View source for José Antonio Primo de Rivera

{{Short description|Spanish politician and founder of Falange Española (1903–1936)}}
{{family name hatnote|Primo de Rivera|Sáenz de Heredia|lang=Spanish}}
{{Over-quotation|date=November 2015}}
{{Use mdy dates|date=July 2019}}
{{Infobox officeholder
| honorific_prefix    = 
| name                = José Antonio Primo de Rivera
| image               = FOTOGRAFIA DE JOSE ANTONIO PRIMO DE RIVERA 2.jpg
| caption             = 
| office              = [[Cortes republicanas|Member of the Cortes]]
| term_start          = 30 November 1933
| term_end            = 7 January 1936
| constituency        = [[Province of Cádiz|Cádiz]]
| predecessor         = 
| successor           = 
| birth_name          = José Antonio Primo de Rivera y Sáenz de Heredia
| birth_date          = 24 April 1903
| birth_place         = [[Madrid]], [[Restoration (Spain)|Kingdom of Spain]]
| death_date          = {{death date and age|df=y|20 November 1936|24 April 1903}}
| death_place         = [[Alicante]], [[Second Spanish Republic|Spanish Republic]]
| death_cause         = [[Execution by firing squad]]
| resting_place       = {{plainlist|
* [[Saint Isidore Cemetery]], [[Madrid]] (since 2023)
* [[Valley of the Fallen]], [[San Lorenzo de El Escorial]] (1959–2023)
}}
| citizenship         = 
| nationality         = [[Spaniards|Spanish]]
| party               = {{plainlist|
* [[Falange Española de las JONS|FE de las JONS]] (1934–1936)
* [[Falange Española]] (1933–1934)
* [[Movimiento Español Sindicalista]] (1933)
* [[National Monarchist Union (Spain, 1930)|National Monarchist Union]] (1930–1933)
}}
| otherparty          = 
| spouse              = 
| partner             = 
| children            = 
| mother              = 
| father              = [[Miguel Primo de Rivera]]
| relatives           = {{ubl|[[Miguel Primo de Rivera y Sáenz de Heredia|Miguel Primo de Rivera]] (brother)|[[Pilar Primo de Rivera]] (sister)}}
| residence           = 
| education           = 
| alma_mater          = [[Complutense University of Madrid|University of Madrid]]
| occupation          = {{hlist|Lawyer|Politician}}
| known_for           = 
| signature           = 
| signature_size      = 
| nickname            = <!--Military service-->
| branch              = [[Military volunteer|Volunteer]]{{sfn|Payne|2000|p=71}}
| serviceyears        = 1923–1924{{sfn|Payne|2000|p=71}}
| rank                = [[Second lieutenant|Reserve second lieutenant]]{{sfn|Payne|2000|p=71}}
| unit                = {{ill|Húsares de la Princesa|es|Húsares de la Princesa}}{{sfn|Payne|2000|p=71}}
| commands            = 
| battles             = 
| mawards             = 
}}
'''José Antonio Primo de Rivera y Sáenz de Heredia, 1st Duke of Primo de Rivera, 3rd Marquis of Estella''' [[Grandee|GE]] (24 April 1903 – 20 November 1936), often referred to simply as '''José Antonio''', was a Spanish national syndicalist politician who founded the [[Falange Española]] ("Spanish Phalanx"), later [[Falange Española de las JONS]].

José Antonio was the eldest son of General [[Miguel Primo de Rivera]], who governed Spain as dictator from 1923 to 1930. He worked as a lawyer from 1927 to 1933 before entering politics through the [[National Monarchist Union (Spain, 1930)|National Monarchist Union]], an enterprise he initially engaged in because of his vows to defend his recently deceased father's memory. After becoming disillusioned with the traditionalist monarchist policies, he founded the short lived [[Movimiento Español Sindicalista]] alongside [[Julio Ruiz de Alda]]. Soon after he founded Falange Española in October 1933, shortly before running as a candidate in the [[1933 Spanish general election|1933 general election]], in which he won a seat in the [[Congress of Deputies]] of the [[Second Spanish Republic]]. He assumed the role of messianic leader and charged himself with the task of saving Spain in founding a national syndicalist party, but he encountered difficulties widening his support base during his entire political life.{{sfn|Thomàs|2019|pp=172–173}}

In 1936, he endorsed the Spanish [[Spanish coup of July 1936|nationalist military coup]] against the Second Spanish Republic that led to a [[Spanish Civil War|civil war]] that he later attempted to stop.{{sfn|Thomàs|2019|pp=167, 172–173}} Imprisoned before the start of the war, he was accused of [[conspiracy]] and military rebellion against the government of the republic and was sentenced to death and executed by firing squad during the first months of the war.

In life, he held the nobiliary title of 3rd [[Marquis of Estella]], [[Grandee|Grandee of Spain]]. In 1948, he was posthumously given the title of [[Duke of Primo de Rivera]], which was subsequently passed to his brother [[Miguel Primo de Rivera y Sáenz de Heredia|Miguel]]. The image of José Antonio was revered during the war by the [[Nationalist faction (Spanish Civil War)|Nationalist faction]], and after the establishment of [[Francoist Spain]] he was regarded as a [[martyr]], and used as a tool of the Francoist propaganda apparatus. The inscription of "José Antonio ¡Presente!" could be found in many churches all across Spain.

== Biography ==
=== Early life ===
José Antonio Primo de Rivera was born on [[Calle de Génova]] (Madrid) on April 24, 1903, the eldest son of the military officer [[Miguel Primo de Rivera y Orbaneja]] (who would later govern Spain as dictator from 1923 to 1930) and Casilda Sáenz de Heredia y Suárez de Argudín.{{sfn|Fantoni y Benedí|2003|pp=529–530}} From his father he inherited the title of Marquis of Estella. He never married.

[[File:Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera boy scout.jpg|thumb|left|José Antonio Primo de Rivera can be seen at the left of the picture as member of the [[Scouting Movement|Boy Scouts]] during a visit of [[Alfonso XIII of Spain|Alfonso XIII]] in 1918.]]
His mother died when he was five years old, and he was subsequently raised by his father's sister, Maria Jesus Primo de Rivera y Orbaneja.<ref name=":0">{{Cite book |last=Greger |first=Nick Wolfgang Sinan |title=Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera: the Foundations of the Spanish Phalanx |last2=Primo de Rivera |first2=José Antonio |date=2018 |publisher=KDP Publishers (Selbstverlag) |isbn=978-1-7241-5576-4 |location=o.A}}</ref> He was privately taught at home, and learned English and French.<ref name="youtube.com">{{YouTube|Q182p80uz5c|José Antonio's proficiency in English}}.</ref><ref>{{YouTube|hN12wuOIB7M|José Antonio's proficiency in French}}.</ref> When at university, he did not attend lectures until the second year of his undergraduate studies.<ref>R. Gonzalo, 2009: "[http://rgonzalo.blogdiario.com/1241047203 José Antonio Primo de Rivera y Sáenz de Heredia] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100325205726/http://rgonzalo.blogdiario.com/1241047203 |date=2010-03-25}}." Blog Diario. Chapter 186.</ref> He spent his summer holidays at the country estate of an uncle, where he practiced horseriding and hunting.<ref name="Castrense">Leoncio Jiménez Cano, 1980: "{{usurped|1=[https://web.archive.org/web/20101127001453/http://plataforma2003.org/testimonios_vivencias/2.htm Vida castrense de José Antonio Primo de Rivera en Barcelona]}}", El Arenal. Ávila. Ed. Antonio Álvarez Cadenas.</ref>

