 1830 at "about three million people", the scale of the massacres becomes clearer; see her Histoire de la colonisation française, volume 2, Paris, Fayard, 1998, p 23.</ref> He also advocated that "all political freedoms must be suspended in Algeria".<ref>Olivier LeCour Grandmaison (2001). "Tocqueville et la conquête de l'Algérie" (in French). La Mazarine.</ref> [[Marshal Bugeaud]], who was the first governor-general and also headed the civil government, was rewarded by the King for the conquest and having instituted the [[French conquest of Algeria|systemic]] use of torture, and following a "[[scorched earth]]" policy against the Arab population.

The French colonial state, as he conceived it and as it took shape in Algeria, was a two-tiered organization, quite unlike the regime in [[Mainland France]]. It introduced two different political and legal systems that were based on racial, cultural and religious distinctions. According to Tocqueville, the system that should apply to the [[Pied-Noir|Colons]] would enable them alone to hold property and travel freely but would deprive them of any form of political freedom, which should be suspended in Algeria. "There should therefore be two quite distinct legislations in Africa, for there are two very separate communities. There is absolutely nothing to prevent us treating Europeans as if they were on their own, as the rules established for them will only ever apply to them".<ref>Alexis de Tocqueville, Travail sur l'Algérie, op cit, p 752.{{full citation needed|date=July 2020}}</ref>

Following the defeats of the resistance in the 1840s, colonisation continued apace. By 1848, Algeria was populated by 109,400 Europeans, only 42,274 of whom were French.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Sessions |first1=Jennifer E. |title=By Sword and Plow: France and the Conquest of Algeria |date=2011 |publisher=Cornell University Press |isbn=978-0-8014-4975-8 }}{{page needed|date=July 2020}}</ref> The leader of the [[pied-noir|Colons]] delegation, [[Auguste Warnier]] (1810–1875), succeeded in the 1870s in modifying or introducing legislation to facilitate the private transfer of land to settlers and continue Algeria's appropriation of land from the local population and distribution to settlers. Europeans held about 30% of the total arable land, including the bulk of the most fertile land and most of the areas under irrigation.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Horne |first1=Alistair |title=A Savage War of Peace: Algeria, 1954–1962 |date=1978 |publisher=Viking Press |isbn=978-0-670-61964-1 |page=62 }}</ref> In 1881, the ''[[Indigénat|Code de l'Indigénat]]'' made the discrimination official by creating specific penalties for indigenes and by organising the seizure or appropriation of their lands.<ref>le code de l'indigénat dans l'Algérie coloniale, Human Rights League (LDH), 6 March 2005 – URL accessed on 17 January 2007 (French){{full citation needed|date=July 2020}}</ref> By 1900, Europeans produced more than two-thirds of the value of output in agriculture and practically all of the agricultural exports. The [[colonialism|colonial government]] imposed more and higher taxes on [[Muslims]] than on [[Europeans]].<ref>{{cite book |last1=Horne |first1=Alistair |title=A Savage War of Peace: Algeria, 1954–1962 |date=1978 |publisher=Viking Press |isbn=978-0-670-61964-1 |page=63 }}</ref> The Muslims, in addition to paying traditional taxes dating from before the French conquest, also paid new taxes from which the Colons were normally exempted. In 1909, for instance, Muslims, who made up almost 90% of the population but produced 20% of Algeria's income, paid 70% of direct taxes and 45% of the total taxes collected. Also, Colons controlled how the revenues would be spent and so their towns had handsome municipal buildings, paved streets lined with trees, fountains and statues, but Algerian villages and rural areas benefited little, if at all, from tax revenues.<ref>{{cite magazine|first=Michele|last=Duchet|url=https://www.dissentmagazine.org/article/war-algeria-mentality-colons|title=The War in Algeria: The Mentality of the 'Colons'|magazine=[[Dissent (American magazine)|Dissent]]|date=Summer 1956|access-date=July 1, 2022}}</ref>

==== In education ====
The colonial regime proved severely detrimental to overall education for Muslims, who had previously relied on religious schools to learn reading, writing and religion. In 1843, the state appropriated the habus lands, the religious foundations that constituted the main source of income for religious institutions, including schools, but colonial officials refused to allocate enough money to maintain schools and mosques properly and to provide for enough teachers and religious leaders for the growing population. In 1892, more than five times as much was spent for the education of Europeans as for Muslims, who had five times as many children of school age. Because few Muslim teachers were trained, Muslim schools were largely staffed by French teachers. Even a state-operated [[madrasa]] often had French faculty members. Attempts to institute [[bilingual]] and [[bicultural]] schools, intended to bring Muslim and European children together in the classroom, were a conspicuous failure, and were rejected by both communities and phased out after 1870. According to one estimate, fewer than 5% of Algerian children attended any kind of school in 1870. As late as 1954, only one Muslim boy in five and one girl in sixteen received formal schooling.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Horne |first1=Alistair |title=A Savage War of Peace: Algeria, 1954–1962 |date=1978 |publisher=[[Viking Press]] |location=New York City|isbn=978-0-670-61964-1 |pages=60–61 }}</ref> Efforts were begun by 1890 to educate a small number of Muslims along with European students in the French school system as part of France's "civilising mission" in Algeria. The curriculum was entirely French and allowed no place for Arabic studies, which were deliberately downgraded even in Muslim schools. Within a generation, a class of well-educated, gallicized Muslims, the ''[[nationalism and resistance in Algeria|évolués]]'' (literally "evolved ones"), had been created.

==== Enfranchisement ====
Following its conquest of [[Ottoman Algeria]] in 1830, France maintained for well over a century its [[colonial rule]] in the territory that has been described as "quasi-[[apartheid]]".<ref>{{cite book |last1=Bell |first1=David |title=Presidential Power in Fifth Republic France |date=2000 |publisher=[[Berg Publishers]] |location=Oxford, England|isbn=978-1-85973-376-9 |page=36 }}</ref> The colonial law of 1865 allowed Arab and Berber Algerians to apply for French citizenship only if they [[apostasy in Islam|abandoned their Muslim identity]]; Azzedine Haddour argues that it established "the formal structures of a political apartheid".<ref>{{cite book |last1=Kelly |first1=Debra |title=Autobiography and Independence: Selfhood and Creativity in North African Postcolonial Writing in French |date=2005 |publisher=[[Liverpool University Press]] |location=Liverpool, England|isbn=978-0-85323-659-7 |page=43 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=KJss4sR2-TEC&pg=PA43 }}</ref> Camille Bonora-Waisman writes, "In contrast with the Moroccan and Tunisian protectorates", the "colonial [[apartheid]] society" was unique to Algeria.<ref name=Bonora-Waisman2003p3>{{cite book |last1=Bonora-Waisman |first1=Camille |title=France and the Algerian Conflict: Issues in Democracy and Political Stability, 1988–1995 |date=2003 |publisher=[[Ashgate Publishing]]|location=Farnham, Surrey, England|isbn=978-1-84014-751-3 |page=3 }}</ref>

Under the [[French Fourth Republic]], Muslim Algerians were accorded the rights of [[citizenship]], but the system of discrimination was maintained in more informal ways. [[Frederick Cooper (historian)|Frederick Cooper]] writes that Muslim Algerians "were still marginalized in their own territory, notably the separate voter roles of 'French' civil status and of 'Muslim' civil status, to keep their hands on power."<ref name=Bonora-Waisman2003p3/> The "internal system of apartheid" was met with considerable resistance by the [[Islam in Algeria|Algerian Muslims]] affected by it, and it is cited as one of the causes of the [[Algerian War|1954 insurrection]].

There was clearly nothing exceptional about the crimes committed by the French army and state in Algeria from 1955 to 1962. On the contrary, they were part of [[Algerian War|history repeating itself]].<ref>Horne, p. 27</ref>

==== State racism ====
Following the views of [[Michel Foucault]], the French historian [[Olivier Le Cour Grandmaison]] spoke of a "state racism" under the [[French Third Republic]], a notable example being that the 1881 Indigenous Code applied in Algeria. Replying to the question "Isn't it excessive to talk about a state racism under the Third Republic?", he replied:
<blockquote> "No, if we can recognize 'state racism' as the vote and implementation of discriminatory measures, grounded on a combination of racial, religious and cultural criteria, in those territories. The 1881 Indigenous Code is a monument of this genre! Considered by contemporary prestigious jurists as a 'juridical monstruosity', this code<ref>{{cite web | url=https://cdn.loc.gov/master/frd/frdcstdy/al/algeriacountryst00metz_0/algeriacountryst00metz_0.pdf | title=Algeria: a country study | access-date=21 February 2018}}</ref> planned special offenses and penalties for 'Arabs'. It was then extended to other territories of the empire. On one hand, a state of rule of law for a minority of French and Europeans located in the colonies. On the other hand, a permanent state of exception for the "indigenous" people. This situation lasted until 1945".<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.ldh-toulon.net/article.php3?id_article=491|title=le négationnisme colonial|date=28 February 2006|access-date=15 June 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060228040334/http://www.ldh-toulon.net/article.php3?id_article=491|archive-date=28 February 2006}}</ref></blockquote>

During a reform effort in 1947, the French created a bicameral legislature with one house for French citizens and another for Muslims, but it made a European's vote worth seven times a Muslim's vote.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Kacowicz |first1=Arie Marcelo |last2=Lutomski |first2=Pawel |title=Population Resettlement in International Conflicts: A Comparative Study |date=2007 |publisher=[[Lexington Books]] |location=Lanham, Maryland|isbn=978-0-7391-1607-4|pages=44–45 }}</ref>

=== Palestine ===
{{further |Israeli apartheid|Gaza genocide|Nakba|}}
Prior to the [[Nakba]] (the mass displacement of [[Palestinians]] in 1948), the population of Palestine was around 1.9 million, with approximately 1.3 million Palestinians and 600,000 Jewish residents.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Gelber |first=Yoav |date=July 2007 |title=Book Review: Rashid Khalidi,''The Iron Cage: The Story of the Palestinian Struggle for Statehood'' |journal=Israel Studies |volume=12 |issue=2 |pages=164–170 |doi=10.2979/isr.2007.12.2.164 |issn=1084-9513}}</ref> By the end of the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, over 750,000 Palestinians—more than half the indigenous population—had been forcibly displaced, and more than 500 villages were destroyed. Many of these refugees and their descendants, now numbering around 5.9 million, are stateless and are denied the right to return under Israeli law, despite Israel granting automatic citizenship to Jewish immigrants under the [[Law of Return|1950 Law of Return]].<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Pappé |first=Ilan |date=2006-10-01 |title=The 1948 Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine |journal=Journal of Palestine Studies |volume=36 |issue=1 |pages=6–20 |doi=10.1525/jps.2006.36.1.6 |hdl=10871/15208 |issn=0377-919X|hdl-access=free }}</ref>

Following the Nakba, Israel imposed military rule over the remaining Palestinian population inside its borders until 1966, while Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza came under Israeli occupation in 1967. Today, Palestinians in the occupied territories live under what human rights organizations—including Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the United Nations—have described as an [[Israeli apartheid|apartheid]] regime, characterized by racial segregation, land expropriation, and movement restrictions.<ref>{{Citation |last=Boyle |first=Francis A. |title=Israel's Crimes against Palestinians: War Crimes, Crimes against Humanity, Genocide |date=2010 |work=The Plight of the Palestinians |pages=259–262 |place=New York |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan US |doi=10.1057/9780230107922_33 |isbn=978-1-349-28656-0}}</ref> Despite making up roughly 50% of the population between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea, Palestinians are subject to systemic legal and political discrimination, with different legal systems applying to Jewish settlers and Palestinian residents in the same territory.<ref>{{Cite journal |date=2020-07-22 |title=Falk & Tilley (ECSWA), Israel Practices towards the Palestinian People and the Question of Apartheid |journal=The Palestine Yearbook of International Law Online |volume=20 |issue=1 |pages=201–263 |doi=10.1163/22116141_020010010 |issn=2211-6141}}</ref>

=== Australia ===
{{further |Racism in Australia |History of Australia |Indigenous Australians|Reconciliation in Australia}}
[[File:Brisbane Anti-Racism Protest - 6 June 2020 - AndrewMercer - DSC05297.jpg|thumb|Anti-racism protest in Brisbane]]
It is estimated that the population of [[Aboriginal Australians|Aboriginal peoples]] prior to the [[History of Australia (1788–1850)|British colonisation of Australia]] (starting in 1788) was about 314,000.<ref name="Drahos2014">{{cite book|last=Drahos|first=Peter|title=Intellectual Property, Indigenous People and their Knowledge|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=gDiNAwAAQBAJ&pg=PA58|date=12 June 2014|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-1-107-05533-9|page=58}}</ref> It has also been estimated by ecologists that the land could have supported a population of a million people. By 1901, they had been reduced by two-thirds to 93,000. In 2011, [[Indigenous Australians|First Nations Australians]] (including both Aboriginal Australians and [[Torres Strait Islanders]]) comprised about 3% of the total population, at 661,000. When [[Captain Cook]] landed in [[Botany Bay]] in 1770, he was under orders not to plant the British flag and to defer to any native population, which was largely ignored.<ref name="Rewi2012">{{cite book|last=Rewi|first=Adrienne|title=Frommer's New Zealand|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=OnHG37n8kI4C&pg=PA14|date=31 January 2012|publisher=Wiley|isbn=978-1-118-23668-0|page=14}}</ref>

==== Land rights, stolen generations, and ''terra nullius'' ====
{{further|Native title in Australia |Aboriginal land rights in Australia |Stolen Generations}}
Torres Strait Islander people are indigenous to the [[Torres Strait Islands]], which are in the [[Torres Strait]] between the northernmost tip of [[Queensland]] and [[Papua New Guinea]]. Institutional racism had its early roots here due to interactions between these islanders, who had [[Melanesia]]n origins and depended on the sea for sustenance and whose land rights were abrogated, and later the Australian Aboriginal peoples, whose children were removed from their families by Australian federal and state government agencies and church missions, under acts of their respective parliaments.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Who are the Stolen Generations? |url=https://healingfoundation.org.au/who-are-the-stolen-generations/ |access-date=2024-03-01 |website=The Healing Foundation |language=en-AU}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://stolengenerations123.wikispaces.com/Emergence+of+the+child+removal+policy|title=stolengenerations123 – Emergence of the child removal policy|access-date=12 July 2015}}</ref> The removals occurred in the period between approximately 1909 and 1969, resulting in what later became known as the [[Stolen Generations]]. An example of the abandonment of mixed-race ("[[half-caste]]") children in the 1920s is given in a report by [[Walter Baldwin Spencer]] that many mixed-descent children born during construction of [[The Ghan]] railway were abandoned at early ages with no one to provide for them. This incident and others spurred the need for state action to provide for and protect such children. Both were official policy and were coded into law by various acts. They have both been rescinded and restitution for past wrongs addressed at the highest levels of government.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Studies |first=Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander |date=2023-07-13 |title=The Stolen Generations |url=https://aiatsis.gov.au/explore/stolen-generations |access-date=2024-03-01 |website=aiatsis.gov.au |language=en}}</ref>

The treatment of the First Nations Australians by the colonisers has been termed [[cultural genocide]].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://daccess-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N06/512/07/PDF/N0651207.pdf?OpenElement |title=ODS Home Page |author=ODS Team |access-date=12 July 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150626112013/http://daccess-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N06/512/07/PDF/N0651207.pdf?OpenElement |archive-date=26 June 2015}}</ref> The earliest introduction of child removal to legislation is recorded in the Victorian ''[[Aboriginal Protection Act 1869]]''.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.stolengenerations.info/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=151&Itemid=131|title=The reason for the focus on half-caste children|author=Keith Windschuttle|access-date=12 July 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150626113437/http://www.stolengenerations.info/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=151&Itemid=131|archive-date=26 June 2015|author-link=Keith Windschuttle}}</ref> The [[Central Board for the Protection of Aborigines]] had been advocating such powers since 1860, and the passage of the Act gave the colony of Victoria a wide suite of powers over Aboriginal and "[[half-caste]]" persons, including the forcible removal of children,<ref name="Assembly1903">{{cite book|author=Queensland Parliament Legislative Assembly|title=Parliamentary Papers|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NwFQAAAAYAAJ&pg=RA4-PA49|year=1903|publisher=The Assembly|page=4}}</ref> especially "at risk" girls.<ref>{{cite book|title=Science of Man: Journal of the Royal Anthropological Society of Australasia|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=KtgRAAAAYAAJ&pg=PT124|year=1907|page=124}}</ref> By 1950, similar policies and legislation had been adopted by other states and territories, such as the ''[[Aboriginals Protection and Restriction of the Sale of Opium Act 1897]]'' (Qld),<ref>{{cite web|date=15 December 1897|title=Aboriginals Protection and Restriction of the Sale of Opium Act 1897|url=https://www.foundingdocs.gov.au/resources/transcripts/qld5_doc_1897.pdf|access-date=21 May 2021|website=foundingdocs.gov.au}}</ref> the ''[[Aborigines Ordinance 1918]] ''(NT),<ref>{{cite web|url=http://foundingdocs.gov.au/item-sdid-62.html|title=Documenting Democracy|access-date=12 July 2015}}</ref> the ''Aborigines Act 1934'' (SA)<ref>{{cite web | url=http://www5.austlii.edu.au/au/legis/sa/num_act/aa2154o1934156/aa2154o1934156.pdf | title=Aborigines Act 1934 (SA)}}</ref> and the ''[[Native Administration Act, 1927|1936 Native Administration Act]]'' (WA).