Primo de Rivera went on to study law at the [[Complutense University of Madrid|University of Madrid]] between 1917 and 1923. He helped to organize the student union there, ''Federación Universitaria Escolar'', which opposed the higher-education policies of his father.{{clarify|date=August 2019}} He took undergraduate and graduate courses simultaneously and he obtained both his Bachelor and Doctor degrees in the same year, 1923.<ref>Juan Velarde Fuertes: "[http://www.fundacionjoseantonio.es/imagenes/Jose_Antonio_Velarde_Falange.pdf José Antonio, en la Universidad]{{dead link|date=April 2017 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes}}." Fundación José Antonio Primo de Rivera.</ref>
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** September 25, 2009 NOTE: I have asked the Jose Antonio Foundation for permission to use this photograph in this article; but they have not replied to my email to date. **

[[File:Jose Antonio 1923.jpg|thumb|border|left|José Antonio (mounted) salutes [[Miguel Primo de Rivera|his father]] ceremonially during the Dictator's visit to the garrison of the [[Dragoon]]s of St. James in [[Barcelona]] (1923). '''Source''': Fundación José Antonio Primo de Rivera.]]
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After graduating, he chose the "One-Year Volunteer" option to do his military service while his father was dictator. He served with the Ninth [[Dragoon]]s of St. James cavalry regiment, stationed at [[Barcelona]]. He was court-martialed for punching a superior officer, the future [[Nationalist faction (Spanish Civil War)|Nationalist]] army leader, Brigadier General [[Gonzalo Queipo de Llano]].
<blockquote>
Queipo de Llano had written a defamatory letter against an uncle of José Antonio and against the Dictator himself. José Antonio, ready to defend the honour of his family abused by the Republican general, went to the café where the latter used to socialize, and after asking whether he was the author of the writing, and after receiving the general's affirmative reply, delivered a spectacular punch that made the general roll on the floor, sparking a free-for-all between the companions of José Antonio and the companions of the general.<ref name="Castrense" />
</blockquote>

Queipo de Llano had been a Republican in the time of the Rivera dictatorship, but is today remembered mostly as a notorious [[Francoist Spain|Francoist]] war criminal in the [[Spanish Civil War|Civil War]].

Primo de Rivera became a registered lawyer in 1925, and opened an office on a side street of Madrid very near the confluence of three principal avenues.<ref name="España_desde_1931">"[https://web.archive.org/web/20061118122442/http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Crete/2408/Personajes/joseantonio.html José Antonio Primo de Rivera y Sáenz de Heredia]", España desde 1931.</ref>

A relatively successful lawyer not involved nor expected to be involved in politics before 1930, the impetuous José Antonio Primo de Rivera decided to do so after the death of his father in his Parisian self-exile in 1930; this was for him the best way to defend the memory of his father, whose work at government had often been derided.{{sfn|Maurel|2005|p=149}}

In 1931, he was invested "Perpetual Dean of the Illustrious College of Lawyers of Madrid".<ref name="Ortega">Jesús López Medel: {{cite web|url=http://es.geocities.com/lopez_medel/pag50-05.htm |title=La influencia de Ortega y Gasset en José Antonio |access-date=2009-08-29 |url-status=bot: unknown |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20091026151144/http://es.geocities.com/lopez_medel/pag50-05.htm |archive-date=October 26, 2009}}.</ref>

He ran for office under the banner of the [[National Monarchist Union]] but failed to get elected.{{unreliable source?|date=March 2020}}<ref name="Semblanza">[https://web.archive.org/web/19990210102417/http://www.geocities.com/CapitolHill/5328/index.html Semblanza de José Antonio Primo de Rivera].</ref>

He was detained briefly in 1932 for collaboration in General [[José Sanjurjo]]'s attempted coup.<ref name="Semblanza" />

=== Falangist leader ===
[[File:ValdecasasRuizAldaPrimo.jpg|thumb|right|[[Alfonso García Valdecasas]], [[Julio Ruiz de Alda|Ruiz de Alda]] and Primo de Rivera in the 1933 foundational meeting.]]
On October 29, 1933, Primo de Rivera launched the [[Falange Española]] ("Spanish Phalanx"), a nationalist party, inspired in part with some ideas, such as the necessity of authority, hierarchical order of society, and grassroots populism, that were being expounded in Italy in the [[Fascism|Fascist]] movement. The foundational convention was held in the [[Teatro de la Comedia]] of Madrid. He was the keynote speaker and his first address was a criticism of liberal democracy. In the speech he claimed the liberal state was not justified in its existence, criticised [[Rousseau]], claimed democracy was hypocritical, and called on violence against the Spanish government.<ref name="Discurso_Comedia">Fernando Díaz-Plaja: "[http://www.segundarepublica.com/index.php?opcion=6&id=78 Discurso de José Antonio Primo de Rivera exponiendo los puntos fundamentales de Falange española, pronunciado en el Teatro de la Comedia de Madrid, el día 29 de octubre de 1933]." Documentos.</ref> During the speech he made remarks stating that  violence was needed. Rivera claimed that certain goals could only be achieved through violence, and that the situation called only for insurrection.<ref name="Discurso_Comedia" /><ref>{{YouTube|AYCFSil_uoo|José Antonio: Memoria de un hombre}}. Informe Semanal. November 20, 1986. Part II, minutes 0:31 to 1:08.</ref>

[[Stanley G. Payne]] argues that Rivera's view that violence was acceptable if done for a just cause was paralleled by that of the Spanish Left, who held similar views on the use of violence; unlike the Italian fascists, the Falange never developed a sophisticated theory for their doctrine of violence. Payne argues that because his father had ruled as a dictator with relatively minimal violence during the quieter 1920s, Rivera naively assumed he could impose a new authoritarian system with relatively limited violence, but he would eventually find himself caught in a spiral of killing that he could not control.<ref>Payne, Stanley G. ''Spain: A unique history''. Univ of Wisconsin Press, 2011, p. 204 {{ISBN?}}</ref> When he founded the Falange, Antonio was more reluctant to use violence than other leading members of the party; he did not seem to expect violence from the political Left to be directed against the party. However, after [[Falange Española de las JONS#Early history|Juan Cuéllar's death]], he seemed to overcome his reluctance and thus intermittent killings on both sides would continue.<ref>Thomàs, Joan Maria. ''José Antonio Primo de Rivera: The Reality and Myth of a Spanish Fascist Leader''. Vol. 3. Berghahn Books, 2019, pp. 136, 143 {{ISBN?}}</ref>

Rivera's closing words on the eve of the [[1933 Spanish general election]] made explicit his [[Romantic nationalism]]. Stating that the people of Spain would need to make sacrifices in the name of nationalism. And claiming that right-wing parties in the election would not attain his desired result. Despite being a candidate he stated "I take part in these elections without faith or respect." Finally closing with a statement for political action outside of the official government.<ref name="Discurso_Comedia" />

He was a candidate in the general election of November 19 for the umbrella organization "Unión Agraria y Ciudadana," part of the broad conservative coalition [[Confederación Española de Derechas Autónomas]] (CEDA).<ref name="España_desde_1931" /> He was elected to the Parliament as a representative of [[Cádiz]].

In his first parliamentary intervention he answered [[José María Gil-Robles y Quiñones|Gil-Robles]]&mdash;the founder of CEDA&mdash;who had just spoken out against all [[totalitarian]] forms of government for arrogating to themselves the attributes of God and crushing the personality of the individual. Rivera was elected under a shock coalition formed between the [[Radical Republican Party]] and CEDA, meaning he entered government. The agreement would collapse support for the Radicals, which had previously Spain's largest Republican party during the [[1936 Spanish general election]]. In the speech he moderated some of his positions, claimed no individual or social class holds all the power in society. Also stating that the state should follow Rousseau's ideals of representing the will of the people. Claimed that "goodness and truth are perennial tributaries of reason" and closed calling for unity towards a "permanent aspiration."<ref>"[http://www.rumbos.net/ocja/jaoc0017.html Sobre el Concepto del Estado]", Obras Completas de José Antonio. Rumbos.</ref>

On February 11, 1934, Falange merged with [[Ramiro Ledesma]]'s [[Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista]] to create the [[Falange Española de las JONS]] under José Antonio's leadership.<ref name="Semblanza" /> The antisemitic positions within FE de las JONS were mainly led by [[Onésimo Redondo]], with Ledesma and Primo de Rivera largely indifferent to the issue;{{sfn|Álvarez Chillida|2007|p=183}} however, Falangists attacked the Jewish-owned SEPU department stores in the spring of 1935;<ref>Álvarez Chillida, ''Antisemitismo'', pp. 342–43</ref> In the view of [[Gonzalo Álvarez Chillida]], both José Antonio and Ledesma probably thought that such antisemitic raids could enhance mobilization within the purportedly threatened small-business sector.{{sfn|Álvarez Chillida|2007|p=183}} He shared with other rightists the belief that violence was legitimate against a Republic that he perceived as influenced by communists, Jews and Freemasons.{{Better source needed|date=August 2019}}<ref>Sancho Dávila and Julián Pemartín, ''Hacia la historia de la Falange: primera contribución de Sevilla'' (Jerez: Jerez Industrial, 1938) pp. 24–27.</ref>
[[File:Antonio primo de rivera.jpg|thumb|right|Photographed during a political rally (c. 1935–36). The Falangist blue shirt was an emblematic uniform embodying the idea of the Falangist discipline, hierarchy and violence, as well as, often dressed with the top button unbuttoned, it contributed to the discourse of masculine "virility".{{sfn|Vincent|2006|pp=142–143}}]]
The upper-class José Antonio abandoned the tie and suit and took on the new blue-shirt Falange uniform (despite later mocking [[Juventudes de Acción Popular|JAP]] militants because of this, the Falangists were originally dressed in suit and tie); the uniform, adopted in October 1935, was deliberately chosen as a reference to Italian Fascism.{{sfn|Vincent|2006|pp=141–142}}

In 1935 Primo de Rivera collaborated in editing the lyrics of the Falangist anthem, "[[Cara al Sol]]" (Face to the Sun).<ref>César Vidal: "[http://revista.libertaddigital.com/quien-redacto-el-cara-al-sol-1276226351.html ¿Quién redactó el "Cara al sol"?]." Libertad Digital.</ref>

Every member of the Falange had to obey unquestioningly. They were told: 
<blockquote>
The honour and task of Falange must be gauged by those who carry the burden of leadership on their shoulders. Do not forget that one of the rules of our code of ethics is to have faith in the leaders. Your leaders are always right.<ref>{{YouTube|AYCFSil_uoo|José Antonio: Memoria de un hombre}}. Informe Semanal. November 20, 1986. Part II, minutes 2:08 to 2:28.</ref>
</blockquote>

Prior to general elections of February 16, 1936, Primo discussed with Gil-Robles the question of Falange joing CEDA-led electoral alliances. He was offered 3 places, including the one in Salamanca which virtually guaranteed the mandate. However, Primo was not satisfied with the proposal, rejected it and decided that Falange candidates would run on their own.<ref>Manuel Álvarez Tardío, Roberto Villa García, ''1936, fraude y violencia en las elecciones del Frente Popular'', Barcelona 2017, ISBN 9788467049466, p. 148</ref>

Primo fielded his personal candidature in 13 electoral districts, always as individual non-aligned Falange candidate. In total, he won 24,017 votes. He performed best in [[Cádiz]] (he was supported by 7,499 voters, it is 4.66% of all voters), followed by [[Cáceres, Spain|Cáceres]] (4,427; 2.30%), [[Valladolid]] (2,793; 2.15%), Madrid city (4,995; 1.20%), Seville city (942; 0.79%),  [[Toledo, Spain|Toledo]] (1,479; 0.67%), [[Huesca]] (260; 0.27%), [[Oviedo]] (818; 0.25%), [[Ciudad Real]] (269; 0.14%), [[Ourense|Orense]] (141; 0.08%), [[A Coruña|La Coruña]] (217; 0.07%), [[Albacete]] (87; 0.06%), and Baleares (90; 0.06%).<ref>Álvarez Tardío, Villa García 2017, pp. 580-599</ref>

In [[Cuenca, Spain|Cuenca]] (where Primo did not run) the elections were initially declared invalid due to massive irregularities; they were to be repeated on May 3. This time the agreement with Gil-Robles was successfully concluded and Primo de Rivera was fielded on the list of a joint counter-revolutionary bloque. At this point electoral authorities changed the original decision and declared that the Cuenca elections, scheduled for May, would not be repeated elections, but the second round of indecisive February 16 elections. The change rendered Primo's candidature invalid, as in the second round only candidates running in the first round were allowed to stand (in case of repeated elections an entirely new set of candidates was possible). Some scholars claim that the decision was taken exactly to prevent Primo from standing.<ref>Álvarez Tardío, Villa García 2017, pp. 498-500</ref> Despite this, Primo did not withdraw (peculiarity of the electoral regime was that invalid candidates were allowed on the list). There were 45,828 voters (44.38%) who supported Primo, even though most of them were probably aware that their votes would be discounted.<ref>Ángel Luis López Villaverde, ''Las botas sobre los votos. Las elecciones en Cuenca como decantador del liderazgo de la trama golpista de 1936'', [in:] ''Alcores'' 24 (2020), p. 296</ref>

Falange won only 0.1% of the vote; but the wave of instability which greeted the victory of the [[Popular Front (Spain)|Popular Front]]&mdash;a left-wing coalition of anarchists, communists, socialists, liberal republicans like the radicals, and others&mdash;caused an influx of new members, and the minuscule party grew to more than 40,000 members by July.