The child-removal legislation resulted in widespread removal of children from their parents and exercise of sundry guardianship powers by [[Protectors of Aborigines]] up to the age of 16 or 21. Policemen or other agents of the state were given the power to locate and transfer babies and children of mixed descent from their mothers or families or communities into institutions.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.stolengenerations.info/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=165&Itemid=139|title=The half-caste as outcast|last=Windschuttle|first=Keith|access-date=12 July 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150626121634/http://www.stolengenerations.info/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=165&Itemid=139|archive-date=26 June 2015}}</ref>{{self-published inline|date=July 2020}} In these [[Australian states and territories]], half-caste institutions (both government [[Aboriginal reserve]]s and church-run [[mission station]]s) were established in the early decades of the 20th century for the reception of these separated children. Examples of such institutions include [[Moore River Native Settlement]] in Western Australia, [[Doomadgee, Queensland|Doomadgee Aboriginal Mission]] in Queensland, [[Ebenezer Mission]] in Victoria and [[Wellington Valley Mission]] in New South Wales.

In 1911, the Chief Protector of Aborigines in South Australia, [[William Garnet South]], reportedly "lobbied for the power to remove Aboriginal children without a court hearing because the courts sometimes refused to accept that the children were neglected or destitute". South argued that "all children of mixed descent should be treated as neglected". His lobbying reportedly played a part in the enactment of the ''Aborigines Act 1911''; this made him the legal guardian of every Aboriginal child in South Australia, including so-called "half-castes". ''[[Bringing Them Home]]'',<ref>{{cite web | url=http://www.humanrights.gov.au/sites/default/files/content/education/bringing_them_home/rightsED_Bringing_them_home.pdf | title=RightsED: Bringing them home | publisher=Australian Human Rights Commission}}</ref> a report on the status of the mixed race stated "... the physical infrastructure of missions, government institutions and children's homes was often very poor and resources were insufficient to improve them or to keep the children adequately clothed, fed, and sheltered".

In reality, during this period, removal of the mixed-race children was related to the fact that most were offspring of domestic servants working on pastoral farms,<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.stolengenerations.info/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=95&Itemid=62|title=The 'boarding out' system for Aboriginal apprentices|last=Windschuttle|first=Keith|access-date=12 July 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150629042957/http://www.stolengenerations.info/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=95&Itemid=62|archive-date=29 June 2015}}</ref> and their removal allowed the mothers to continue working as help on the farm while at the same time removing the whites from responsibility for fathering them and from [[social stigma]] for having mixed-race children visible in the home.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.humanrights.gov.au/publications/bringing-them-home-chapter-7|title=Bringing them Home – Chapter 7|access-date=12 July 2015}}</ref> Also, when they were left alone on the farm they became targets of the men who contributed to the rise in the population of mixed-race children.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.stolengenerations.info/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=103&Itemid=80|title=The sexual vulnerability of girls in apprenticeship|last=Windschuttle|first=Keith|access-date=12 July 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150630012436/http://www.stolengenerations.info/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=103&Itemid=80|archive-date=30 June 2015}}</ref> The institutional racism was government policy gone awry, one that allowed babies to be taken from their mothers at birth, and this continued for most of the 20th century. That it was policy and kept secret for over 60 years is a mystery that no agency has solved to date.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.stolengenerations.info/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=67&Itemid=20|title=The best-kept conspiracy in Australian history|last=Windschuttle|first=Keith|access-date=12 July 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131110043345/http://www.stolengenerations.info/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=67&Itemid=20|archive-date=10 November 2013|author-link=Keith Windschuttle}}</ref>

In the 1930s, the Northern Territory Protector of Natives, [[Cecil Cook (Australia)|Cecil Cook]], perceived the continuing rise in numbers of "half-caste" children as a problem. His proposed solution was:
"Generally by the fifth and invariably by the sixth generation, all native characteristics of the Australian Aborigine are eradicated. The problem of our half-castes will quickly be eliminated by the complete disappearance of the black race, and the swift submergence of their progeny in the white". He did suggest at one point that they be all sterilised.<ref name="Moses2004">{{cite book|author=A. Dirk Moses|title=Genocide and Settler Society: Frontier Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian History|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5zHAGNPTkqIC&pg=PA241|year=2004|publisher=Berghahn Books|isbn=978-1-57181-410-4|page=241}}</ref>

Similarly, the Chief Protector of Aborigines in Western Australia, [[A. O. Neville]], wrote in an article for ''[[The West Australian]]'' in 1930: "Eliminate in future the full-blood and the white and one common blend will remain. Eliminate the full-blood and permit the white admixture and eventually, the race will become white".<ref>{{cite news|first=A.O.|last=Neville|author-link=A.O. Neville|newspaper=The West Australian|page=9|url=https://trove.nla.gov.au/newspaper/article/31075105|title=Coloured Folk: Some Pitiful Cases|date=18 April 1930|via=Trove, National Library of Australia}}</ref>

Official policy then concentrated on removing all black people from the population,<ref name="BashfordLevine2010">{{cite book|last1=Bashford|first1=Alison|last2=Levine|first2=Philippa|title=The Oxford Handbook of the History of Eugenics|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=g15rfXUA2i8C&pg=PA198|date=26 August 2010|publisher=[[Oxford University Press]]|location=Oxford, England|isbn=978-0-19-970653-2|page=198}}</ref> to the extent that the full-blooded Aboriginal people were hunted to extinguish them from society,<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.wsws.org/en/articles/1999/09/geno-s07.html|title=Report details crimes against Aborigines|website=World Socialist Web Site|last=Stone|first=Brett|date=7 September 1999|access-date=12 July 2015}}</ref> and those of mixed race would be assimilated with the white race so that in a few generations they too would become white.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.stolengenerations.info/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=138&Itemid=110|title=Cecil Cook's arranged marriages in the Northern Territory|last=Windschuttle|first=Keith|access-date=12 July 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150626124812/http://www.stolengenerations.info/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=138&Itemid=110|archive-date=26 June 2015|author-link=Keith Windschuttle}}</ref>

By 1900, the recorded First Nations Australian population had declined to approximately 93,000.

[[Western Australia]] and Queensland specifically excluded Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people from the electoral rolls. The ''[[Commonwealth Franchise Act 1902]]'' excluded "Aboriginal natives of Australia, Asia, Africa and Pacific Islands except for New Zealand" from voting unless they were on the roll before 1901.<ref>{{cite web|title=Indigenous Australians' right to vote|url=https://www.nma.gov.au/defining-moments/resources/indigenous-australians-right-to-vote|website=National Museum Australia|access-date=July 1, 2022}}</ref>

==== Land rights returned ====
In 1981, a land rights conference was held at [[James Cook University]], where [[Eddie Mabo]],<ref>{{cite web|url=http://nationalcongress.com.au/mabo-day/|title=Mabo Day|work=National Congress of Australia's First Peoples|access-date=12 July 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150626115750/http://nationalcongress.com.au/mabo-day/|archive-date=26 June 2015}}</ref> a Torres Strait Islander, made a speech to the audience in which he explained the land inheritance system on [[Murray Island, Queensland|Murray Island]].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.nfsa.gov.au/digitallearning/mabo/theman_22.shtml|title=Mabo/The Man/Land Rights Conference|access-date=12 July 2015}}</ref> The significance of this in terms of Australian common law doctrine was taken note of by one of the attendees, a lawyer, who suggested there should be a test case to claim land rights through the court system.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www-public.jcu.edu.au/news/JCU_103363|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150623053126/http://www-public.jcu.edu.au/news/JCU_103363|archive-date=23 June 2015|title=Celebrating Mabo's courage – JCU|access-date=12 July 2015}}</ref> Ten years later, five months after Eddie Mabo died, on 3 June 1992, the [[High Court of Australia|High Court]] announced its historic decision, namely overturning the legal doctrine of ''[[terra nullius]]'', which was the term applied by the British relating to the continent of Australia – "empty land".<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.australianstogether.org.au/stories/detail/mabo-native-title|title=Mabo Land Rights Case: Beginning of Native Title – Australians Together|author=Carter Digital|work=Australians Together|access-date=12 July 2015|archive-date=26 June 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150626141930/http://www.australianstogether.org.au/stories/detail/mabo-native-title}}</ref>

Public interest in the Mabo case had the side effect of throwing the media spotlight on all issues related to Aboriginal people and Torres Strait Islanders in Australia, and most notably the Stolen Generations. The social impacts of forced removal have been measured and found to be quite severe. Although the stated aim of the "resocialisation" program was to improve the integration of Aboriginal people into modern society, a study conducted in Melbourne and cited in the official report found that there was no tangible improvement in the social position of "removed" Aboriginal people as compared to "non-removed", particularly in the areas of employment and [[post-secondary education]].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.alrc.gov.au/publications/3.%20Aboriginal%20Societies%3A%20The%20Experience%20of%20Contact/changing-policies-towards-aboriginal|title=Changing Policies Towards Aboriginal People – ALRC|access-date=12 July 2015|archive-date=13 July 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150713140622/http://www.alrc.gov.au/publications/3.%20Aboriginal%20Societies%3A%20The%20Experience%20of%20Contact/changing-policies-towards-aboriginal}}</ref>

Most notably, the study indicated that removed Aboriginal people were actually less likely to have completed a secondary education, three times as likely to have acquired a police record and were twice as likely to use [[illicit drug]]s.<ref>{{cite web | url=https://www.humanrights.gov.au/sites/default/files/content/pdf/annual_reports/ar98.pdf | title=Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission Annual Report 1997-98}}</ref> The only notable advantage "removed" Aboriginal people possessed was a higher average income, which the report noted was most likely due to the increased urbanisation of removed individuals, and hence greater access to welfare payments than for Aboriginal people living in remote communities.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.workingwithatsi.info/content/history5.htm|title=Working with ATSI people and communities – Growing in understanding: History – Integration, self-determination and self-management (1967 to mid 1990s)|access-date=12 July 2015}}</ref>

==== First Nations health and employment ====
{{further|Closing the Gap|First Nations Australians' health}}
In his 2008 address to the houses of parliament [[National Apology|apologising for the treatment of the First Nations population]], Prime Minister [[Kevin Rudd]] made a plea to the health services regarding the disparate treatment in health services. He noted the widening gap between the treatment of First Nations and non-Indigenous Australians, and committed the government to a strategy called "[[Closing the Gap]]", admitting to past institutional racism in health services that shortened the life expectancy of the Aboriginal people. Committees that followed up on this outlined broad categories to redress the inequities in [[life expectancy]], educational opportunities and employment.<ref name="DalySpeedy2014">{{cite book |last1=Daly |first1=John |last2=Speedy |first2=Sandra |last3=Jackson |first3=Debra |title=Contexts of Nursing |date=2014 |publisher=Elsevier Health Sciences |isbn=978-0-7295-8152-3 |page=361 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=x5rQAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA361 }}</ref> The Australian government also allocated funding to redress the past discrimination. First Nations Australians visit their [[general practitioner]]s (GPs) and are hospitalised for [[diabetes]], circulatory disease, musculoskeletal conditions, respiratory and [[kidney disease]], mental, ear and eye problems and behavioural problems yet are less likely than non-Indigenous Australians to visit the GP, use a private doctor, or apply for residence in an old age facility. [[Infant mortality|Childhood mortality rates]], the gap in educational achievement and lack of employment opportunities were made goals that in a generation should halve the gap. A national "[[Close the Gap]]" day was announced for March of each year by the [[Human Rights Commission]].<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.humanrights.gov.au/our-work/aboriginal-and-torres-strait-islander-social-justice/projects/close-gap-indigenous-health#what|title=Close the Gap: Indigenous Health Campaign – Australian Human Rights Commission|access-date=12 July 2015}}</ref>

In 2011, the [[Australian Institute of Health and Welfare]] reported that life expectancy had increased since 2008 by 11.5 years for women and 9.7 years for men along with a significant decrease in infant mortality, but it was still 2.5 times higher than for the non-indigenous population. Much of the health woes of the First Nations Australians could be traced to the availability of transport. In remote communities, the report cited 71% of the population in those remote Fist Nations communities lacked access to public transport, and 78% of the communities were more than {{convert|50| mi|km|order=flip|abbr=off}} from the nearest hospital. Although English was the official language of Australia, many First Nations Australians did not speak it as a primary language, and the lack of printed materials that were translated into the [[Australian Aboriginal languages]] and the non-availability of translators formed a barrier to adequate health care for Aboriginal people. By 2015, most of the funding promised to achieve the goals of "Closing the Gap" had been cut, and the national group<ref>{{cite web|url=http://nationalcongress.com.au/about-us/|title=About Us|work=National Congress of Australia's First Peoples|access-date=12 July 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150626150311/http://nationalcongress.com.au/about-us/|archive-date=26 June 2015}}</ref> monitoring the conditions of the First Nations population was not optimistic that the promises of 2008 will be kept.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://nationalcongress.com.au/indigenous-affairs-environment-remains-a-trauma-zone/|title=Indigenous Affairs Environment Remains a Trauma Zone|work=National Congress of Australia's First Peoples|access-date=12 July 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150626141538/http://nationalcongress.com.au/indigenous-affairs-environment-remains-a-trauma-zone/|archive-date=26 June 2015}}</ref> In 2012, the group complained that institutional racism and overt discrimination continued to be issues, and that, in some sectors of government, the [[UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples]] was being treated as an aspirational rather that a binding document.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://nationalcongress.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2013/02/CongressSubmissionHumanRightsAnti-DiscriminationBill2012.pdf |access-date=24 June 2015 |title =Submission to the Human Rights Anti-Discrimination Bill 2012|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150310182434/http://nationalcongress.com.au/wp-content/uploads/2013/02/CongressSubmissionHumanRightsAnti-DiscriminationBill2012.pdf |archive-date=10 March 2015}}</ref>

=== United Arab Emirates ===
Systemic racism in the [[United Arab Emirates]] (UAE) is primarily manifested through its [[Kafala system|kafala]] (sponsorship) system, which governs migrant labor, as well as through citizenship policies that favor the native [[Emiratis|Emirati]] population while marginalizing expatriates and stateless groups such as the [[Bedoon|Bidoon]].<ref>{{Cite web |title=Human rights in United Arab Emirates |url=https://www.amnesty.org/en/location/middle-east-and-north-africa/middle-east/united-arab-emirates/report-united-arab-emirates/ |access-date=2025-02-03 |website=Amnesty International |language=en}}</ref> Human rights organizations have documented widespread racial and ethnic discrimination in employment, legal rights, and social mobility, disproportionately affecting South Asian, African, and Southeast Asian migrant workers, who make up the majority of the country's population. The kafala system has been widely criticized as a form of [[modern-day slavery]] due to its restrictions on workers' rights and its potential for abuse. As of 2020, an estimated 90% of the UAE's workforce consists of migrant laborers, predominantly from [[India]], [[Pakistan]], [[Bangladesh]], [[Nepal]], and the [[Philippines]].