=== Imprisonment and death ===
On March 14, 1936, he was arrested in Madrid and charged with illegal possession of firearms (at that time, Spain was awash in privately held weapons on the part of all political factions).<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aQ31rIUTDBo|title = YouTube|website = [[YouTube]]}}</ref> Nine weeks later he was transferred to the prison in Alicante. In both Madrid and in Alicante, he was able to maintain intermittent secret contact with the Falange leadership and, several times, with General [[Emilio Mola]]. On October 3 he was charged with [[Spanish military conspiracy of 1936|conspiracy against the Republic]] and military insurrection, both capital offences. Primo de Rivera conducted his own defence.<ref>"[http://www.rumbos.net/ocja/jaoc2177.html Interrogatorio de José Antonio Primo de Rivera y Saénz de Heredia,en el proceso celebrado en Alicante, el 16 de Noviembre de 1936]", Obras Completas de José Antonio. Rumbos.</ref> On November 18 he was found guilty by a people's tribunal and sentenced to death by firing squad. The three career judges who participated in the trial, along with the popular tribunal, asked for the death sentence be commuted to life imprisonment but this was rejected by the majority of government ministers (the two ministers from ''[[Republican Left (Spain)|Izquierda Republicana]]'' voted against the death sentence).<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jJ-_tYNh3Fc|title = El fusilamiento de José Antonio|website = [[YouTube]]| date=May 11, 2017 }}</ref> The sentence was carried out on November 20 by local authorities in Alicante.

In his will he addresses many and reflects upon his life. His devotion to his ideology, family, friends, his nation, and his Catholic faith are clear in his final words. He professes his innocence and defends the case of his brother. He made specific wills on what was to happen to his belongings and assigned close companions to retrieve debts owed to him in order to pass it on to those he willed it to. One of the most significant clauses in his will assigned his companions to "destroy all of those of deeply personal character, those containing merely literary work, and those which are mere sketches and drafts in any early stage of development..."<ref name=":0" />

From his will:<blockquote>"As for my approaching death, I await it without vainglory, for it is never a gay thing to die at my age, but without complaint. May God Our Lord accept it for what sacrifice it may contain, in partial reparation for all there has been of egotism and vanity in much of my life. I forgive with all my heart everyone who may have harmed or offended me, without exception, and I beg the forgiveness of all those to whom I owe reparation for my injury great or small. Which being accomplished, I procced to order my last Will..."<ref name=":0" /></blockquote>It is said by some{{Weasel inline|date=September 2025}} that the Republic offered the Nationalists a prisoner exchange involving Primo de Rivera and a son of the Republic's head of government [[Francisco Largo Caballero]]<ref>"[http://www.turismoyarte.com/sumario/falangismo.htm José Antonio Primo de Rivera y Falange Española]." Turismo y Arte.</ref> and that [[Francisco Franco|Franco]] turned down the offer. Others contend that it was the Republican government who rejected the deal of the Nationalists and that General Franco approved several failed commando raids on the Alicante prison to try to rescue José Antonio. Either way the death of the founder of Falange rid the general of a formidable rival. Perhaps tellingly, it was well known that the two men disliked each other.<ref>Eduardo Palomar Baró: "[http://www.generalisimofranco.com/20n/prensa/F.htm José Antonio visto por Ramón Serrano Suñer]", Generalísimo Francisco Franco.</ref> Much of this disagreement arose because Primo de Rivera strived to become the political leader of the Nationalist uprising. After one of the two meetings they had, Franco dismissed José Antonio as "a playboy pinturero" (a foppish playboy).<ref>Gustavo Morales, 2007: "[https://xdoc.mx/preview/falangistas-en-la-oposicion-5ef65c2479671 Falangistas en la oposición]." XI Universidad de Verano, September 2007. Madrid.</ref> [[Elizabeth Bibesco]]'s last novel, ''The Romantic'', published in 1940, starts with a dedication to José Antonio Primo de Rivera, whom she had known during her stay in Madrid where her husband, Prince [[Antoine Bibesco]], was a diplomat from Romania in Spain between 1927 and 1931: "To José Antonio Primo de Rivera. I promised you a book before it was begun. It is yours now that it is finished – Those we love die for us only when we die–".<ref>Elizabeth Bibesco, ''The Romantic'', William Heinemann, London, 1940. See: Tereixa Constenla, El Pais, Madrid, October 1, 2015; James Badcock and Gordon Rayner, ''The Telegraph'', London, October 2, 2015</ref>

== Post-mortem relevance ==
[[File:José Antonio ¡presente!.jpg|thumb|Plaque in [[Los Llanos de Aridane]]]]
Falange joined the military uprising against the Republic. The initially marginal party gained ascendancy over the course of the war, partly as a result of its prominent role in the brutal repression that took place behind Nationalist lines.<ref>Floren Dimas, 2003: "[http://www.nodo50.org/foroporlamemoria/documentos/papel_falange.htm El papel de la Falange en la represión franquista]", Artículos y Documentos. Foro por la Memoria.</ref> Nevertheless, the party lost autonomy, and in 1937 was made wholly subservient to the will of General Franco when he had Primo de Rivera's temporary replacement, [[Manuel Hedilla|Manuel Hedilla Larrey]], thrown in jail, tried and sentenced to death (although his sentence was commuted).<ref>"[http://www.biografiasyvidas.com/biografia/h/hedilla.htm Manuel Hedilla Larrey]." Biografías y Vidas.</ref> Franco decreed the merging of the Falange Española de las JONS with the Carlist traditionalists through the [[Unification Decree (Spain, 1937)|Unification Decree]], and became the national chief of the new party, [[FET y de las JONS]].

The reign of Francisco Franco nurtured a convenient [[cult of personality]] around the dead figure of Primo de Rivera whom Falangists dubbed "El Ausente" (The Missing One).<ref>[http://www.rojoyazul.net/miscelanea/diccionario.htm Diccionario de la Guerra Civil Española] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090916004233/http://www.rojoyazul.net/miscelanea/diccionario.htm |date=2009-09-16}}. Rojo y Azul.</ref> This name was created during the period after de Rivera's execution but before this was officially confirmed to the Nationalist public at large by its leadership on 18 July 1938. While the Falangist leadership knew the truth, they chose to keep it a secret for fear of the impact it would have on morale, though rumours of his death would continue to circulate for the period. Thus until this date many Falangists had lived in hope that de Rivera would still return (commonly saying "when José Antonio comes back") and began referring to him as "The Absent One", a reference to the Falange's tradition of calling "present!" when the names of the fallen were read out.<ref>Thomàs, Joan Maria. ''José Antonio Primo de Rivera: The Reality and Myth of a Spanish Fascist Leader''. Vol. 3. Berghahn Books, 2019, p. 317 {{ISBN?}}</ref> The founder of Falange was anointed a martyr of the "crusade against Marxism." Notwithstanding the apparent veneration by the [[Francoist State]], it remains true that the Missing One's demise had removed a dangerous opponent: Primo de Rivera had been marquis, a doctor of civil law, a political thinker; Franco owned no comparable pedigree, no comparable education and no personal ideology.

The postwar cult of personality had two ubiquitous icons. The first, a funereal slab placed on the external wall of many churches and cathedrals which bore the crowning inscription, ''Caídos por Dios y por España'' ("Fallen for God and for Spain"), followed by a list of local Nationalists killed during the war; Primo de Rivera's name headed every list.<ref>Agencias. "[http://lamemoriaviva.wordpress.com/2009/06/24/el-caidos-por-dios-y-por-la-patria-seguira-presente-en-pedro-bernardo/ "El ''Caídos por Dios y por la patria'' seguirá presente en Pedro Bernardo]." Diario Público. Madrid. June 24, 2009.</ref> The second was the rallying cry, "''José Antonio&mdash;¡Presente!''," a figurative reply to an imaginary roll call invoking his ghostly attendance or immanence.

With the arrival of democratic rule, the legacy of Primo de Rivera and the cult of personality created by the [[Spanish state]] started to wane circumspectly. In 1981, the [[Madrid City Council]] moved to reinstate the original name of its grand avenue, the [[Gran Vía (Madrid)|Gran Vía]], which Franco had renamed "Avenida José Antonio Primo de Rivera" in 1939. However, as late as March 2005, the [[Guadalajara, Castile-La Mancha|Guadalajara]] City Council removed a memorial to the founder of Falange under cover of darkness.<ref>'[http://www.lukor.com/not-esp/locales/0503/23124106.htm El Ayuntamiento de Guadalajara retiró esta madrugada las estatuas de Franco y José Antonio que había en la ciudad] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090926075614/http://www.lukor.com/not-esp/locales/0503/23124106.htm |date=2009-09-26}}." Lukor. March 23, 2005.</ref>

=== Burial ===
At the end of the war in 1939, the remains of Primo de Rivera were carried on the shoulders of Falangist relay teams from Alicante to Madrid (a 300-kilometre journey) and provisionally interred at [[El Escorial]]. The church had contained the pantheon of Spanish monarchs but Primo de Rivera was buried directly in front of the altar.<ref>{{YouTube|Fj1LHmZkpBc|Carriage of José-Antonio's corpse from Alicante to the monastery of El Escorial (Part I, in Spanish)}}.</ref><ref>{{YouTube|QlZYI0pMH6c|Carriage of José-Antonio's corpse from Alicante to the monastery of El Escorial (Part II)}}.</ref><ref>Payne, Stanley G., and Jesús Palacios. ''Franco: A personal and political biography''. University of Wisconsin Press, 2014, p. 218 {{ISBN?}}</ref>

==== Reburial at the Valley of the Fallen ====
In 1959, Primo de Rivera was exhumed and re-interred 13&nbsp;km away in the basilica of the [[Valley of the Fallen]], located in the Guadarrama mountain range.<ref>{{YouTube|hZKrEXEiQ7k|Falange. Reburial of José-Antonio at the Valley of the Fallen in 1959}}.</ref>
Between 1975 and 2019 Francisco Franco was buried nearby.

In the context of making the site less partisan, Franco's remains were removed from the Valley. This did not establish a clear precedent for moving Primo de Rivera, given that he died a victim of the Civil War like most of the other burials at the site. However, in late 2022 it was reported that Primo de Rivera's family had requested the exhumation of his remains on the grounds that the deceased wanted a [[Catholic]] burial. The [[Democratic Memory Law]] of 2022 envisaged the future of the Valley of the Fallen as a civil cemetery, and accordingly the government proposed to [[deconsecrate]] the crypt of the church in order to promote national reconciliation.<ref>{{cite news |date=2022 |title=La familia de José Antonio Primo de Rivera pide su exhumación del Valle de los Caídos |language=Spanish |url=https://www.eldiario.es/sociedad/familia-jose-antonio-primo-rivera-pide-exhumacion-valle-caidos_1_9612677.html}}</ref>

==== Reburial at San Isidro cemetery, Madrid ====
Primo de Rivera's family arranged for his remains to be exhumed from the Valley in April 2023 and reburied in [[Saint Isidore Cemetery]] in Madrid.<ref>{{cite news |last=Jones |first=Sam |title=Body of Spain's fascist party founder to be removed from basilica |url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/apr/23/body-of-spains-fascist-party-founder-to-be-removed-from-basilica |newspaper=The Guardian |date=23 April 2023}}</ref>

==Ideology==
{{Falangism sidebar}}
He espoused an [[elitist]] understanding of politics,{{sfn|Thomàs|2019|p=172}} influenced by the ideas of [[Ortega y Gasset]].{{sfn|Álvarez Chillida|2002|p=342}} His political thought evolved as he progressively radicalized into a more anti-conservative direction.{{sfn|Thomàs|2019|p=172}} Primo de Rivera put much faith on [[corporatism]], one of the few early Falangist tenets framed in positive terms, adopted from [[Italian Fascism]].{{sfn|Sesma Landrin|2012|p=59}}

Regarding [[political violence]], he early alluded to what he famously termed as the "dialectics of fists and guns", already stating during the Falange foundation event at the Teatro de la Comedia, that in order to fulfill the desired cultural and historical regeneration of Spain, "if this has to be achieved through violence, we shall not be stopped by violence".{{sfn|Rodrigo|2013|p=151}}{{sfn|Ranzato|2006|p=192}} Willing to offer an alternative to the most basic fundamentals behind liberal democracy, he also non-accidentally addressed some words of scorn to "that terrible man who was called [[Jean-Jacques Rousseau|Juan Jacobo Rousseau]]{{sic}}" during the foundational meeting of the Falange.{{sfn|Sesma Landrin|2012|p=58}}