The UAE's citizenship laws heavily favor native Emiratis, who make up only 11% of the total population but receive state subsidies, free healthcare, and government jobs. Meanwhile, long-term residents—many of whom have lived in the country for generations—are effectively barred from citizenship.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination examines the report of the United Arab Emirates |url=https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2017/08/committee-elimination-racial-discrimination-examines-report-united-arab |access-date=2025-02-03 |website=OHCHR |language=en}}</ref> [[Palestinians]], [[Syrians]], and [[Sudanese]] nationals face particular barriers to residency and employment, often denied the same legal protections afforded to Western expatriates.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2021-10-26 |title=UAE: Mass Arbitrary Detention and Deportation of Africans |url=https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/mde25/4896/2021/en/ |access-date=2025-02-03 |website=Amnesty International |language=en}}</ref>

Western expatriates—especially white Europeans and Americans—are often treated with leniency in the country's legal system, while South Asian and African workers receive disproportionately harsh punishments, including flogging and the death penalty for crimes that would result in lighter sentences for Emiratis or Westerners.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2021-10-26 |title=UAE: Ensure the right to remedy to hundreds of African workers following racially motivated detentions and deportations |url=https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2021/10/uae-ensure-the-right-to-remedy-to-hundreds-of-african-workers-following-racially-motivated-detentions-and-deportations/?utm_source=chatgpt.com |access-date=2025-02-03 |website=Amnesty International |language=en}}</ref>

=== Canada ===
{{Further|Racism in Canada}}

==== Indigenous Canadians ====
The living standard of [[indigenous peoples in Canada]] falls far short of those of the non-indigenous, and they, along with other 'visible minorities' remain, as a group, the poorest in Canada.<ref name="Snapshot of racialized Poverty in Canada 2013"/><ref name="Samuel & Basavarajappa 2006">{{cite journal |last1=Samuel |first1=John |last2=Basavarajappa |first2=Kogalur |title=The Visible Minority Population in Canada: A Review of Numbers, Growth and Labour Force Issues |journal=[[Canadian Studies in Population]] |publisher=[[Springer Nature]]|location=New York City|date=31 December 2006 |volume=33 |issue=2 |pages=241–269 |doi=10.25336/P6KK7S |doi-access=free }}</ref> There continue to be barriers to gaining equality with other Canadians of European ancestry. The life expectancy of First Nations people is lower; they have fewer high school graduates, much higher unemployment rates, nearly double the number of infant deaths and significantly greater contact with law enforcement. Their incomes are lower, they enjoy fewer promotions in the workplace and as a group, the younger members are more likely to work reduced hours or weeks each year.<ref name="Samuel & Basavarajappa 2006"/>

Many in Europe during the 19th century (as reflected in the Imperial Report of the Select Committee on Aborigines),<ref>{{cite web|url=https://books.google.com/books?isbn=0719060036|title=Recherche Google|access-date=12 July 2015}}</ref> supported the goal put forth by colonial imperialists of 'civilizing' the Native populations. This led to an emphasis on the acquisition of Aboriginal lands in exchange for the putative benefits of European society and their associated Christian religions. British control of Canada (the [[Monarchy of Canada|Crown]]) began when they exercised jurisdiction over the first nations and it was by Royal Proclamation that the first piece of legislation the British government passed over First Nations citizens assumed control of their lives. It gave recognition to the Indians tribes as First Nations living under Crown protection.{{citation needed|date=July 2020}}

It was after the [[Treaty of Paris (1763)|treaty of Paris in 1763]], whereby France ceded all claims in present-day Canada to Britain, that [[George III|King George III of Great Britain]] issued a [[Royal Proclamation of 1763|Royal Proclamation]] specifying how the Indigenous in the crown colony were to be treated. It is the most significant pieces of legislation regarding the Crown's relationship with Aboriginal people. This Royal Proclamation recognized Indian owned lands and reserved to them all use as their hunting grounds. It also established the process by which the Crown could purchase their lands, and also laid out basic principles to guide the Crown when making treaties with the First Nations. The Proclamation made Indian lands transferred by treaty to be Crown property, and stated that indigenous title is a collective or communal rather than a private right so that individuals have no claim to lands where they lived and hunted long prior to European colonization.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://cidh.org/countryrep/Indigenous-Lands09/Chap.V-VI.htm|title=Indigenous and Tribal People's Rights Over Their Ancestral Lands and Natural Resources|website=cidh.org|access-date=15 June 2017}}</ref>

==== Indian Acts ====
In 1867, the [[British North America Acts|British North America Act]] made [[Indian Reserve (1763)|land reserved for Indians]] a Crown responsibility. In 1876 the first of many Indian Acts passed, each successive one leeched more from the rights of the indigenous as was stated in the first.
The sundry revised Indian Acts (22 times by 2002) solidified the position of Natives as wards of the state, and Indian agents were given discretionary power to control almost every aspect of the lives of the indigenous.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://laws-lois.justice.gc.ca|title=Justice Laws Website – Site Web de la législation (Justice)|website=laws-lois.justice.gc.ca|access-date=15 June 2017}}</ref> It then became necessary to have permission from an Indian agent if Native people wanted to sell crops they had grown and harvested, or wear traditional clothes off the reserves. The Indian Act was also used to deny Indians the right to vote until 1960, and they could not sit on juries.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://firstpeoplesofcanada.com/fp_treaties/john_fp33_indianact.html|title=The Indian Act of Canada: Origins|access-date=12 July 2015}}</ref>

In 1885, [[North-West Rebellion|General Middleton]] after defeating the Metis rebellion<ref>{{cite web|title=Métis Homeland |publisher=Rupertsland Institute |url=http://www.rupertsland.org/metis-homeland/ |access-date=7 June 2020}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news|last=Welch|first=Mary Agnes|date=14 February 2015|title=Feb 2015: The re-emergence of Métis Nation|work=Winnipeg Free Press|url=https://www.winnipegfreepress.com/non-linked/The-Metis-question-291731281.html|access-date=7 June 2020}}</ref> introduced the Pass System in western Canada, under which Natives could not leave their reserves without first obtaining a pass from their farming instructors permitting them to do so.<ref name="Steckley2003">{{cite book|last=Steckley|first=John|title=Aboriginal Voices and the Politics of Representation in Canadian Introductory Sociology Textbooks|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=PJK85K3WjsAC&pg=PA255|date=1 January 2003|publisher=Canadian Scholars' Press|isbn=978-1-55130-248-5|page=255}}</ref> While the Indian Act did not give him such powers, and no other legislation allowed the Department of Indian Affairs to institute such a system,<ref name="Steckley2003" /> and it was known by crown lawyers to be illegal as early as 1892, the Pass System remained in place and was enforced until the early 1930s. As Natives were not permitted at that time to become lawyers, they could not fight it in the courts.<ref name="Schaefer2008">{{cite book|author=Richard T. Schaefer|title=Encyclopedia of Race, Ethnicity, and Society|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=STR1AwAAQBAJ&pg=PT1496|date=20 March 2008|publisher=SAGE Publications|isbn=978-1-4522-6586-5|page=1496}}</ref> Thus was institutional racism externalized as official policy.

When Aboriginals began to press for recognition of their rights and to complain of corruption and abuses of power within the Indian department, the Act was amended to make it an offence for an Aboriginal person to retain a lawyer for the purpose of advancing any claims against the crown.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.bloorstreet.com/200block/sindact.htm|title=Henderson's Annotated Indian Act|access-date=12 July 2015}}</ref>

==== Métis ====
{{Main|Métis people (Canada)}}
Unlike the effect of those Indian treaties in the North-West, which established the reserves for the Indigenous, the protection of [[Métis]] lands was not secured by the [[Scrip#Land scrip (United States)|scrip policy]] instituted in the 1870s,<ref>{{cite web|url=http://scaa.sk.ca/ourlegacy/exhibit_scrip|title=Métis Scrip|access-date=12 July 2015|archive-date=1 July 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150701172447/http://scaa.sk.ca/ourlegacy/exhibit_scrip}}</ref> whereby the crown exchanged a scrip<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/metis-scrip/091/005005-e010836018-v8.jpg|title=Image of scrip|website=collectionscanada.gc.ca|access-date=27 March 2018}}</ref> in exchange for a fixed (160–240 acres)<ref>{{cite web|url=http://scaa.sk.ca/ourlegacy/solr?query=ID:28627%20&start=0&rows=10&mode=results|title=Our Legacy|access-date=12 July 2015}}</ref> grant of land to those of mixed heritage.<ref>Privy Council OPCP 898, 9 May 1887. This order authorized the extension of the NWHB Commission and outlined the commission's jurisdiction as "those portions of the Territories since ceded by the Indians under treaty with the Government of Canada."</ref>
[[File:Mixed blood Fur trader 1870.jpg|left|thumb|Minnesota Historical Society Location No. HD2.3 r7 Negative No. 10222 "Mixed blood (Indian and French) fur trader" {{Circa|1870}}]]
Although Section 3 of the 1883 Dominion Lands Act set out this limitation, this was the first mention in the orders-in-council confining the jurisdiction of scrip commissions to ceded Indian territory. However, a reference was first made in 1886 in a draft letter of instructions to Goulet from Burgess.<!-- , 17 May 1886 (NAC RG 15, Vol. 501, File 140862).</ref> This get lost somewhere? --> In most cases, the scrip policy did not consider Métis ways of life, did not guarantee their land rights, and did not facilitate any economic or lifestyle transition.<ref>{{cite thesis |last1=Augustus |first1=Camilla |title=The scrip solution: the North West Metis scrip policy, 1885–1887 |date=2005 |hdl=1880/41381 }}</ref> [[File:Metis land scrip 005005-e010836018-v8.jpg|thumb|Metis land scrip]] [[File:Metis scrip value 160 acresE11-p09.jpg|thumb|Metis scrip issued to "half-breeds", 1894]]

Most Métis were illiterate and did not know the value of the scrip, and in most cases sold them for instant gratification due to economic need to speculators who undervalued the paper. Needless to say, the process by which they applied for their land was made deliberately arduous.<ref>A letter sent in 1885 to J.R. Burpé, Secretary of the Dominion Lands Commission in Winnipeg illuminated this point.  The concern expressed, according to Burpé, was if claimants would have to "undergo a heavy, long, or expensive journey" to reach the commission. Burpé to Street, 12 June 1885 (NAC MG 29 E-16, Vol. 1, File 4).  Another letter written by David Macarthur on behalf of Métis at Lakes Manitoba and Winnipegosis supports this point.  Although a commission had been sent to Winnipeg to hear their claims previously, he noted "that only a few were able to attend and that the others by reason of poverty and other causes were unable to do so." David Macarthur to Secretary, Department of Interior, 3 October 1885 (NAC RG 15, D-II-3, Vol. 178, File HB 1104).</ref>

There was no legislation binding scrip land to the [[Métis people (Canada)|Métis]] who applied for them, Instead, Métis scrip lands could be sold to anyone, hence alienating any Aboriginal title that may have been vested in those lands. Despite the evident detriment to the Métis, speculation was rampant and done in collusion with the distribution of scrip. While this does not necessarily preclude a malicious intent by the federal government to consciously 'cheat' the Métis, it illustrates their apathy towards the welfare of the Métis, their long-term interests, and the recognition of their Aboriginal title. But the point of the policy was to settle land in the North-West with agriculturalists, not keep a land reserve for the Métis. Scrip, then, was a major undertaking in Canadian history, and its importance as both an Aboriginal policy and a land policy should not be overlooked as it was an institutional 'policy' that discriminated against ethnic indigenous to their continued detriment.<ref>Métis National Council, "A Guide to the Northwest "Half-breed" Scrip Applications Document Series", Métis National Council Historical Online Database ({{cite web |url=http://tomcat.sunsite.ualberta.ca/MNC/learn.jsp |title=A Guide to 1901 Census of Canada Archived copy |access-date=1 July 2015 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131112083913/http://tomcat.sunsite.ualberta.ca/MNC/learn.jsp |archive-date=12 November 2013}}</ref>

====Enfranchisement====

Until 1951, the various Indian Acts defined a 'person' as "an individual other than an Indian", and all indigenous peoples were considered wards of the state. Legally, the Crown devised a system of [[Gradual Civilization Act|enfranchisement]] whereby an indigenous person could become a "person" in Canadian law. Indigenous people could gain the right to vote and become Canadian citizens, "persons" under the law, by voluntarily assimilating into European/Canadian society.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/An_Act_to_encourage_the_gradual_Civilization_of_the_Indian_Tribes_in_this_Province,_and_to_amend_the_Laws_respecting_Indians|title=An Act to encourage the gradual Civilization of the Indian Tribes in this Province, and to amend the Laws respecting Indians|via=Wikisource}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://eco.canadiana.ca/view/oocihm.9_07030|title=Bill: an act to encourage the gradual civiliza... – cover – Early Canadiana Online|publisher=Canadiana |access-date=26 October 2015}}</ref>

It was hoped that indigenous peoples would renounce their native heritage and culture and embrace the 'benefits' of civilized society. Indeed, from the 1920s to the 1940s, some Natives did give up their status to receive the right to go to school, vote or drink. However, voluntary enfranchisement proved a failure when few natives took advantage.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://signatoryindian.tripod.com/routingusedtoenslavethesovereignindigenouspeoples/id10.html|title=2. 1857 – Gradual civilization of the Indian tribes- Enfranchisement Scheme|work=signatoryindian.tripod.com|access-date=21 February 2018}}</ref>

In 1920, a law was passed to authorize enfranchisement without consent, and many Aboriginal peoples were involuntarily enfranchised. Natives automatically lost their Indian status under this policy and also if they became professionals such as doctors or ministers, or even if they obtained university degrees, and with it, they lost their right to reside on the reserves.

The enfranchisement requirements particularly discriminated against Native women, specifying in Section 12 (1)(b) of the Indian Act that an Indian status woman marrying a non-Indian man would lose her status as an Indian, as would her children. In contrast non-Indian women marrying Indian men would gain Indian status.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://openparliament.ca/bills/41-1/C-31|title=Bill C-31 (Historical)|work=openparliament.ca|access-date=26 October 2015}}</ref> [[Duncan Campbell Scott]], the Deputy Superintendent of Indian Affairs, neatly expressed the sentiment of the day in 1920:
"Our object is to continue until there is not a single Indian in Canada that has not been absorbed into the body politic, and there is no Indian question and no Indian Department"
This aspect of enfranchisement was addressed by passage of Bill C-31 in 1985,<ref>{{cite web|url=http://indigenousfoundations.web.arts.ubc.ca/bill_c-31/|title=Bill C-31|website=indigenousfoundations.web.arts.ubc.ca}}</ref> where the discriminatory clause of the Indian Act was removed, and Canada officially gave up the goal of enfranchising Natives.

====Residential schools====

{{main|Canadian Indian residential school system}}
In the 19th and 20th centuries, the Canadian federal government's Indian Affairs Department officially encouraged the growth of the [[Canadian Indian residential school system|Indian residential school system]] as an agent in a wider policy of assimilating Native Canadians into European-Canadian society. This policy was enforced with the support of various Christian churches, which ran many of the schools. Over the course of the system's existence, approximately 30% of Aboriginal children, roughly some 150,000, were placed in residential schools nationally, with the last school closing in 1996. There has long been controversy about the conditions experienced by students in the residential schools. While day schools for First Nations, Metis and Inuit children always far outnumbered residential schools, a new consensus emerged in the early 21st century that the latter schools did significant harm to Aboriginal children who attended them by removing them from their families, depriving them of their ancestral languages, undergoing forced sterilization for some students, and by exposing many of them to physical and sexual abuse by staff members, and other students, and dis-enfranchising them forcibly.<ref>{{cite web|last=Harper|first=Stephen|author-link=Stephen Harper|date=11 June 2008|title=Statement of apology to former students of Indian Residential Schools|url=https://www.aadnc-aandc.gc.ca/eng/1100100015644/1100100015649|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170516080220/http://www.aadnc-aandc.gc.ca/eng/1100100015644/1100100015649|archive-date=16 May 2017|access-date=7 May 2017|website=Indian and Northern Affairs Canada}}</ref>

With the goal of civilizing and Christianizing Aboriginal populations, a system of 'industrial schools' was developed in the 19th century that combined academic studies with "more practical matters" and schools for Natives began to appear in the 1840s. From 1879 onward, these schools were modelled after the [[Carlisle Indian Industrial School|Carlisle Indian School]] in Pennsylvania, whose motto was "[[Kill the Indian, Save the Man|Kill the Indian in him and save the man]]".<ref>{{cite web|url=https://waynekspear.files.wordpress.com/2010/03/residential-schools.gif|title=Image of students|website=wordpress.com|access-date=27 March 2018}}</ref>{{self-published inline|date=July 2020}} It was felt that the most effective weapon for "killing the Indian" in them was to remove children from their Native supports and so Native children were taken away from their homes, their parent, their families, friends and communities.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.culturalsurvival.org/publications/cultural-survival-quarterly/canada/indian-residential-school-truth-and-reconciliation-c|title=Indian Residential School Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada|work=Cultural Survival|date=9 April 2011 |access-date=12 July 2015}}</ref>
The 1876 Indian Act gave the federal government responsibility for Native education and by 1910 residential schools dominated the Native education policy. The government provided funding to religious groups such as the Catholic, Anglican, United Church and Presbyterian churches to undertake Native education. By 1920, attendance by natives was made compulsory and there were 74 residential schools operating nationwide. Following the ideas of [[Clifford Sifton|Sifton]] and others like him, the academic goals of these schools were "dumbed down". As Duncan Campbell Scott stated at the time, they did not want students that were "made too smart for the Indian villages":<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.danielnpaul.com/IndianResidentialSchools.html|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20040905090008/http://www.danielnpaul.com/IndianResidentialSchools.html|url-status=usurped|archive-date=5 September 2004|title=Indian Residential Schools – Cultural Genocide|access-date=12 July 2015}}</ref>
"To this end the curriculum in residential schools has been simplified and the practical instruction given is such as may be immediately of use to the pupil when he returns to the reserve after leaving school."