Like other Falangists, Primo de Rivera partially embraced the sense of Castilianist essentialism from the [[Generation of '98]], but, conversely, he was also distinctly aware of the cultural plurality of the peoples in Spain, and thus the Falangist national project for Spain was framed following the ''orteguian'' legacy as one of "unity of destiny in the universal".{{sfn|Saz|2008|p=160}} It has been noted that at some point he benignly put his hopes on politicians far from his own Fascist stances such as republican [[Manuel Azaña]] (in this case for a very brief time) or socialist [[Indalecio Prieto]] as potential candidates to alleviate his self-imposed burden for "saving" the country.{{sfn|Thomàs|2019|p=172}}

According to Álvarez Chillida, Primo de Rivera's written works did not feature a marked [[antisemitism]] when compared to other Falangist leaders.{{refn|group=n.|Álvarez Chillida just found two antisemitic ''tics'' in José Antonio, namely when he once connected the "hideous darkness" he saw in [[Karl Marx]] to the later's Jewish mentality, and when in 1935 he denounced "Jewish traffickers" were profiting from the passivity of the Republic before the revolutionary threat.{{sfn|Álvarez Chillida|2002|p=342}}}}

Though Falangism marks resemblance to Italian Fascism it is key to note that Primo de Rivera was openly critical of fascism which leaves the subject of whether or not he was fascist in great debate.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Payne |first=Stanley G. |date=2017-02-07 |title=Spain's "Semi-Fascism" |url=https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2017/02/spains-civil-war-produced-a-fascist-movement-that-was-disorganized-but-just-as-authoritarian-as-italys.html |access-date=2025-09-05 |work=Slate |language=en-US |issn=1091-2339}}</ref>
<!--The political canon of Falange resembled that of Italy's [[Partito Nazionale Fascista]]. It shared its dislike of communism and its contempt for parliamentarianism. Primo de Rivera proposed that the creation of a hierarchical trade-union hegemony under Falangist control would guarantee the robust protection of every honest worker. Additionally the Falangist platform called for extensive agrarian reforms, for the nationalization of the banking system and for the suppression of all political parties. Until the desired establishment of one-party rule Falange preferred the formalities of a liberal democracy. The party had no formal view on religion other than to guarantee freedom of worship while at the same time acknowledging and affirming that Roman Catholicism was the historical religion of the Spanish people and its spiritual role in society was important to them.<ref>Luis-Centellas, 2006: "[http://la-falange.mforos.com/692435/7658389-falange-y-religion Catolicidad de la Falange y de José Antonio]." Azul Mahón. Foro de la Falange Española.</ref>-->
<!--In Primo de Rivera's thinking the ultimate goal of the new political movement was the resurgence of Spain as a major power. Article 1 of the Falangist Manifesto of 1934 reads,
<blockquote>
We believe in the supreme reality of Spain. To strengthen her, to make her great is the paramount task of every Spaniard. Personal interest, collective or class interests must surrender to the achievement of this goal.<ref name="Programa">November 1934: "[http://japrivera.tripod.com/puntosfe.html Norma programática de Falange Española de las J.O.N.-S.]."</ref>
</blockquote>
The third article states unequivocally,
<blockquote>
We have the will for empire-building. We affirm that the historical fulfillment of Spain is the empire. We seek for Spain a preeminent place in Europe. We do not tolerate international boycotts or foreign mediation. In regard to the countries of Spanish America we favour the unification of culture, of economic interests and of power. Spain puts forward her pivotal role in the affairs of the Hispanic world as entitlement to occupy a position of dominance in global affairs.<ref name="Programa" />
</blockquote>
Article 7 warns,
<blockquote>
Human dignity, the spiritual integrity of man and his freedom are eternal, intangible values and rights. But only he who belongs to a strong, free nation is truly free. No one will be allowed to use his liberty to attempt against the unity, the strength or the freedom of the fatherland. Harsh discipline will be directed against every attempt to poison, to divide Spaniards or to distance them from the destiny of the fatherland.<ref name="Programa" />
</blockquote>
Primo de Rivera did not accept the right of any region to self-determination and called for the wholesale eradication of separatists.
<blockquote>
The creation of great unions like Spain is the result of many generations engrossed in constant effort. The hard-earned glory of such a great task rests on centuries of sacrifice. To unravel it is much easier: simply let primeval, splintering separatism, barbarian at heart, take root in every crevice, and everything comes crashing down.

But that happens in the absence of the resolute decision of a people, already shaped, who wish to remain together at all costs, and from whose youth will come individuals willing to order the shooting from behind, without hesitation, of clusters of traitors.<ref>José-Antonio Primo de Rivera: "[http://www.rumbos.net/ocja/jaoc0061.html El separatismo sin máscara]" (''F.E.'', no. 14, July 12, 1934). Obras Completas de José Antonio. Rumbos.</ref>
</blockquote>
He restated his position forcefully two months later in a letter to General Franco.
<blockquote>
At the end of my meeting [with the Minister of the Interior] my determination to go out on the streets with a rifle to defend Spain had not cooled, but it was accompanied by the near-certainty that all who went out on the streets were going to play a dignified part in a defeat. Before the likely crafty and able assailants of the Spanish state, the Spanish state, in the hands of amateurs, does not exist.<ref>José-Antonio Primo de Rivera: "[http://www.rumbos.net/ocja/jaoc0067.html Carta al General Franco (Madrid, September 24, 1934)]." Obras Completas de José Antonio. Rumbos.</ref>
</blockquote>
From his jail cell in Madrid two months before the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War he called on all military officers to take up arms against the government.
<blockquote>
When your sons inherit the uniforms you now flaunt, they will with them inherit either the shame of hearing it said, "When your father wore this uniform what was once Spain ceased to exist," or the pride of remembering, "Our Spain did not succumb because my father and his brothers-in-arms saved her in the moment of truth." If you do, as the old version of the oath says, "May God reward you," and if you do not, may he call you to account.<ref>José-Antonio Primo de Rivera: "[http://www.rumbos.net/ocja/jaoc0189.html Carta a los militares de España (Madrid, Clandestine sheet written in jail by José-Antonio on May 4, 1936)]." Obras Completas de José Antonio. Rumbos.</ref>
</blockquote>-->
<!-- this section seems excessively large for this article. Some, if not all, of these might better be moved to Wikiquote -->
<!--==Other political views (quotations)==
José Antonio addressed political issues of interest mainly to a Spanish gallery. However, the following cull of quotations may interest a broader audience.