The funding the government provided was generally insufficient and often the schools ran themselves as "self-sufficient businesses", where 'student workers' were removed from class to do the laundry, heat the building, or perform farm work. Dormitories were often poorly heated and overcrowded, and the food was less than adequately nutritious. A 1907 report, commissioned by [[Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada|Indian Affairs]], found that in 15 prairie schools there was a death rate of 24%.<ref name="waynekspear.com">{{cite web|url=http://waynekspear.com/2010/03/10/indian-residential-schools-2/|title=Indian Residential Schools|work=Wayne K. Spear – Writer|date=10 March 2010|access-date=12 July 2015}}</ref> Indeed, a deputy superintendent general of Indian Affairs at the time commented:
"It is quite within the mark to say that fifty percent of the children who passed through these schools did not benefit from the education which they had received therein."
While the death rate did decline in later years, death would remain a part of the residential school tradition. The author of that report to the [[Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada|BNA]], [[Peter Bryce|Dr. P.H. Bryce]], was later removed and in 1922 published a pamphlet<ref>{{cite web|url=https://archive.org/stream/storyofnationalc00brycuoft#page/n5/mode/2up|title=The story of a national crime: being an appeal for justice to the Indians of Canada; the wards of the nation, our allies in the Revolutionary War, our brothers-in-arms in the Great War|access-date=12 July 2015}}</ref> that came close to calling the governments indifference to the conditions of the Indians in the schools 'manslaughter'.<ref name="waynekspear.com"/>

Anthropologists [[John Steckley|Steckley]] and Cummins note that the endemic abuses – emotional, physical, and sexual – for which the system is now well known for "might readily qualify as the single-worst thing that Europeans did to Natives in Canada".<ref name="tolerance.cz"/> Punishments were often brutal and cruel, sometimes even life-threatening or life-ending. Pins were sometimes stuck in children's tongues for speaking their Native languages, sick children were made to eat their vomit, and semi-formal inspections of children's genitalia were carried out.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://speakingmytruth.ca/?page_id=50|title=Aboriginal Healing Foundation – Speaking My Truth|work=speakingmytruth.ca|access-date=25 January 2022|archive-date=22 February 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180222165030/http://speakingmytruth.ca/?page_id=50}}</ref> The term [[Sixties Scoop]] (or Canada Scoops) refers to the Canadian practice, beginning in the 1960s and continuing until the late 1980s, of taking ("scooping up") children of Aboriginal peoples in Canada from their families for placing in foster homes or adoption.

Most residential schools closed in the 1970s, with the last one closing in 1996. Criminal and civil suits against the government and the churches began in the late 1980s and shortly thereafter the last residential school closed. By 2002, the number of lawsuits had passed 10,000. In the 1990s, beginning with the United Church, the churches that ran the residential schools began to issue formal apologies. In 1998, the Canadian government issued the Statement of [[Truth and Reconciliation Commission (Canada)|Reconciliation]],<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.trc.ca/websites/trcinstitution/index.php?p=3|title=TRC|access-date=12 July 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160304082611/http://www.trc.ca/websites/trcinstitution/index.php?p=3|archive-date=4 March 2016}}</ref> and committed $350&nbsp;million in support of a community-based healing strategy to address the healing needs of individuals, families and communities arising from the legacy of physical and sexual abuse at residential schools. The money was used to launch the Aboriginal Healing Foundation.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.ahf.ca|title=Announcements – Aboriginal Healing Foundation|access-date=12 July 2015}}</ref>

Starting in the 1990s, the government started a number of initiatives to address the effects of the Indian residential school. In March 1998, the government made a Statement of Reconciliation and established the Aboriginal Healing Foundation. In the fall of 2003, the Alternative Dispute Resolution process was launched, which was a process outside of court providing compensation and psychological support for former students of residential schools who were physically or sexually abused or were in situations of wrongful confinement. On 11 June 2008, Prime Minister Stephen Harper issued a formal apology on behalf of the sitting Cabinet and in front of an audience of Aboriginal delegates. A [[Truth and Reconciliation Commission (Canada)|Truth and Reconciliation Commission]] ran from 2008 through to 2015 to document past wrongdoing in the hope of resolving conflict left over from the past.<ref>{{cite web|year=2017|title=14.12 Elimination of Racial and Ethnic Stereotyping, Identification of Groups|url=http://www.btb.termiumplus.gc.ca/tcdnstyl-srch?lang=eng&srchtxt=indigenous&cur=2&nmbr=2&lettr=14&info0=14.12#zz14|access-date=30 April 2017|website=[[Translation Bureau]]|publisher=Public Works and Government Services Canada|archive-date=1 April 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190401070041/https://www.btb.termiumplus.gc.ca/tcdnstyl-srch?lang=eng&srchtxt=indigenous&cur=2&nmbr=2&lettr=14&info0=14.12#zz14}}</ref> The final report concluded that the school system amounted to [[cultural genocide]].<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2015/06/03/world/americas/canadas-forced-schooling-of-aboriginal-children-was-cultural-genocide-report-finds.html|title=Canada's Forced Schooling of Aboriginal Children Was 'Cultural Genocide,' Report Finds|date=2 June 2015|newspaper=[[The New York Times]]}}</ref>

====Contemporary situation====

{{Main|Analysis of Western European colonialism and colonization}}
The overt institutional racism of the past has clearly had a profoundly devastating and lasting effect on visible minorities and Aboriginal communities throughout Canada.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://unchronicle.un.org/article/discrimination-aboriginals-native-lands-canada|title=Discrimination of Aboriginals on Native Lands in Canada &#124; UN Chronicle|website=unchronicle.un.org|access-date=21 October 2022|archive-date=19 August 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200819101147/https://unchronicle.un.org/article/discrimination-aboriginals-native-lands-canada}}</ref> European cultural norms have imposed themselves on Native populations in Canada, and Aboriginal communities continue to struggle with [[culture of Canada#Influences|foreign]] systems of governance, justice, education, and livelihood. Visible Minorities struggle with education, employment and negative contact with the legal system across Canada.<ref>{{cite journal|url=https://minorityrights.org/country/canada/|title=Canada|website=Minority Rights Group|date=19 June 2015 }}</ref>

Perhaps most palpable is the dysfunction and familial devastation caused by residential schools. Hutchins states;<ref name="tolerance.cz">{{cite web |url=http://tolerance.cz/courses/papers/hutchin.htm |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20030728143438/http://tolerance.cz/courses/papers/hutchin.htm |archive-date=28 July 2003 |title=Canada's First Nations: A Legacy of Institutional Racism |first1=Claire |last1=Hutchings }}</ref>{{self-published inline|date=July 2020}} "Many of those who attended residential schools have been diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder, suffering from such symptoms as panic attacks, insomnia, and uncontrollable or unexplainable anger.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.heretohelp.bc.ca/sites/default/files/post-traumatic-stress-disorder.pdf |title=Learn About Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder |year=2013 |publisher=HeretoHelp }}</ref> Many also suffer from alcohol or drug abuse, sexual inadequacy or addiction, the inability to form intimate relationships, and eating disorders. Three generations of Native parents lost out on learning important parenting skills usually passed on from parent to child in caring and nurturing home environments,<ref>{{cite web |url=http://nurturingparenting.com/images/cmsfiles/understanding_foster_families.pdf |title=Understanding Foster Families |first1=Stephen J. |last1=Bavolek |first2=Larrie D. |last2=Wanberg |first3=Kathryn A. |last3=Dravage }}</ref> and the abuse suffered by students of residential schools has begun a distressing cycle of abuse within many Native communities." The lasting legacy of residential schools is but only one facet of the problem.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Austen |first1=Ian |title=Canada's Forced Schooling of Aboriginal Children Was 'Cultural Genocide,' Report Finds |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2015/06/03/world/americas/canadas-forced-schooling-of-aboriginal-children-was-cultural-genocide-report-finds.html |work=[[The New York Times]] |date=2 June 2015 |url-access=subscription }}</ref>

The Hutchins report continues: "Aboriginal children continue to struggle with mainstream education in Canada. For some Indian students, English remains a second language, and many lack parents with sufficient education themselves to support them. Moreover, schooling in Canada is based on an English written tradition, which is different from the oral traditions of the Native communities.<ref>{{cite web |title=Oral Traditions |date=2009 |publisher=First Nations & Indigenous Studies, The University of British Columbia |url=https://indigenousfoundations.arts.ubc.ca/oral_traditions/}}</ref> For others, it is simply that they are ostracised for their 'otherness'; their manners, their attitudes, their speech, or a hundred other things which mark them out as different.
"Aboriginal populations continue to suffer from poor health. They have seven years less life expectancy than the overall Canadian population and almost twice as many infant deaths. While Canada as a nation routinely ranks in the top three on the United Nations Human Development Index,<ref>{{cite book |title=Human Development Report 2010: 20th Anniversary Edition |date=2010 |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan UK |isbn=978-0-230-28445-6 |url=http://hdr.undp.org/en/content/human-development-report-2010 |last1=Nations |first1=United }}{{page needed|date=July 2020}}</ref> its on-reserve Aboriginal population, if scored as a nation, would rank a distant and shocking sixty-third."

As [[Perry Bellegarde]] National Chief, Assembly of First Nations, points out, racism in Canada today is, for the most part, a covert operation.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://nationtalk.ca/story/canada-has-a-racism-problem-afn-national-chief-aptn|title=Canada has a racism problem: AFN National Chief – APTN|website=NationTalk}}</ref> Its central and most distinguishing tenet is the vigour with which it is consistently denied.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.huffingtonpost.ca/entry/systemic-racism-canada_ca_5ed93343c5b69dee016ed31f|title=Systemic Racism Exists In Canada. It's A Fact, Not An Opinion|date=6 June 2020|website=[[HuffPost]] Canada}}</ref> There are many who argue that Canada's endeavors in the field of human rights and its stance against racism have only resulted in a "more politically correct population who have learnt to better conceal their prejudices".<ref>{{cite web|url=https://prezi.com/b9p1qzffl466/privilege/|title=Privilege|work=prezi.com|access-date=12 July 2015}}</ref> In effect, the argument is that racism in Canada is not being eliminated, but rather is becoming more covert, more rational, and perhaps more deeply imbedded in our institutions.

That racism is alive is evidenced by the recent referendum in British Columbia by which the provincial government is asking the white majority to decide on a mandate for negotiating treaties with the Indian minority.<ref>{{cite journal |url=http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/journals/ILB/2002/33.html |last1=Kajlich |first1=Helena |title=The British Columbia Treaty Referendum: An Appropriate Democratic Exercise? |year=2002 |volume=5 |issue=17 |journal=Indigenous Law Bulletin |pages=11–14 }}</ref> The results of the referendum will be binding,<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.turtleisland.org/news/news-bctreaty-referendum1.htm|title=British Columbia Treaty referendum|access-date=12 July 2015}}</ref> the government having legislatively committed itself to act on these principles if more than 50% of those voting reply in the same way. Moreover, although it has been revised many times, "the Indian Act remains legislation which singles out a segment of society based on race". Under it, the civil rights of First Nations peoples are "dealt with in a different manner than the civil rights of the rest of Canadian citizens".<ref name="tolerance.cz"/>
[[File:Joyce Echaquan restored version.jpg|thumb|right|150px|Joyce Echaquan, on the lake shore, 1999]]

The Aboriginal Justice Inquiry in Manitoba,<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.ajic.mb.ca/volume.html|title=Report of the Aboriginal Justice Inquiry of Manitoba|access-date=12 July 2015}}</ref> the Donald Marshall Inquiry in Nova Scotia,<ref>{{cite web |author1=Chief Justice T. Alexander Hickman |author2=Associate Chief Justice Lawrence A. Poitras |author3=The Honourable Mr. Gregory T. Evans, Q.C. |title=Digest of Findings and Recommendations |date=December 1989 |publisher=Royal Commission on the Donald Marshall, Jr. Prosecution |url=https://novascotia.ca/just/marshall_inquiry/_docs/Royal%20Commission%20on%20the%20Donald%20Marshall%20Jr%20Prosecution_findings.pdf}}</ref> the Cawsey Report in Alberta<ref>{{cite web |title=Report of the Task Force on the Criminal Justice System and its Impact on the Indian and Metis People of Alberta – Open Government |url=https://open.alberta.ca/publications/1369434 |website=Alberta Government }}</ref> and the Royal Commission of Aboriginal People all agree,<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.ainc-inac.gc.ca/ch/rcap/sg/sgmm_e.html|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20030608024259/http://www.ainc-inac.gc.ca/ch/rcap/sg/sgmm_e.html|archive-date=8 June 2003|title=Report – Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples – Indian and Northern Affairs Canada|access-date=12 July 2015}}</ref> as far as Aboriginal people are concerned, racism in Canadian society continues institutionally, systematically, and individually.

In 2020, after the [[death of Joyce Echaquan]], the Prime Minister of Canada, [[Justin Trudeau]], recognized a case of systemic racism.

In 2022, [[Pope Francis]] visited Canada for a week-long tour called a  "pilgrimage of penance."<ref>Pope Francis Visits Indigenous Residential School Survivors | Time</ref> Vatican officials called the trip a "penitential pilgrimage". The Pope was welcomed in Edmonton, where he apologized for Indigenous abuse which took place in the 20th century at Catholic-run residential schools, which have since closed.<ref>Pope Francis visiting Canada to apologize for Indigenous abuse in Catholic residential schools | CNN</ref> During his stay, he met with Indigenous groups to address the scandal of the residential schools.<ref>Pope's Long-Awaited Apology For Native Americans Residential Schools In Canada Is A 'First Step' (outlookindia.com)</ref> "I am sorry," The Pope said, and asked forgiveness for the church and church members in "projects of cultural destruction and forced assimilation" and the systematic abuse and erasure of indigenous culture in the country's residential schools.<ref>Full text of the Pope Francis' residential school apology: 'I am deeply sorry' | Globalnews.ca</ref>

==== Anti-Chinese immigration laws ====
The Canadian government passed the [[Chinese Immigration Act of 1885]], levying a $50 [[Tax per head|head tax]] upon all Chinese people immigrating to Canada. When the 1885 act failed to deter Chinese immigration, the Canadian government then passed the Chinese Immigration Act, 1900, increasing the head tax to $100, and, upon that act failing, passed the Chinese Immigration Act, 1904, increasing the head tax (landing fee) to $500, equivalent to $8,000 in 2003<ref>Inflation data ([[Consumer Price Index]]) since 1914, by [[Statistics Canada]], are at the [http://www.bankofcanada.ca/en/rates/inflation_calc.html Bank of Canada inflation calculator] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070510124111/http://www.bankofcanada.ca/en/rates/inflation_calc.html |date=10 May 2007 }}</ref> – when compared to the head tax – Right of Landing Fee and Right of Permanent Residence Fee – of $975 per person, paid by new immigrants in 1995–2005 decade, which then was reduced to $490 in 2006.<ref>[http://www.cic.gc.ca/EnGlish/applications/fees.html CIC Fee Schedule], accessed 2 December 2006 {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060822142809/http://www.cic.gc.ca/EnGlish/applications/fees.html|date=22 August 2006}}</ref>

The [[Chinese Immigration Act, 1923]], better known as the "Chinese Exclusion Act", replaced prohibitive fees with a [[Ban (law)|ban]] on ethnic Chinese immigrating to Canada – excepting merchants, diplomats, students, and "special circumstance" cases. The Chinese who entered Canada before 1923 had to register with the local authorities and could leave Canada only for two years or less. Since the Exclusion Act went into effect on 1 July 1923, Chinese-Canadians referred to [[Canada Day]] (Dominion Day) as "Humiliation Day",<ref>{{cite web|title=University of British Columbia Library: The Chinese Experience in B.C. 1850–1950|url=http://www.library.ubc.ca/chineseinbc/exclusion.html|access-date=12 July 2015}}</ref> refusing to celebrate it until the Act's repeal in 1947.<ref>{{cite web|title=Chinese Immigration Act, 1923|url=http://www.pier21.ca/research/immigration-history/chinese-immigration-act-1923|access-date=12 July 2015|website=pier21.ca|publisher=Canadian Museum of Immigration at Pier 21}}</ref>

==== Black Canadians ====
{{#lst:Racism in Canada|blackcanadians}}

=== China ===
{{further |Racism in China}}

Institutional racism exists in many domains in the People's Republic of China, though certain scholars have noted the Chinese government's portrayal of racism as a Western problem, while intentionally ignoring or downplaying the existence of widespread systemic racism in China.<ref>{{Cite news |date=February 22, 2018 |title=China portrays racism as a Western problem |url=https://www.economist.com/china/2018/02/22/china-portrays-racism-as-a-western-problem |url-access=subscription |access-date=2024-04-04 |newspaper=[[The Economist]] |issn=0013-0613}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |last=Cheng |first=Yinghong |title=Discourses of Race and Rising China |date=2019 |publisher=[[Springer International Publishing]] |isbn=978-3-030-05356-7 |location= |language=en |doi=10.1007/978-3-030-05357-4}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|last=Huang|first=Guangzhi|date=1 March 2019|title=Policing Blacks in Guangzhou: How Public Security Constructs Africans as Sanfei|journal=Modern China|volume=45|issue=2|pages=171–200|doi=10.1177/0097700418787076|s2cid=149683802|issn=0097-7004}}</ref>

The United Nations [[Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination]] reported in 2018 that Chinese law does not define [[racial discrimination]].<ref>{{cite web |title=Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination reviews the report of China |url=https://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=23452&LangID=E |website=OHCHR |access-date=3 September 2020}}</ref>

==== Local ethnic minorities ====

===== Uyghurs =====
{{Main|Persecution of Uyghurs in China}}
Under the [[Xi Jinping Administration|leadership]] of [[Chinese Communist Party]] [[General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party|general secretary]] [[Xi Jinping]], the [[Uyghurs]] – a mostly [[Muslim]] [[ethnic minority]] group living in the Chinese [[Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region]] – have faced widespread persecution from authorities and mass detentions.<ref>{{cite news|last1=Ramzy|first1=Austin|last2=Buckley|first2=Chris|date=16 November 2019|title='Absolutely No Mercy': Leaked Files Expose How China Organized Mass Detentions of Muslims|work=[[The New York Times]]|url=https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/11/16/world/asia/china-xinjiang-documents.html|access-date=3 September 2020|issn=0362-4331}}</ref> Since 2017, it has been reported that at least one million Uyghur Muslims have been detained in so-called "[[Xinjiang internment camps|re-education camps]]" commonly described as [[concentration camps]],<ref>{{cite web |last1=Zenz |first1=Adrian |title=Brainwashing, Police Guards and Coercive Internment: Evidence from Chinese Government Documents about the Nature and Extent of Xinjiang's "Vocational Training Internment Camps" |url=http://www.jpolrisk.com/brainwashing-police-guards-and-coercive-internment-evidence-from-chinese-government-documents-about-the-nature-and-extent-of-xinjiangs-vocational-training-internment-camps/ |website=The Journal of Political Risk |date=July 2019 |access-date=3 September 2020}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|date=8 January 2019|title=Where Did the One Million Figure for Detentions in Xinjiang's Camps Come From?|url=https://www.chinafile.com/reporting-opinion/features/where-did-one-million-figure-detentions-xinjiangs-camps-come|access-date=25 December 2020|website=ChinaFile}}</ref> where they have been subject to [[torture]], [[forced labor]], [[religious discrimination]], political [[indoctrination]] and other human rights abuses.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Zenz |first1=Adrian |title=Xinjiang's New Slavery |date=11 December 2019 |url=https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/12/11/cotton-china-uighur-labor-xinjiang-new-slavery/ |publisher=Foreign Policy |access-date=3 September 2020}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last1=Fox |first1=Ben |title=US report finds widespread forced Uighur labor in China |url=https://apnews.com/09a6f942039917fb9376e3909351399c |work=[[Associated Press]] |access-date=3 September 2020}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=http://stream.aljazeera.com/story/201806112108-0025659 |title=Why are Muslim Uyghurs being sent to 're-education' camps |date=8 June 2018 |publisher=Al Jazeera |access-date=3 September 2020 |archive-date=2 April 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190402071219/http://stream.aljazeera.com/story/201806112108-0025659 }}</ref><ref>{{Cite news |url=http://www.chinafile.com/conversation/how-should-world-respond-intensifying-repression-xinjiang |title=How Should the World Respond to Intensifying Repression in Xinjiang? |last1=Thum |first1=Rian |date=4 June 2018 |work=ChinaFile |access-date=3 September 2020 |publisher=Center on U.S.-China Relations at [[Asia Society]] |last2=Harris |first2=Rachel |last3=Leibold |first3=James |last4=Batke |first4=Jessica |last5=Carrico |first5=Kevin |last6=Roberts |first6=Sean R.}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |title=Muslim minority in China's Xinjiang face 'political indoctrination': Human Rights Watch |date=10 September 2018 |url=https://www.reuters.com/article/us-china-xinjiang-rights/muslim-minority-in-chinas-xinjiang-face-political-indoctrination-human-rights-watch-idUSKCN1LQ01F |work=[[Reuters]] |access-date=23 March 2021}}</ref> Testimonials from escaped inmates have indicated inmates are subject to [[forced sterilization]].<ref>{{cite web |last1=Kim |first1=Yujin |last2=Enos |first2=Olivia |title=China's Forced Sterilization of Uighur Women Is Cultural Genocide |url=https://www.heritage.org/asia/commentary/chinas-forced-sterilization-uighur-women-cultural-genocide |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191112201416/https://www.heritage.org/asia/commentary/chinas-forced-sterilization-uighur-women-cultural-genocide |url-status=unfit |archive-date=12 November 2019 |access-date=3 September 2020}}</ref><ref name=":1">{{cite web|url=https://apnews.com/61cdf7f5dfc34575aa643523b3c6b3fe|title=Woman describes torture, beatings in Chinese detention camp|last=Danilova|first=Maria|date=27 November 2018|website=[[Associated Press|AP News]]|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191213063324/https://apnews.com/61cdf7f5dfc34575aa643523b3c6b3fe|archive-date=13 December 2019|access-date=3 September 2020}}</ref> In many cases, they are forced to work for mass-manufacturing industries such as fast-fashion companies such as [[Shein]] and [[Temu]].[https://permanent.fdlp.gov/gpo215173/Issue_Brief-Shein_Temu_and_Chinese_E-Commerce.pdf] It regarded as the violation of the Uyghur Forced Labour Prevention Act, which bans the utilization of cotton from Xinjiang in imported clothing if it is not guaranteed as employing equally paid workers.

[[Birth rates]] in two Xinjiang regions have dropped by more than 60% between 2015 and 2018, a result of measures by the Chinese government to lower the Uyghur population artificially.<ref>{{cite news |title=China cuts Uighur births with IUDs, abortion, sterilization |url=https://apnews.com/article/269b3de1af34e17c1941a514f78d764c |access-date=24 March 2021 |work=[[Associated Press]] |date=29 June 2020}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |title=China forcing birth control on Uighurs to suppress population, report says |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-53220713 |access-date=24 March 2021 |agency=[[BBC News]]|date=29 June 2020}}</ref> The situation has been described as an ongoing [[genocide]] by numerous sources,<ref>{{cite web |title=The Uyghur Genocide: An Examination of China's Breaches of the 1948 Genocide Convention |date=9 March 2021 |url=https://newlinesinstitute.org/uyghurs/the-uyghur-genocide-an-examination-of-chinas-breaches-of-the-1948-genocide-convention/ |publisher=New Lines Institute |access-date=23 March 2021}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last1=Landale |first1=James |title=Uighurs: 'Credible case' China carrying out genocide |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-55973215 |access-date=23 March 2021 |agency=[[BBC News]]|date=8 February 2021}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last1=Galloway |first1=Anthony |title='Genocide in plain sight': Bipartisan motion calls out China's treatment of Uighurs |url=https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/genocide-in-plain-sight-bipartisan-motion-calls-out-china-s-treatment-uighurs-20210321-p57cqr.html |access-date=23 March 2021 |agency=The Sydney Morning Herald |date=22 March 2021}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last1=Kirby |first1=Jen |title=Concentration camps and forced labor: China's repression of the Uighurs, explained |url=https://www.vox.com/2020/7/28/21333345/uighurs-china-internment-camps-forced-labor-xinjiang |access-date=23 March 2021 |agency=Vox |date=25 September 2020}}</ref> and others have argued that it is likely the "largest mass detention of a religious minority group" since [[the Holocaust]] according to the ''[[New Statesman]]''.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Apps |first1=Peter |title=China's Uyghur detention camps may be the largest mass incarceration since the Holocaust |url=https://www.newstatesman.com/world/asia/2019/03/china-s-uyghur-detention-camps-may-be-largest-mass-incarceration-holocaust |access-date=23 March 2021 |agency=New Statesman |date=21 March 2019}}</ref> A study from 2013 found local government officials in China "were 33 percent less likely to provide assistance to citizens with ethnic Muslim names than to ethnically-unmarked peers."<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Distelhorst |first1=Greg |last2=Hou |first2=Yue |title=Ingroup Bias in Official Behavior: A National Field Experiment in China |journal=Quarterly Journal of Political Science |date=5 May 2014 |volume=9 |issue=2 |pages=203–230 |doi=10.1561/100.00013110 |ssrn=2247644 |url=https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2247644 |access-date=3 September 2020|url-access=subscription }}</ref>

===== Tibetans =====
{{See also|Serfdom in Tibet controversy}}
Since the People's Republic of China gained control of Tibet [[Annexation of Tibet by the People's Republic of China|in 1951]], there has been institutional racism in the form of an elaborate [[Propaganda in China|propaganda system]] designed by the [[Chinese Communist Party]] to portray [[Tibetans]] as being liberated from [[serfdom]] through China and [[Han Chinese]] culture. A state-organized historical opera performed in 2016 in China portrayed Tibet as being unsophisticated prior to [[Princess Wencheng]]'s marriage to [[Songtsen Gampo]], a Tibetan emperor, in the year 641. This propaganda is described by Tibetan activist [[Tsering Woeser]] as being a "...vast project that rewrites history and 'wipes out' the memory and culture of an entire people."<ref>{{cite news|last1=Denyer|first1=Simon|date=12 October 2016|title=A romantic opera in Tibet just happens to bolster China's historical position there|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2016/10/11/in-tibet-history-bows-down-before-propaganda-in-the-tale-of-a-royal-romance/|newspaper=[[The Washington Post]]}}</ref>

A 1991 journal article identified how [[forced abortion]], [[forced sterilization|sterilization]] and [[infanticide]] in Tibet were all part of a severe CCP birth-control program in the region, which was designed specifically to target Tibetans.<ref name="Goldstein 1991 285–303">{{Cite journal|last1=Goldstein|first1=Melvyn|author-link=Melvyn Goldstein|last2=Cynthia|first2=Beall|date=March 1991|title=China's Birth Control Policy in the Tibet Autonomous Region|journal=[[Asian Survey]]|volume=31|issue=3|pages=285–303|doi=10.2307/2645246|jstor=2645246}}</ref>

A paper submitted to the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination by the [[Tibetan government in exile]] stipulates about how Tibetans face an education system which is inequitable compared with the education for Han Chinese. According to the paper, only about nine percent of Chinese adults are illiterate, compared with about sixty percent of Tibetans in the Tibetan Autonomous Region. Furthermore, Tibetan children are prevented from learning about their own history and culture, and forbidden to learn their own language. Schools in the region often have [[racial segregation]] based on ethnic characteristics, with Tibetan students receiving worse education in poorly maintained classrooms.<ref>{{cite web|title=Racial Discrimination in Chinese-Occupied Tibet|url=http://tew.org/racial-discrimination-in-chinese-occupied-tibet/|access-date=3 September 2020|publisher=Tibetan Government-in-Exile|archive-date=9 August 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200809082101/http://tew.org/racial-discrimination-in-chinese-occupied-tibet/}}</ref>

During the [[2008 Tibet protests]], a local eyewitness claimed Chinese military police "were grabbing monks, kicking and beating them" after riots around the closure of the [[Sera monastery]] near [[Lhasa]].<ref>{{cite news|date=14 March 2008|title=Eyewitness: Monk 'kicked to floor'|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/7296134.stm|access-date=3 September 2020|work=[[BBC News]]}}</ref>

==== Anti-African sentiment ====
Racism against [[African people]] or people perceived to be of African descent has long been documented in China.

Published in 1963, African student Emmanuel Hevi's ''An African Student in China'' details "the arrests of Chinese girls for their friendships with Africans, and particularly, Chinese feelings of racial superiority over black Africans."<ref>{{cite web |last1=Girard |first1=Bonnie |title=Racism Is Alive and Well in China |url=https://thediplomat.com/2020/04/racism-is-alive-and-well-in-china/ |publisher=The Diplomat |access-date=3 September 2020}}</ref> One notable instance was the [[Nanjing anti-African protests]] of 1988, in which African university students were the subject of racist beatings and other attacks. In some cases, Chinese university students shouted racist slogans such as {{" '}}Down with the black devils!' and 'Blood for blood!{{' "}}<ref>{{cite web |last1=Holley |first1=David |title=13 Injured as Chinese, African Students Clash |url=https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1988-12-27-mn-811-story.html |work=[[Los Angeles Times]] |date=27 December 1988 |access-date=3 September 2020}}</ref> Despite these obvious instances of racism against Africans, the Chinese state media portrayed the attacks as being instigated by the African students.

In modern China, racism remains an issue in certain universities, such as the state-funded [[Zhejiang Normal University]]. A black graduate student described how "African students would hear Professors and classmates make xenophobic comments, such as 'Africans are draining our scholarship funds{{' "}} and how African students, despite having higher grades, were receiving lower level scholarship funds through the ZJNU's three-tiered scholarship system than their classmates.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Pagano |first1=Jacob |title=African Students, Encountering Racism at Top-tier Chinese University, Raise Questions for China's Expanding Education Initiatives |url=https://medium.com/@jakepagano/african-students-encounter-institutional-racism-at-a-top-chinese-university-raising-urgent-cd8a6eeb1fa4 |publisher=Medium |date=19 October 2018}}</ref>

One study noted how Africans were being portrayed as "waste" and "triple illegals" through racial profiling by police in [[Guangzhou]].<ref>Huang G. Policing Blacks in Guangzhou: How Public Security Constructs Africans as Sanfei. Modern China. 2019;45(2):171–200. doi:10.1177/0097700418787076</ref> In 2007, African nationals were targeted in Beijing's [[Sanlitun]] district by police during an anti-drug raid. They were the victims of [[police brutality]] and targeted on the basis of their skin color, something which the police later denied.<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2007/sep/26/china.internationalcrime|title=Beijing police round up and beat African expats|last=Brea|first=Jennifer|date=26 September 2007|work=[[The Guardian]]|access-date=7 November 2020|issn=0261-3077|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190609001925/https://www.theguardian.com/world/2007/sep/26/china.internationalcrime|archive-date=9 June 2019|url-status=live}}</ref>

State media reports from 2008 referred to Africans in a racist manner, as Cheng explains: "...[the] language often remained demeaning regarding Africans as much less civilized people. Chinese words such as 部落 (buluo, "tribes") or 聚居地/ 群居/群落 (jujudi/qunju/qunluo, habitats), instead of 社区 (shequ, community) were often used to refer to Africans."<ref name="Cheng 2011 561-579">{{Cite journal |last=Cheng |first=Yinghong |date=September 2011 |title=From Campus Racism to Cyber Racism: Discourse of Race and Chinese Nationalism |journal=[[The China Quarterly]] |language=en |volume=207 |pages=561–579 |doi=10.1017/S0305741011000658 |issn=0305-7410}}</ref>

Yinghong Cheng asserts in a 2011 journal article that "[[Cyber racism]] against Africans is certainly not the only racial thinking but it is perhaps the most explicit and blatant one."<ref name="Cheng 2011 561-579" /> He details the ubiquity of "manifestations of racial stereotypes, hierarchy perception and insensitivity", in addition to how "systematic discourse of race has developed in much more articulate, sophisticated and explicit ways in education and pop culture to accommodate contemporary Chinese nationalism."<ref name="Cheng 2011 561-579" /> The adoption of a more [[state capitalism|state capitalist]] form of government in the PRC has led to the widespread internet popularity of commercialized Chinese singers and songwriters, some of whose material is racial in subject matter. As Cheng notes: {{" '}}The Yellow Race' (Huangzhongren 黄种人) and 'Yellow' (Huang 黄), [were] created in 2006 and 2007 respectively and dedicated to China's [[2008 Beijing Olympics|hosting of the Olympics]]. The racist language in these songs, such as 'the Yellow Race is now marching on the world,' combined with nationalist claims such as 'After 5,000 years, finally it is the time for us to show up on the stage,' coloured [[Xie Tingfeng|Xie]]'s popularity among his young Chinese fans."<ref name="Cheng 2011 561-579" /> [[File:Japanese-and-dogs-are-not-allowed statement from a restaurant in Higher Education Mega Center 2007.jpg|thumb|upright|250px|An anti-Japanese sign at the [[Guangzhou Higher Education Mega Center]] in 2007]]