''On Mussolini'':
(October 1933, "En una tarde de Octubre," prologue to Mussolini's book, ''El Fascismo'')
<blockquote>
It was six-thirty in the evening. In the Palace of Venice, not the smallest sound of bustle. Two militiamen and an easygoing doorman guarded the entrance. It could be said that to enter the palace where Mussolini works is easier than having access to any Public Administration building&nbsp;... Mussolini works in a huge suite made of marble and almost without furnishings. There he was, in a corner at the far end, behind his desk. He was far away, alone in the immensity of the room&nbsp;... I knew him from the familiar posters: nearly always striking a military pose, saluting or haranguing. But ''Il Duce'' of the Palace of Venice was somebody else: with silver in his hair; with a subtle air of fatigue; with a certain tidy negligence in his civilian clothes. He was not the leader of rallies, but of a marvelous serenity. He spoke pausedly, enunciating every syllable. He had to deliver some instruction over the telephone and he did so in the calmest tone, without the least tinge of authoritarianism&nbsp;... We chatted for about half an hour. Then he accompanied me to the door across the vast chamber&nbsp;... Then he returned to his desk, slowly, to start his work afresh in silence. It was seven o'clock in the evening. Rome at the end of a working day spilled over onto the streets in the mild night. ''Il Corso'' was all bustle and conversation, like our own Alcala Street about the same hours. People walked into cafés or into the cinemas. It could be said that ''Il Duce'' alone remained at work beside the lamp on his desk in the corner of a large, empty apartment, keeping watch over his people, over Italy&mdash;whom he could hear in the distance, pulsating&mdash;as if over a small daughter. What apparatus of government, what system of checks and balances, counselors and assemblies, can replace that image of the hero turned father, who stays vigilant beside a small, perennial light on behalf of the laboring and of the leisure of his people?<ref>"[http://www.rumbos.net/ocja/jaoc0010.html En una tarde de Octubre&nbsp;...]." October, 1933. Obras Completas de José Antonio. Rumbos.</ref>
</blockquote>

''On Karl Marx'':
(March 4, 1934, at the [[Calderón Theatre, Valladolid]])

<blockquote>
Of course the workers had to rebel one day against that jest [economic liberalism] and class struggle had to break out. Class struggle had a just motive, and socialism had at first a just reason, and we do not have to deny that. What happened is that socialism instead of keeping to its initial course of pursuing social justice among men became a pure doctrine of chilling coldness and does not think, little or much, about the liberation of the workers. There are a lot of workers out there proud of themselves saying they are Marxists. Many streets in many towns of Spain are dedicated to Karl Marx; but Karl Marx was a German Jew who from his office observed with terrible detachment the most dramatic events of his age. He was a German Jew who before the English factories of Manchester, and while he formulated implacable laws about the accumulation of capital, while he formulated implacable laws about production and the interests of the factory owners and the interests of the workers, was writing letters to his friend Engels telling him that the workers were a mob and a rabble with whom one should not mingle except as it afforded an opportunity to test their doctrines.<ref>José-Antonio Primo de Rivera: "[http://www.rumbos.net/ocja/jaoc0040.html Discurso de proclamación de Falange Española de las J.O.N.S.]" Teatro Calderón de Valladolid, March 4, 1934. Obras Completas de José Antonio. Rumbos.</ref>
</blockquote>

''On Fascism in Spain'':
<blockquote>
The movement we are initiating in Spain is not the copy of any foreign movement. It has learned from fascism what fascism has of the idea of unity, authority, and substitution of the struggles among classes by the idea of corporation.<ref name="youtube.com"/>
</blockquote>

''On German National-Socialism'':
(February 17, 1935, at the Alhambra Cinema, Zaragoza)
<blockquote>
It is necessary to examine with a lot of deliberation the two attempts [at totalitarian government] essayed thus far: Italian fascism and German national-socialism, and point out the differences that may exist between both ideological movements. The Italian movement is above all classical; it tends to the classical. It operates subject to a way of thinking, to a framework of the mind. A brain is at work and the result is projected onto a people.

The German case is entirely opposite. It starts from a Romantic faith, from a race's capacity for divination. Hence it is fair to affirm that Hitlerism is a mystical movement, very much tuned to the German psyche. Moreover Germany is not, as believe those fond of broad generalizations, the country of discipline, despite appearing to be so outwardly. The Germans are a very special people. They sing very well together in choral groups, they march to the same martial step; but every movement of indiscipline, of rebellion in the world, reminiscent of Spartacus, originated in Germany.<ref>José-Antonio Primo de Rivera: "[http://www.rumbos.net/ocja/jaoc2132.html Conferencia pronunciada en Zaragoza, en el cine Alhambra, en el curso organizado por el Ateneo, sobre el tema 'El Nuevo Orden].'" February 17, 1935. Obras Completas de José Antonio. Rumbos.</ref>
</blockquote>

''On Spain's position regarding the motion tabled before the League of Nations to impose military sanctions on Mussolini's Italy for his invasion of Ethiopia'':

(October 2, 1935, parliamentary intervention)
<blockquote>
But I tell you something else&mdash;this is the second reason&mdash;that Spain, in the moment of deciding whether to remain neutral or not, must consider this exclusively: her national interest and her decorum; she must consider if there is a Spanish national interest in the matter, and there is none in defending the British empire, whom we owe nothing [''Mutterings'']. Shall I have to bring to your minds the memory of Gibraltar? We do not owe anything to the British empire and we should not defend it and what we should consider is this and this only: what Spain's national interest is. What the decorum of Spain does not tolerate is to adopt a posture of intervention or neutrality because of threats or demands [''Applause''].<ref>José-Antonio Primo de Rivera: "[http://www.rumbos.net/ocja/jaoc0138.html Sobre la política internacional española].'" October 2, 1935. Obras Completas de José Antonio. Rumbos.</ref>
</blockquote>

''On Capitalism'':
(November 21, 1935. <u>Arriba</u>, '''20''')
<blockquote>
While the current terrible economic crisis is ruining or on the way to ruining the medium producers ["producer" is a euphemism for "worker"], and the working masses suffer the nightmare of unemployment like never before, the amount of profits obtained by the beneficiaries of the present order, the magnates of the banking system, is extremely high.

Hence the urgent task of the producers is this: To destroy the liberal system, putting an end to political cliques and to the sharks of the banking establishment. But in order to bring this about two possibilities open up: the communist route or the path of [[National Syndicalism]] ("Nacional-Sindicalismo"). There are no other ways out. The two aspire to pulverize this order of things; the two want a new order.<ref>José-Antonio Primo de Rivera: "[http://www.rumbos.net/ocja/jaoc0150.html Hojas de Falange: Obreros Españoles]." <u>Arriba</u>, '''20''', November 21, 1935. Obras Completas de José Antonio. Rumbos.</ref>
</blockquote>

''On the Right of Women to Vote'':
(February 14, 1936. Interviewed by reporter Luisa Trigo in the newspaper <u>La Voz</u>, Madrid)
<blockquote>
I have no faith in the vote of women. However I don't trust the efficacy of the vote of men either. The inaptitude for the poll is the same for her as for him. The universality of the vote is useless and harmful for the peoples who wish to decide their political and historical future by means of voting. I do not believe, for example, that the masses own an opinion on the convenience or inconvenience of some international allegiance or on the maritime policy to follow, or at most, more of an opinion than very few of their representatives. Mr. [[Antonio Maura]] made voting compulsory. And what for? In the best of cases the men elected are gentlemen without a will of their own, subordinates of their party, lacking the expertise to solve with unhurried deliberation the toilsome and substantial affairs of the state. Those who are elected are not elected for being the most suitable to the country, but because they are the most accommodating to their superiors, and they have little concern for the laws which once enacted will take the nation down a particular path.<ref name="Mujer_y_Guerra">José-Antonio Primo de Rivera: "[http://www.rumbos.net/ocja/jaoc0181.html El voto de la mujer]." <u>La Voz</u>. Madrid. February 14, 1936. Obras Completas de José Antonio. Rumbos.</ref>
</blockquote>

''On the Soviet Union'':
(''Ibid''.)
<blockquote>
"Rightist," "leftist," they are words with little relevancy. The Russian state is the most rightist of all in Europe and the Soviet populace is the most leftist ideologically&nbsp;...<ref name="Mujer_y_Guerra" />
</blockquote>

''On the Inevitability of War'':
(''Ibid''.)