In 2018, [[CCTV New Year's Gala]], a state media television programme which has in the past been viewed by up to 800 million people included a racist [[neocolonial]] skit featuring a Chinese actress who wore [[blackface]] makeup. The skit "praises Chinese-African cooperation, showing how much Africans benefit from Chinese investment and how grateful they are to Beijing."<ref>{{cite web |title=Lunar New Year: Chinese TV gala includes 'racist blackface' sketch |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-43081218 |publisher=[[BBC News]]|date=16 February 2018}}</ref> Later the same year, the ''[[Daily Monitor]]'' reported that citizens of [[Uganda]] and [[Nigeria]] were discriminated against in Guangzhou by the Chinese government, through incidents such as taxis being halted and passports from African countries being confiscated, as well as hotels and restaurants being ordered to erect notices banning service to Africans.<ref name="dailymonitor">{{cite news |title=China cracks down on Ugandans, Nigerians |url=http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/China-cracks-down--Ugandans--Nigerians/688334-4686402-9ma6epz/index.html |work=Daily Monitor |date=29 July 2018 |access-date=4 September 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180809215626/http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/China-cracks-down--Ugandans--Nigerians/688334-4686402-9ma6epz/index.html |archive-date=9 August 2018 |url-status=live }}</ref> In addition, some African-owned stores were forcibly shut down.<ref name="dailymonitor" />

During the [[COVID-19 pandemic]], multiple instances of systemic racism against African people were documented, including misinformation and racist stereotyping which portrayed Africans as carriers of the virus. According to ''[[The Guardian]]'', Africans were "refused entry by hospitals, hotels, supermarkets, shops and food outlets. At one hospital, even a pregnant woman was denied access. In a McDonald's restaurant, a notice was put up saying 'black people cannot come in.{{' "}}<ref name="The Guardian">{{cite web |last1=Pai |first1=Hsiao-Hung |title=The coronavirus crisis has exposed China's long history of racism |url=https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2020/apr/25/coronavirus-exposed-china-history-racism-africans-guangzhou |work=[[The Guardian]] |date=25 April 2020 |access-date=3 September 2020}}</ref> The local government in Guangzhou implemented [[Mass surveillance in China|mass surveillance]], compulsory testing, and enforced a 14-day quarantine for all African nationals, regardless of whether they had traveled outside of China in the past two weeks.<ref name="The Guardian"/>

==== Anti-Japanese sentiment ====
{{See also|Nanjing Massacre denial|Japanese history textbook controversies}}
Anti-Japanese sentiment exists as a modern issue in China, largely due to historical grievances. There have been reports of restaurants and public institutions refusing service or entry to [[Japanese people]], which stems especially due to the [[Second Sino-Japanese War]] which had included [[Japanese war crimes]] such as the [[Nanjing massacre]] and [[Unit 731]].<ref>"[http://news.tom.com/1020/1022/2005721-2323448.html 海南一医院挂牌称"日本人拒不认罪禁止入内"] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20050725013932/http://news.tom.com/1020/1022/2005721-2323448.html |date=2005-07-25 }}" (南方都市报, 15 July 2005)</ref><ref>"[http://j.peopledaily.com.cn/2002/05/23/jp20020523_17357.html 深センのバーで 「日本人の入店お断り」] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071222043724/http://j.peopledaily.com.cn/2002/05/23/jp20020523_17357.html |date=22 December 2007 }}" ([[People's Daily|人民網]]日本語版, 23 May 2002)</ref>

Japanese goods have also been boycotted in China more than ten times within a year. The official people lead citizens to do boycotts which exacerbates the situation.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Sign in to your account |url=https://login.microsoftonline.com/c65f8795-ba3d-4351-8a07-0865e5d8f090/saml2?SAMLRequest=lZJdb5swFIb%2FCvK9sTEYiBVSZY2qReq2qKG92N3BHBo0Y2fYdNu%2FH0kWqb2pVsmX5%2F3wec7y5vdgohccfe9sRZKYkwitdm1vnyvyWN%2FRkkQ%2BgG3BOIsVsY7crJYeBnNU6ykc7AP%2BnNCHaO09jmF2uXXWTwOOexxfeo2PD%2FcVOYRw9Iox4557G7sjWggHtD62GNjJjAkG2rMJIQYdTz%2BYAZaWMoWcC8p52tEsLzQF5AVtcyGkbrqs5ZJEmzm8n%2B3O%2Fd%2FmDL0enXddcNb0FmPtBqZz2ZXFQtIG0pZmqUxoCbMpL3OJsi07vuDnRoJEd27UeP5kRTowHkm03VQEk6LhhexyzIssS%2BRC52KRyqLLmyzVcJryfsKtPe0tVERwkVGe0KSsk1TNjyexEOV3Eu1GF5x25lNvLwufRqsc%2BN4rCwN6FbTar7%2FcKxFz1VyGvPpc1zu6%2B7avSfR0BSdO4GaU1qszm%2Fetjv9yyYWkOvcdX%2Bnfl8MVNVn9D9gBA7QQgPrjxwEv2auG18P7OlfabnbO9PpPtDbG%2FbodEcJ8nglhq4vk7Xmu%2FgI%3D&RelayState=%2Fsaml%2F2%2Fsso%2Fuea.ac.uk%2Fc%2Fukfed%3FSAMLRequest%3DfZJLb4MwEIT%252FCvI9GAiojRWQaHJopLRFDe2hl8qYJVgxNmVNH%252F%252B%252BEPpIpSqSbzv77czIS%252BSNalna21rfw0sPaJ33Rmlkx0FM%252Bk4zw1Ei07wBZFawXXqzZYHrsbYz1gijiJMiQmel0SujsW%252Bg20H3KgU83G9jUlvbIqMUWxcKJQtXmIbualkURoGtXURDR2ZAs7tdTpz1YEJqPuJ%252Bl5XZS%252B2aFoZBDRpdDZaOHmlAR0AP3OXC7Q9U0P5QQUmczTomz1VQRYt5IcKLcl5FXgGhiLxqIaKi5FEV8kGG2MNGo%252BXaxiTwgnDm%252BTP%252FMvfnbHie90Sc7CvpldSl1PvztRSTCNl1nmezKdMjdHjMMwhIshyNs%252BPh7qTu81j%252B3TFJ%252Fm0Ufxpd0hP%252BdKxltwNws86MkuLDSZUyb6sOuIWY%252BIQm08rfj5B8Ag%253D%253D%26RelayState%3Dhttps%253A%252F%252Fsp.eblib.com%252Fsecure%252F%253Furl%253Dhttps%25253a%25252f%25252fuea.ebookcentral.proquest.com%25252fpatron%25252fAuthentication.aspx%25253febcid%25253d119720919022419ba30ee7864ed400f3%252526echo%25253d1 |access-date=2024-01-18 |website=login.microsoftonline.com}}</ref>

There is an Uotsuri Island, which is part of the controversial island in the East China, called as Senkaku Island in Japan and Diaoyu Island in China. On September 15, 2012, there were huge Chinese demonstrators of anti-Japanese protest outside the Japanese Embassy in Beijing, China.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Taylor |first=Alan |title=Anti-Japan Protests in China - The Atlantic |url=https://www.theatlantic.com/photo/2012/09/anti-japan-protests-in-china/100370/ |access-date=2024-01-18 |website=www.theatlantic.com |language=en}}</ref>

In recent years, there has been joint communiqués between the leaders of these two countries to try and mend as well as improve relations with each other.<ref name="deeperties">{{cite news |title=Shinzo Abe and Xi Jinping 'pledge Japan and China will deepen ties' |url=https://www.scmp.com/news/china/diplomacy/article/2163879/shinzo-abe-and-xi-jinping-pledge-japan-and-china-will-deepen |work=South China Morning Post |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=China considers in-person event to mark normalization of ties with Japan |url=https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2022/01/19/national/china-japan-normalization/ |website=The Japan Times |access-date=22 March 2022 |date=19 January 2022 |archive-date=22 March 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220322074012/https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2022/01/19/national/china-japan-normalization/ }}</ref>
{{clear}}

=== Malaysia ===
{{further|Racism in Malaysia|Bumiputera (Malaysia)}}
[[File:Himpunan Bantah ICERD - Pandangan Drone.jpg|thumb|right|300px|Malaysian bumiputera supremacists protesting against the elimination of racial discrimination against citizens of different ethnic groups]]
Malaysians of [[Malaysian Chinese|Chinese]] and [[Indian Malaysian|Indian]] descent – who make up a significant portion of ethnic minorities in Malaysia, with them making up around 23.2% and 7.0% of the population respectively<ref>{{cite conference |first1=Zarinah |last1=Mahari |title=Demographic Transition in Malaysia: The Changing Roles of Women |url=http://www.cwsc2011.gov.in/papers/demographic_transitions/Paper_1.pdf |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120328090734/http://www.cwsc2011.gov.in/papers/demographic_transitions/Paper_1.pdf |archive-date=28 March 2012 |date=February 2011 |conference=15th Conference of Commonwealth Statisticians |location=New Delhi, India }}</ref> – were granted citizenship by the [[Malaysian Constitution]] but this implied a [[Social contract (Malaysia)|social contract]] that left them at a disadvantage and discriminated in other ways, as [[Article 153 of the Constitution of Malaysia]] refers to the special "position" and "privileges" of the Muslim [[Malay people]] as supposed initial dwellers of the land.

==== Malay supremacy ====
However, due to the concept of ''[[Ketuanan Melayu]]'' (lit. Malay supremacy), citizens who are not considered to be of [[Bumiputera (Malaysia)|Bumiputera]] status face many roadblocks and discrimination in matters such as [[economic freedom]], [[education]], [[healthcare]] and [[housing]].<ref>{{cite web |last1=Chew |first1=Amy |url=https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/malaysia-s-dangerous-racial-and-religious-trajectory |title=Malaysia's dangerous racial and religious trajectory |access-date=11 November 2021}}</ref> Opposition groups, government critics and [[human rights]] observers have labeled the Malaysian situation as being highly similar to [[apartheid]] policies due to the ''de facto'' status of some as  [[second-class citizen]]s.<ref name="bbcm">{{cite web|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/4795808.stm|title=Malaysia 'apartheid' row deepens|author=Jonathan Kent|publisher=[[BBC News]]|date=11 March 2006|access-date=18 November 2021}}</ref> Such policies have also led to a significant [[Human capital flight#Malaysia|brain drain]] from the country.<ref>{{cite news |url=http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/social-injustice-main-cause-of-countrys-brain-drain-says-world-bank/ |title=Social injustice main cause of country's brain drain |newspaper=Malaysian Insider |date=28 April 2011 |access-date=2011-04-28 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110501064248/http://www.themalaysianinsider.com/malaysia/article/social-injustice-main-cause-of-countrys-brain-drain-says-world-bank |archive-date=1 May 2011 }}</ref>

In 1970, the [[Malaysian New Economic Policy]], a program of [[affirmative action]] aimed at increasing the share of the economy held by the Malay population, introduced quotas for Malays in areas such as public education, access to housing, vehicle imports, government contracts and share ownership. Initially meant as a measure to curb the poor economic participation of the Malays (aimed to reduce the number of Malays in significant poverty), it is now perceived by most conservative Malays as a form of entitlement or 'birthright'.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Chew |first1=Jay Hong |title=A Revision of Malaysia's Racial Compact |url=https://harvardpolitics.com/a-revision-of-malaysias-racial-compact/ |website=Harvard Political Review |access-date=4 April 2022 |date=18 August 2021}}</ref> In post-modern Malaysia, this entitlement in political, legislative, monarchic, religious, education, social, and economic areas has led to lower productivity and lower competitiveness among the Malays.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Ranawana |first1=Arjuna |title=The New Malay Dilemma: Why is the No. 2 tackling a sensitive issue? |url=http://edition.cnn.com/ASIANOW/asiaweek/magazine/2000/0317/nat.malaysia.badawi.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100503000152/http://edition.cnn.com/ASIANOW/asiaweek/magazine/2000/0317/nat.malaysia.badawi.html |archive-date=3 May 2010 |journal=Asiaweek |volume=26 |issue=10 |publisher=[[CNN]]|date=17 March 2000 }}</ref>

As for the elite Malays, this 'privilege' has been abused to the point where the poor Malays remain poor, while the rich Malays becomes richer; which is the result of Malay cronyism, non-competitive and non-transparent government project tender processes favouring Bumiputera candidates – causing deeper intra-ethnic inequality.<ref>{{cite conference |first1=A. H. |last1=Roslan |date=November 2001 |title=Income inequality, poverty and development policy in Malaysia |conference=International seminar on poverty and sustainable development |location=Université Montesquieu-Bordeaux IV, Bordeaux, France |url=https://www.researchgate.net/publication/252953691 |citeseerx=10.1.1.196.3596}}</ref> However, the actual indigenous people (better known as [[Orang Asli]]) remain marginalised and have their rights ignored by the Malaysian government.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.culturalsurvival.org/publications/cultural-survival-quarterly/orang-asli-self-determination-and-control-resources|title=Orang Asli Self-Determination and the Control of Resources – Cultural Survival|website=culturalsurvival.org|date=2 April 2010 |access-date=15 June 2017}}</ref> Since [[Article 160 of the Constitution of Malaysia|Article 160]] defines a Malay as "professing the religion of Islam", those eligible to benefit from laws assisting ''bumiputra'' are, in theory, subject to religious law enforced by the parallel [[Syariah Court]] system.

While 179 countries around the world have ratified the [[International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination]] (ICERD), Malaysia is not one of them. The [[Pakatan Harapan]] (PH) government that replaced [[Barisan Nasional]] (BN) from 2018 to 2020 had indicated a readiness to ratify ICERD, but did not, possibly due to the convention's conflict with the [[Constitution of Malaysia|Malaysian constitution]] and the racial and religious norms in Malaysia established since its independence.<ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.malaysiakini.com/news/451396 |title=Muhyiddin: No constitutional breach with Icerd ratification |author=Bernama  | date= 11 November 2018|work=malaysiakini }}</ref> Furthermore, a [[2018 anti-ICERD rally|mass rally]] was held in 2018 by Malay supremacists at the country's capital to prevent such ratification, threatening racial conflicts if they do so.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/commentary/icerd-rally-malaysia-kuala-lumpur-race-mahathir-bersatu-11031060|title=Commentary: Malaysia's anti-ICERD rally a reality check for Pakatan Harapan|author=Norshahril Saat|date=16 December 2018|work=Channel NewsAsia|access-date=21 October 2022|archive-date=12 November 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201112012221/https://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/commentary/icerd-rally-malaysia-kuala-lumpur-race-mahathir-bersatu-11031060}}</ref> The PH government would eventually lose power amid the [[2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis]] to BN.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Head |first1=Jonathan |title=How Malaysia's government collapsed in two years |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-51716474 |website=[[BBC News]] |access-date=4 April 2022 |date=5 March 2020}}</ref>

=== Nigeria ===

==== Indigeneity ====
[[Nigeria]] contains over 250 ethnic groups, but the country is politically dominated by three major ethnic groups – the [[Hausa-Fulani]] of the north, the [[Igbo people|Igbo]] of the southeast, and the [[Yoruba people|Yoruba]] of the southwest. National politics in Nigeria have largely revolved around competition between the three dominant ethnic groups, with the minority ethnic groups having less political representation.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Suberu |first1=Rotimi T. |title=Ethnic minority conflicts and governance in Nigeria |date=1996 |publisher=Spectrum |location=Ibadan, Nigeria |isbn=978-029-119-9}}</ref>

The Nigerian constitution promises equality among all ethnic groups, but in actuality, the concept of "indigeneity" is widespread across local and state governments (and to a lesser extent, the federal government), which has been criticized by [[Human Rights Watch]] as a form of discrimination and a violation of international human rights law.<ref name="hrw">{{cite news |title=Nigeria: Indigeneity Policies Marginalize Millions |url=https://www.hrw.org/news/2006/04/25/nigeria-indigeneity-policies-marginalize-millions |work=Human Rights Watch |date=25 April 2006 |language=en}}</ref> Citizens are recognized as "indigenes" of a particular locality if they belong to an ethnic group that is considered to be indigenous to that locality.<ref name="hrw.org">{{cite journal|url=https://www.hrw.org/report/2006/04/25/they-do-not-own-place/government-discrimination-against-non-indigenes-nigeria|title="They Do Not Own This Place"|date=25 April 2006|website=Human Rights Watch}}</ref> Citizens from other ethnic groups, regardless of how long they or their families have been living in a locality, are legally recognized as non-indigenes and they face discrimination from government laws that limit their socioeconomic mobility.<ref name="hrw.org"/>

Public universities in Nigeria favour indigenes during the admissions process, and non-indigenes are subject to discriminatory admissions policies that attempt to limit the number of non-indigene students.<ref name="hrw.org"/> Non-indigene students are required to pay higher tuition and they are denied academic scholarships.<ref name="hrw.org"/> Non-indigenes are often unable to participate in local politics and they are also excluded from government jobs.<ref name="hrw.org"/> In some cases, non-indigenes have faced mass purges from government jobs in order to create more jobs for indigenes.<ref name="hrw"/>

Human Rights Watch has claimed the indigeneity policies relegate "millions of Nigerians to the status of second-class citizens".<ref name = "hrw"/> Nigerian Vice President [[Yemi Osinbajo]] compared indigeneity policies to [[apartheid]].<ref>{{cite news |title=Classifying Nigerians as indigenes, non-indigenes a form of apartheid -Osinbajo |url=https://punchng.com/classifying-nigerians-as-indigenes-non-indigenes-a-form-of-apartheid-osinbajo/ |work=Punch Newspapers |date=27 August 2021}}</ref>

==== Niger Delta ethnic minorities ====
{{further|Conflict in the Niger Delta}}
{{further|Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People}}
Nigeria is an oil-rich country where much of its oil resources can be found in the [[Niger Delta]] region, which is inhabited by ethnic minorities such as the [[Ogoni]] and [[Ijaw people|Ijaw]]. The native inhabitants of the Niger Delta do not receive much of the wealth generated by Nigeria's vast oil industry, and it is, paradoxically, one of Nigeria's poorest regions.<ref>{{Cite journal|pmid = 15931938|year = 2005|last1 = Aaron|first1 = K. K.|title = Perspective: Big oil, rural poverty, and environmental degradation in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria|journal = Journal of Agricultural Safety and Health|volume = 11|issue = 2|pages = 127–34|doi = 10.13031/2013.18178}}</ref> Oil wealth has been used to develop other parts of Nigeria while the Niger Delta region itself remains underdeveloped.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Dibua |first1=J. I. |title=Citizenship and Resource Control in Nigeria: The Case of Minority Communities in the Niger Delta |journal=Africa Spectrum |date=2005 |volume=40 |issue=1 |pages=5–28 |jstor=40175053 |issn=0002-0397}}</ref> The Niger Delta is constantly polluted and destroyed by the activities of both the Nigerian government and oil companies such as [[Shell Nigeria]] and [[Chevron Nigeria]].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://umich.edu/~snre492/cases_03-04/Ogoni/Ogoni_case_study.htm|title=Oil: the curse of the Ogoni|website=umich.edu}}</ref> Struggle for oil wealth has fueled violence in the Niger Delta, causing the militarization of nearly the entire region by ethnic militia groups and Nigerian military and police forces.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Koos|first1=Carlo|last2=Pierskalla|first2=Jan|date=20 January 2015|title=The Effects of Oil Production and Ethnic Representation on Violent Conflict in Nigeria: A Mixed-Methods Approacih |journal=Terrorism and Political Violence|volume=28|issue=5|pages=888–911|doi=10.1080/09546553.2014.962021|s2cid=62815154|issn=0954-6553|url=http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:352-0-346704}}</ref>

The Ijaw and Ogoni people have been subject to human rights violations in the form of environmental destruction and pollution.<ref>{{cite book |last1=KPOTURU |first1=SIMEON B. |title=OGONI: the struggle for justice. |date=2021 |publisher=NEW GENERATION PUBLISHING |location=[S.l.] |isbn=978-1-80031-041-4}}</ref> A 1979 amendment to the Nigerian constitution gave the federal government the authority to seize and distribute Ogoni territory to oil companies without any compensation.<ref name=HRW99>
[https://www.hrw.org/reports/1999/nigeria The Price of Oil: Corporate Responsibility and Human Rights Violations in Nigeria's Oil Producing Communities] {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160527060959/https://www.hrw.org/reports/1999/nigeria |date=27 May 2016 }} (Human Rights Watch, 1999)</ref> In 1990, the [[Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People]] was founded by Ogoni activist [[Ken Saro-Wiwa]] to seek self-determination for the Ogoni people, compensation for environmental destruction, and payment of royalties from oil production.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Obi |first1=Cyril I. |title=Globalisation and local resistance: The case of the Ogoni versus Shell |journal=New Political Economy |date=1 March 1997 |volume=2 |issue=1 |pages=137–148 |doi=10.1080/13563469708406291 |url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13563469708406291 |issn=1356-3467|url-access=subscription }}</ref> In 1995, he was arrested and executed, along with nine other Ogoni activists, by the regime of the Nigerian military dictator [[Sani Abacha]], which was internationally condemned as a violation of human rights.

While the Nigerian government has become more democratic ever since the death of Sani Abacha, the ethnic groups in the Niger Delta still lack representation and remain excluded from the mainstream of Nigerian politics, economy and society. Government security forces in the Delta region regularly engage in torture, killings and confiscation of property as a result of the [[Conflict in the Niger Delta]].<ref>{{cite web |title=MAR {{!}} Data {{!}} Assessment for Ijaw in Nigeria |url=http://www.mar.umd.edu/assessment.asp?groupId=47506 |website=www.mar.umd.edu}}</ref> The [[Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization]] condemned the Nigerian government for its discrimination against the Ogoni people and failure to clean environmental pollution from the Niger Delta region.<ref>{{cite news |title=UNPO: On Ogoni Day, UNPO Strongly Condemns Nigerian Government's Non-Commitment to Niger Delta Clean Up |url=https://unpo.org/article/20540 |work=unpo.org}}</ref>

==== Osu ====
{{main|Osu caste system}}
The [[Igbo people]] traditionally maintain a system of discrimination from the [[Odinani]] religion that discriminates against a class of people known as ''Osu'' ([[Igbo language|Igbo]]: outcast).<ref>{{cite news | url=http://www.vanguardngr.com/2015/03/the-osu-caste-system-the-shame-of-a-nation/ | title=The Osu caste system: The shame of a Nation | work=[[Vanguard (Nigeria)|Vanguard]] | author=Ugoji Egbujo | date=13 March 2015 | access-date=27 July 2015}}</ref> Osu are regarded to be spiritually inferior beings, and they are distinguished from ''Nwadiala'' or ''diala'' ([[Igbo language|Igbo]]: real born). They are ostracized from wider society and Igbo are discouraged from marrying them. They were historically either sold into slavery or were delivered to be enslaved to certain deities who were believed to ask for human sacrifice during festivals in order to clean the land from abomination, thus leading to the purchase of a slave by the people.{{Citation needed|date=April 2022}}

The status of ''Osu'' is permanent and inherited at birth.<ref name = "bbc">{{cite news |title=Nigeria's slave descendants prevented from marrying who they want |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-54088880 |work=[[BBC News]] |date=13 September 2020}}</ref>  Despite influence from colonialism and Christianity, discrimination against Osu still persists in the modern day.<ref>{{cite news |title=The Osu Caste System |url=https://mm-gold.azureedge.net/Articles/Leo_Igwe/Osu_caste_system.html |work=mm-gold.azureedge.net}}</ref>  In modern times, Osu are often barred from marriage, traditional leadership positions, and running from political office.<ref name = "bbc"/>

According to some [[human rights groups]] who are calling for its abolishment, some of the punishments meted out against the ''Osu'' include: parents administering poison to their children, disinheritance, [[ostracism]], denial of membership in social clubs, violent disruption of marriage ceremonies, denial of chieftaincy titles, deprivation of property and expulsion of wives.<ref>{{cite book |author=Madiebo v Nwankwo |title=1 NWLR |publisher=Psychology Press | page=426 | year=2002}}</ref>

=== South Africa ===
In South Africa, during [[apartheid]], institutional racism has been a powerful means of excluding from resources and power any person not categorized or marked as a white. Those marked as black were further discriminated against differentially, with Africans facing more extreme forms of exclusion and exploitation than those marked as Coloured or Indian. One such example of institutional racism in South Africa is [[Natives Land Act, 1913]], which reserved 90% of land for white use and the Native Urban Areas Act of 1923 controlled access to urban areas, which suited commercial farmers who were keen to hold labour on their land. Africans, who formed the majority of the population, were relegated to (often barren) rural reserves, which later became homelands.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Bozalek |first1=Vivienne |title=The Effect of Institutional Racism on Student Family Circumstances: A Human Capabilities Perspective |journal=South African Journal of Psychology |date=December 2010 |volume=40 |issue=4 |pages=487–494 |doi=10.1177/008124631004000409 |s2cid=143467232 }}</ref>

More modern forms of institutional [[racism in South Africa]] are centered around interracial relationships and [[Black Economic Empowerment|official government policy]]. Opposition to interracial intimate relationships may be indicative of underlying racism, and that conversely acceptance and support of these relationships may be indicative of a stance against racism.<ref name="Jaynes, Claire 2010">{{cite journal |last1=Jaynes |first1=Claire |title=The Influence of The Family on Interracial Intimate Relationships in Post-Apartheid South Africa |journal=South African Journal of Psychology |date=December 2010 |volume=40 |issue=4 |pages=396–413 |doi=10.1177/008124631004000404 |citeseerx=10.1.1.869.2738 |s2cid=143923597 }}</ref> Even though the prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act was repealed in 1985, the term "mixed" continued to exists, thus carrying forth the inherent stigmatization of "mixed" relationships and race. Consequently, discourse is a framework that realizes that language can produce institutional structures and relations. However, language constitutes who we are, how we interact with others and how we understand ourselves. Therefore, discourse is said to be inextricably linked to power and more than just a medium used to transmit information.<ref name="Jaynes, Claire 2010"/>

Furthermore, post-apartheid racism is still rife in South Africa, both black-on-white and white-on-black, with white-on-black racism being more advertised in the news. In 2015, black staff at a restaurant near Stellenbosch allegedly were verbally attacked and degraded by a group of white students. In response, a black student declared that everyone who did not speak Afrikaans in the area was an alien in the area. "They were whistling at them as they were whistling at dogs," he claimed. He further claimed that the white students even leapt over the counter and patted them as if they were dogs. Three white men and four other young white men allegedly followed him outside after he left the restaurant and assaulted him.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Race row hits Maties|url=https://www.timeslive.co.za/news/south-africa/2015-02-25-race-row-hits-maties/|access-date=17 January 2022|website=TimesLIVE|language=en-ZA}}</ref> The University of Stellenbosch did not continue with disciplinary action which shows the racism in academic institutions.

The South African government has done things to combat racial economic disparity in South Africa for example, BEE (Black Economic Empowerment) is a South African government programme aimed at facilitating black people's fuller participation in the economy, particularly to address imbalances established by apartheid. It offers incentives to businesses that contribute to black economic empowerment through a variety of measurable criteria, such as partial or majority black ownership, hiring black employees, and contracting with black-owned suppliers, as well as preferential treatment in government procurement processes. BEE's preferential procurement feature has been hailed as a model for a long-term procurement strategy in which government procurement is used to accomplish social policy goals.{{Citation needed|date=January 2025}}

=== United Kingdom ===
{{Further|Racism in the United Kingdom|}}

==== In governance ====

In the late 20th century, institutional racism was identified in various public bodies beyond policing. One notable case, spanning over a decade, involved construction worker Kelly Davis, who successfully brought a racial discrimination case against Wansdyke District Council in Somerset. Between 1989 and 2000, Davis had multiple land-development applications rejected while similar proposals by white applicants were approved. In 2000, the Bristol County Court found that planning officers had acted in a "consistently unhelpful and obstructive fashion", likely due to Davis being "the only black builder in Wansdyke".<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.humphreys.co.uk/articles/790000-payout-for-race-case-builder/|title=£790,000 Payout for Race Case Builder|website=Humphreys & Co.|access-date=30 July 2025}}</ref> The case is now cited as an example of institutional barriers faced by black professionals when navigating public institutions in the UK.

==== In the Metropolitan Police Service ====
{{see also|Race and crime in the United Kingdom|Murder of Stephen Lawrence}}
In the United Kingdom, the inquiry about the murder of the black Briton Stephen Lawrence concluded that the investigating [[Policing in the United Kingdom|police force]] was institutionally racist. Sir William Macpherson used the term as a description of "the collective failure of an organisation to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their colour, culture, or ethnic origin", which "can be seen or detected in processes, attitudes, and behaviour, which amount to discrimination through unwitting prejudice, ignorance, thoughtlessness, and racist stereotyping, which disadvantages minority ethnic people".<ref>{{cite news |title=Metropolitan police still institutionally racist |url=https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2003/apr/22/lawrence.ukcrime |work=[[The Guardian]] |date=22 April 2003 }}</ref> Sir William's definition is almost identical to Stokely Carmichael's original definition some forty years earlier. Stokely Carmichael and Charles Hamilton were Black Power activists and first used the term 'institutional racism' in 1967 to describe the consequences of a societal structure that was stratified into a racial hierarchy that resulted in layers of discrimination and inequality for minority ethnic people in housing, income, employment, education and health (Garner 2004:22).<ref name="Blagg2008">{{cite book|last=Blagg|first=Harry|title=Crime, Aboriginality and the Decolonisation of Justice|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ojyQTjn8FFgC&pg=PA9|date=1 January 2008|publisher=Hawkins Press|isbn=978-1-876067-19-9|page=9}}</ref>

The [[Stephen Lawrence#The Macpherson Inquiry|Stephen Lawrence Inquiry Report]], and the public's response to it, were among the major factors that forced the [[Metropolitan Police]] to address its treatment of ethnic minorities. More recently, the former [[Commissioner of Police of the Metropolis|Metropolitan Police Commissioner]], [[Ian Blair|Sir Ian Blair]] said that the British news media are institutionally racist,<ref>{{cite news |title=Met chief accuses media of racism |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/england/london/4651368.stm |work=[[BBC News]] |date=26 January 2006 }}</ref> a comment that offended journalists, provoking angry responses from the media, despite the [[National Black Police Association (UK)|National Black Police Association]] welcoming Blair's assessment.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Gibson |first1=Owen |last2=Dodd |first2=Vikram |title=Met chief labels media institutionally racist |url=https://www.theguardian.com/media/2006/jan/27/pressandpublishing.raceintheuk |work=[[The Guardian]] |date=27 January 2006 }}</ref>

The report also found that the Metropolitan Police was institutionally racist. A total of 70 recommendations for reform were made. These proposals included abolishing the double jeopardy rule and criminalising racist statements made in private. Macpherson also called for reform in the British Civil Service, local governments, the National Health Service, schools, and the judicial system, to address issues of institutional racism.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Holdaway |first1=Simon |last2=O'Neill |first2=Megan |title=Institutional Racism after Macpherson: An Analysis of Police Views |journal=Policing and Society |date=December 2006 |volume=16 |issue=4 |pages=349–369 |doi=10.1080/10439460600967885 |s2cid=144220583 |url=https://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/17551/1/10439460600967885.pdf }}</ref>

In June 2015, the Metropolitan Police Commissioner, [[Sir Bernard Hogan-Howe]], said there was some justification in claims that the Metropolitan Police Service is institutionally racist.<ref>{{cite news |title=Met acknowledges racist perception |url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-london-33025853 |work=[[BBC News]] |date=5 June 2015 }}</ref>

In March 2023, the Metropolitan Police Commissioner, [[Sir Mark Rowley]] said that while he accepted the diagnosis of [[Louise Casey, Baroness Casey of Blackstock]]'s review, he would not use the term institutional racism, saying that it was ambiguous and politicised.<ref>{{cite news |title=Met Commissioner's response to force's damning Baroness Casey report|url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/av/uk-65022126 |work=[[BBC News]] |date=21 March 2023}}</ref>

==== In criminal convictions ====
In the English and Welsh prison system, government data that was compiled in 2020 showed that youths of color are disproportionally subject to punishment that the UN regards as violating the [[Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners|Mandela Rules]] on the treatment of prisoners. The [[COVID-19 pandemic]] had caused some minors being held in [[remand (detention)|pre-trial detention]] to be placed in solitary confinement indefinitely.<ref>{{cite journal |author1=Catherine Cox |author2=Hilary Marland |title='Their minds gave way': mental disorder and nineteenth-century prison discipline |journal=Early Career Academics Network Bulletin |publisher=Howard League for Penal Reform |issue=44 |date=June 2020 |pages=18–23 |url=https://howardleague.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/ECAN-summer-2020-final.pdf}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.newslocker.com/en-uk/news/uk_news/teenager-will-be-locked-inside-council-house-as-theres-no-secure-accommodation-available/|title=Teenager will be locked inside council house as there's no secure accommodation available |website=Newslocker|date=13 July 2020 }}</ref> Minorities under 18 comprised 50% of the youth inmates held and 27% of the overall prison population. Ethnic minorities made up 14% of the overall population.{{citation needed|date=July 2020}}

==== In healthcare ====
Institutional racism [[Race and health|exists in various aspects of healthcare]], from maternity to psychiatric. Black women are four times more likely to die in pregnancy, labour and up to a year postpartum than whites.<ref>{{cite web|title=Black Women Over Three Times More Likely to Die in Pregnancy, Postpartum Than White Women, New Research Finds|url=https://popresearchcenters.org/research-highlights/black-women-over-three-times-more-likely-to-die-in-pregnancy-postpartum-than-white-women-new-research-finds/|website=Population Dynamics Research Centers|date=December 2021|access-date=July 1, 2022}}</ref>

Asian women are twice as likely as whites to die in pregnancy. Black women are twice as likely to have a stillborn baby than whites.<ref name="Muglu Rather Arroyo-Manzano Bhattacharya p=e1002838">{{cite journal | last1=Muglu | first1=Javaid | last2=Rather | first2=Henna | last3=Arroyo-Manzano | first3=David | last4=Bhattacharya | first4=Sohinee | last5=Balchin | first5=Imelda | last6=Khalil | first6=Asma | last7=Thilaganathan | first7=Basky | last8=Khan | first8=Khalid S. | last9=Zamora | first9=Javier | last10=Thangaratinam | first10=Shakila | editor-last=Smith | editor-first=Gordon C. | title=Risks of stillbirth and neonatal death with advancing gestation at term: A systematic review and meta-analysis of cohort studies of 15 million pregnancies | journal=PLOS Medicine | publisher=Public Library of Science (PLoS) | volume=16 | issue=7 | date=2 July 2019 | issn=1549-1676 | doi=10.1371/journal.pmed.1002838 | article-number=e1002838| pmid=31265456 | pmc=6605635 | doi-access=free }}</ref>

According to the [[Institute for the Study of Academic Racism]], scholars have drawn on a 1979 work by [[social psychology|social psychologist]] [[Michael Billig]] – "Psychology, Racism, and Fascism" – that identified links between the [[Institute of Psychiatry]] (IOP) and racist/[[eugenic]] theories, notably in regard to [[race and intelligence]], as for example promoted by IOP psychologist [[Hans Eysenck]] and in a highly publicised talk in August 1970 at the IOP by American psychologist [[Arthur Jensen]]. Billig concluded that "racialist presuppositions" intruded into research at the Institute both unintentionally and intentionally.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.ferris.edu/HTMLS/othersrv/isar/archives2/billig/homepage.htm|title=ISAR – Psychology, Racism & Fascism: An On-line Edition|access-date=12 July 2015|archive-date=9 September 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150909231824/http://www.ferris.edu/HTMLS/othersrv/isar/archives2/billig/homepage.htm}}</ref> In 2007, the [[BBC]] reported that a "race row" had broken out in the wake of an official inquiry that identified institutional racism in British psychiatry, with psychiatrists, including from the IOP/Maudsley, arguing against the claim,<ref>{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/programmes/newsnight/6678369.stm | work=[[BBC News]] | title=Race row in mental health service | date=21 May 2007 | access-date=5 May 2010}}</ref> while the heads of the [[Mental Health Act Commission]] accused them of misunderstanding the concept of institutional racism and dismissing the legitimate concerns of the black community in Britain.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=McKenzie |first1=Kwame |last2=Bhui |first2=Kamaldeep |title=Institutional racism in psychiatry |journal=Psychiatric Bulletin |date=2 January 2018 |volume=31 |issue=10 |page=397 |doi=10.1192/pb.31.10.397 |doi-access=free }}</ref> Campaigns by voluntary groups seek to address the higher rates of sectioning, overmedication, misdiagnosis and forcible restraint on members of [[minority groups]].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.blackmentalhealth.org.uk/index.php?option=com_content&task=blogsection&id=4&Itemid=119|title=Black Mental Health UK – Campaigns|website=blackmentalhealth.org.uk|access-date=15 June 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100622065927/http://www.blackmentalhealth.org.uk/index.php?option=com_content&task=blogsection&id=4&Itemid=119|archive-date=22 June 2010}}</ref> According to 2014 statistics, black adults had the lowest treatment rate of any ethnic group, at 5.2%. The treatment rate for whites is 17.3%.<ref name="GOV.UK 2016">{{cite web | title=Adult Psychiatric Morbidity Survey: Mental Health and Wellbeing, England, 2014 | website=GOV.UK | date=29 September 2016 |url=https://www.gov.uk/government/statistics/adult-psychiatric-morbidity-survey-mental-health-and-wellbeing-england-2014 | access-date=24 August 2020}}</ref> Figures from March 2019 show that black people were more than four times as likely as white people to be detained under the Mental Health Act in the previous year.<ref name="GOV.UK Ethnicity facts and figures 2020">{{cite web | title=Detentions under the Mental Health Act | website=GOV.UK Ethnicity facts and figures | date=24 August 2020 |url=https://www.ethnicity-facts-figures.service.gov.uk/health/mental-health/detentions-under-the-mental-health-act/latest | access-date=24 August 2020}}</ref>

Black men were 4.2 times more likely, and black women were 4.3 times more likely, to die from [[COVID-19]] than whites during the initial wave of the [[COVID-19 pandemic|pandemic]].<ref name="White Nafilyan 2020">{{cite web | last1=White | first1=Chris | last2=Nafilyan | first2=Vahé | title=Coronavirus (COVID-19) related deaths by ethnic group, England and Wales | website=Office for National Statistics | date=6 May 2020 | url=https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/birthsdeathsandmarriages/deaths/articles/coronavirusrelateddeathsbyethnicgroupenglandandwales/2march2020to10april2020 | access-date=24 August 2020}}</ref>

==== In education ====
{{see also|Education in the United Kingdom}}
In a 2009 report by the Department for Innovations and Business Skills, it was found that black students were the most likely to receive under-predicted grades by their teachers. It was found that 8.1% of black students received higher actual grades compared to 4.6% of white students, 6.5% of Asian students and 6.1% of mixed-race students.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Papageorgiou |first1=Joanna |title=Investigating the Accuracy of Predicted A Level Grades as part of 2009 UCAS Admission Process |url=https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/32412/11-1043-investigating-accuracy-predicted-a-level-grades.pdf |publisher=Department for Business Innovation and Skills|date=June 2011}}</ref>

Critics contend that part of the institutional racism in education in the UK is in the curriculum. Arguments for and against decolonizing the curriculum are outlined on the [[BBC]]'s ''Moral Maze'' podcast.<ref>{{cite web|last=[[BBC News]]|date=16 February 2019|title='Decolonising' the Curriculum|url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/m0002h1j|access-date=16 January 2021|website=www.bbc.co.uk}}</ref>

==== In employment ====
The equality and human rights commission reported that black workers with degrees earned 27.1% less income on average than whites.<ref>{{cite web |title=Healing a divided Britain: the need for a comprehensive race equality strategy |url=https://www.equalityhumanrights.com/sites/default/files/healing_a_divided_britain_-_the_need_for_a_comprehensive_race_equality_strategy_final.pdf |website=equalityhumanrights.com |publisher=Equality and Human Rights Commission}}</ref> This gives some light for the reasons behind the stark inequalities that black people and to a lesser extent, other ethnic minorities face in the UK. For example, 56% of families with a black household head were living in poverty compared to 13% of families led by a white person.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Mock |first1=Charlie |title=31 Statistics That Highlight The UK's Deep-Rooted Racial Inequality |url=https://www.bustle.com/news/statistics-about-racial-inequality-in-the-uk-that-cant-be-ignored-22985534 |website=Bustle|date=3 August 2020 }}</ref>

Standards of employment in the UK, as well as in the United States and other Western European countries, often disregard how certain standards, such as eye contact, have different meanings around the world.<ref>{{cite web|last=webmaster|date=6 April 2017|title=How Eye Contact Differs Around the World|url=http://businessmusing.com/eye-contact-differs-around-world/|access-date=16 January 2021|website=Business Musing|archive-date=23 January 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210123133431/http://businessmusing.com/eye-contact-differs-around-world/}}</ref> Asian, Latin American and African cultures can consider eye contact as disrespect or as challenging authority, often resulting in them maintaining an on-and-off eye contact to show respect in interviews and employment processes. Opposingly, most people in countries in North America and Western Europe see eye contact as expressing enthusiasm and trust.

==== In the airports ====
Implementing the e-Gate system, the UK divides people by their nationalities into two groups at the airports. The system itself is practical and effective to avoid congestions and long queues. However, it is also the fact that people from certain countries such as Romania and China were disturbed and put under a special attention.{{citation needed|date=April 2024}}

=== United States ===
{{Main|Institutional racism in the United States}}

== See also ==
{{cols|colwidth=16em}}
*[[Anti-subordination principle]]
*[[Critical race theory]]
*[[Environmental racism]]
*[[Grievance]]
*[[Grievance studies affair]]
*[[First World privilege]]
*[[Institutional abuse]]
*[[Ketuanan Melayu]]
*[[Legacy preferences]]
*[[National Origins Formula]]
*[[Oppression Olympics]]
*[[Race and crime]]
*[[Social justice]]
*[[Truthiness]]
*[[Structural violence]]
*[[Victim mentality]]
*''[[Weaver v National Association of Teachers in Further and Higher Education]]''
*[[White privilege]]
{{colend}}

==References==
{{reflist|colwidth=30em}}

== Bibliographies ==
{{refbegin|30em}}
*{{cite web|url=http://www.archive.official-documents.co.uk/document/cm42/4262/4262.htm |title=The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry, Report of an inquiry by Sir William MacPherson of Cluny |date=February 1999 |publisher=[[The Stationery Office]]}}
* Stokes, DaShanne. (In Press) ''Legalized Segregation and the Denial of Religious Freedom''{{dead link|date=October 2010|bot=AnomieBOT}}
* {{cite journal |last1=Griffith |first1=Derek M. |last2=Childs |first2=Erica L. |last3=Eng |first3=Eugenia |last4=Jeffries |first4=Vanessa |title=Racism in organizations: The case of a county public health department |journal=Journal of Community Psychology |date=April 2007 |volume=35 |issue=3 |pages=287–302 |doi=10.1002/jcop.20149 |pmid=18852826 |pmc=2565803}}
*{{cite journal |last1=Fitzgibbon |first1=Diana Wendy |title=Institutional Racism, Pre-Emptive Criminalisation and Risk Analysis |journal=The Howard Journal of Criminal Justice |date=May 2007 |volume=46 |issue=2 |pages=128–144 |doi=10.1111/j.1468-2311.2007.00461.x |hdl=2299/1955 |s2cid=145341743 |hdl-access=free }}
* {{cite book |editor1-last=Green |editor1-first=David G. |title=Institutional Racism and the Police: Fact Or Fiction? |date=2000 |publisher=Institute for the Study of Civil Society |isbn=978-1-903386-06-4 |oclc=1112516945 }}
* {{cite book |last1=Dennis |first1=Norman |last2=Erdos |first2=George |last3=Al-Shahi |first3=Ahmed |title=Racist Murder and Pressure Group Politics |date=2000 |publisher=Institute for the Study of Civil Society |isbn=978-1-903386-05-7 }}
*{{cite journal |last1=Pettit |first1=Becky |last2=Western |first2=Bruce |title=Mass Imprisonment and the Life Course: Race and Class Inequality in U.S. Incarceration |journal=American Sociological Review |date=2004 |volume=69 |issue=2 |pages=151–169 |doi=10.1177/000312240406900201 |jstor=3593082 |s2cid=14332898 }}
*{{cite journal |last1=Denson |first1=Nida |last2=Chang |first2=Mitchell J. |title=Racial Diversity Matters: The Impact of Diversity-Related Student Engagement and Institutional Context |journal=American Educational Research Journal |date=June 2009 |volume=46 |issue=2 |pages=322–353 |doi=10.3102/0002831208323278 |citeseerx=10.1.1.462.8182 |s2cid=143521385 }}
* {{cite book |last1=Duster |first1=Troy |chapter=The 'Morphing' Properties of Whiteness |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ZtVeltkU3XAC&pg=PA113 |editor1-last=Rasmussen |editor1-first=Birgit Brander |editor2-last=Klinenberg |editor2-first=Eric |editor3-last=Nexica |editor3-first=Irene J. |editor4-last=Wray |editor4-first=Matt |title=The Making and Unmaking of Whiteness |date=2001 |publisher=Duke University Press |isbn=978-0-8223-8104-4 }}
*{{cite journal |last1=Rankin |first1=Susan R |last2=Reason |first2=Robert Dean |title=Differing Perceptions: How Students of Color and White Students Perceive Campus Climate for Underrepresented Groups |journal=Journal of College Student Development |date=2005 |volume=46 |issue=1 |pages=43–61 |doi=10.1353/csd.2005.0008 |s2cid=145079992 }}
*{{cite journal |last1=Stanley |first1=Christine A. |title=Coloring the Academic Landscape: Faculty of Color Breaking the Silence in Predominantly White Colleges and Universities |journal=American Educational Research Journal |date=23 June 2016 |volume=43 |issue=4 |pages=701–736 |doi=10.3102/00028312043004701 |s2cid=145539836 |url=https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/9ae9/a0a314b848892f71a32d4c3a7fc8166385fe.pdf |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200215172230/https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/9ae9/a0a314b848892f71a32d4c3a7fc8166385fe.pdf |archive-date=15 February 2020 }}
{{refend}}

== Further reading ==
{{Wikiquote}}
*[https://civitas.org.uk/pdf/cs06.pdf Institutional Racism and the Police] Institutional Racism and the Police: Fact or Fiction?, Civitas thinktank pamphlet about the Macpherson Report
*[https://www.ohrc.on.ca/en/paying-price-human-cost-racial-profiling?page=RacialProfileReportEN-Introduc.html#Heading63 Paying the Price: The Human Cost of Racial Profiling] On causes and effects of institutional racism in the Canadian criminal justice system
*{{cite web |url=http://www.prisonpolicy.org/scans/sp/1003.pdf |title=Crack Cocaine Sentencing Policy: Unjustified and Unreasonable }}
* {{cite book |last1=Ward |first1=W. Peter |title=White Canada Forever: Popular Attitudes and Public Policy Toward Orientals in British Columbia |date=1978 |publisher=McGill-Queen's University Press |isbn=978-0-7735-0319-9 |page=132 }}
* {{cite web |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130515235906/http://www.cic.gc.ca/english/multiculturalism/asian/85years.asp |archive-date=15 May 2013 |url=http://www.cic.gc.ca/english/multiculturalism/asian/85years.asp |title=85th Anniversary of the Chinese Immigration Act }}
*{{cite book |last1=Ens |first1=Gerhard John |title=Homeland to Hinterland: The Changing Worlds of the Red River Metis in the Nineteenth Century |date=1996 |publisher=University of Toronto Press |isbn=978-0-8020-7822-3 }}
*{{cite book |chapter=Métis Scrip |pages=47–57 |editor1-last=Corrigan |editor1-first=Samuel Walter |editor2-last=Sawchuk |editor2-first=Joe |title=The Recognition of Aboriginal Rights |date=1996 |publisher=Bearpaw |isbn=978-0-9680608-0-3 }}
*{{cite journal |first1=Thomas |last1=Flanagan |title=The Market for Métis Lands in Manitoba: An Exploratory Study |journal=Prairie Forum |volume=16 |issue=1 |year=1991 |pages=105–124 |url=https://ourspace.uregina.ca/bitstream/handle/10294/24/FLANAGAN.pdf }}
*Canada Consolidation Indian Act R.S.C., 1985, c. I-5 Current to 9 June 2015. Last amended on 2 April 2015 and published by the Minister of Justice at the following address: [http://laws-lois.justice.gc.ca  "Justice Laws Website" / "Site Web de la législation (Justice)", Government of Canada]
*John Komlos, [https://econpapers.repec.org/article/mhrfinarc/urn_3adoi_3a10.1628_2ffa-2021-0003.htm "Covert Racism in Economics]," ''FinanzArchiv/Public Finance Analysis'', 77 (2021) 1: 83–115.
*{{cite book |last=Guglielmo |first=Thomas A. |title=[[Divisions: A New History of Racism and Resistance in America's World War II Military]] |date=2021 |publisher=[[Oxford University Press]] |location=New York |isbn=978-0-19-534265-9}}
{{Racism topics|state=collapsed}}

[[Category:Racism]]
[[Category:Definition of racism controversy]]
[[Category:Institutional abuse]]
[[Category:Political science terminology]]
[[Category:Sociological terminology]]
[[Category:Articles containing video clips]]