<blockquote>
'''José-Antonio''': War [''he says adamantly''] is inalienable to man. He does not evade it nor will he ever evade it. It exists since the world began and it will keep existing. It is an element of progress&nbsp;... It is absolutely necessary!

'''Luisa Trigo''': When women take part in the governance of the state, don't you think that she will protect her children from war, barring that they take away and destroy what is most precious to her work and to her life? Educating her children in the hatred of war&nbsp;...

'''José-Antonio''': She would only make cowards out of them. Men need war. If you regard war as an evil, then because men need evil. Out of the eternal struggle against evil comes the triumph of good, says St. Francis. War is absolutely indispensable and inevitable. Man feels it inside with an intuitive, atavistic pull, and it will be in the future what it has been in the past&nbsp;... The peoples of Earth without war? [''The leader of Falange smiles a protracted smile''].<ref name="Mujer_y_Guerra" />
</blockquote>-->

<!--== Poems ==
Although Primo de Rivera is remembered mostly for his political articles in wide-circulation newspapers and magazines such as ''La Nación'', ''Blanco y Negro'', ''ABC'', or in the Falangist press, ''F.E.'' or ''Arriba'' among others, Primo de Rivera expressed a fondness for poetry to poet and novelist Jose-Maria Peman in a letter he wrote late in the spring of 1931.
<blockquote>
How I wish that one could live in a liveable country where there were a greater number of good poets and a very much greater amount of good manners!<ref>[http://www.rumbos.net/ocja/jaoc_ep2.html A José María Pemán]. June 8, 1931. Obras Completas de José Antonio. Rumbos.</ref>
</blockquote>

He wrote the occasional poem and left behind eight extant rhymes composed before the start of his parliamentary career in 1933.

''The Prophecy of Magellan'' is an epic one-hundred and five verses long. In the following stanza the teenage author puts on the lips of the Portuguese admiral his own fervent wish to see Portugal and Spain reunited eventually.

{| style="margin:auto"
|-
! The Prophecy of Magellan (January 1922)
|-
! Extract<ref name="Poemas">"[http://www.rumbos.net/ocja/_indices/i_poemas.html Varios Escritos Poéticos]." January 1922. Obras Completas de José Antonio. Rumbos.</ref>
|-
| <poem>
Of Spain and Portugal the Iberian race
Whose sons today sail united like brothers
'Neath the shade of one and the same colours,
Portuguese and Spanish
Together sculling after a common fate...
Spaniards, who can tell? Whether some day
Your fatherland will with mine unite
In a bond of love eternal and tight!
</poem>
|}

''Toast'' is a tongue-in-cheek celebration of the virtues of the wine from the small town of Orbaneja del Castillo. The sonnet was printed on the back of the menu at a restaurant in Madrid located a short walking distance away from Primo de Rivera's law office; very possibly the restaurant where he ate lunch.

{| style="margin:auto"
|-
! Toast<ref name="Poemas" /> (July 19, 1925)
|-
|<poem>
We have drunk the sun dissolved in wine
And the blood of carnations in ''[[gazpacho]]'';
For neighbour at the table I've had
An old, lusty faun, a stud.

Don Pedro is Andalusian, loud, of fine mien,
And every time he utters the wisecracks of the cad
He speaks them with the gay laughter of the lad
And the knowledge of an old libertine.

In the end the tablecloth was rent in wounds,
And there did the blushing roses drop
On the caries of the worn tabletop.

And amid the essenced aroma of the roses
We savoured the kisses of the goddesses
In glasses of wine from [[Orbaneja Riopico|Orbaneja]].
</poem>
|}

Primo de Rivera dedicated this next poem to the girl whom his sister [[Pilar Primo de Rivera]] dubbed "his true love," teenaged [[Duque de Villahermosa#List of the Dukes of Villahermosa|Maria del Pilar Azlor de Aragon y Guillamas]], 18th Duchess of Villahermosa (1908–1997).<ref>{{YouTube|xUWcEqvJbQE|José Antonio: Memoria de un hombre}}. Informe Semanal. November 20, 1986. Part I, minutes 4:55 to 5:38.</ref><ref>Paloma Torrijos. [http://palomatorrijos.blogspot.com/2010/02/encuentros-y-desencuentros-los.html Genealogías. Encuentros y desencuentros]. Blog de Historia y Genealogía. February 18, 2010.</ref>

{| style="margin:auto"
|-
! Intimate Poem<ref name="Poemas" /> (1925)
|-
| <poem>
Let's dwell in the world
Yet let's keep ours apart
In a recess of the heart.

A world of our own
Where your hours and my hours pass
Intimately, luminously,
And no one to disturb us.
</poem>
|}

The fourth poem is strikingly short, effective.

{| style="margin:auto"
|-
! [[Soleá]]<ref name="Poemas" /> (1930)
|-
| <poem>
Gardens of [[Paterna]], Time
Fell down a white well
Under the lemon tree.
</poem>
|}-->
== Genealogy ==
{{ahnentafel
|align=center
|collapsible=yes
|collapsed=no
|title=Ancestors of José Antonio Primo de Rivera y Sáenz de Heredia{{sfn|Cadenas y Vicent|1955|pp=598; 597; 607; 608}}
|boxstyle_1=background-color: #fcc;
|boxstyle_2=background-color: #fb9;
|boxstyle_3=background-color: #ffc;
|boxstyle_4=background-color: #bfc;
|boxstyle_5=background-color: #9fe;

|1= 1. '''José Antonio Primo de Rivera y Sáenz de Heredia'''

|2= 2. [[Miguel Primo de Rivera y Orbaneja]]
|3= 3. Casilda Sáenz de Heredia y Suárez de Argudín

|4= 4. Miguel Primo de Rivera y Sobremonte 
|5= 5. Inés Orbaneja y Pérez de Grandallana

|6= 6. Gregorio Sáenz de Heredia y Tejada
|7= 7. Ángela Suárez-Argudín y Ramírez de Arellano

|8 = 8. {{ill|José Primo de Rivera y Ortiz de Pinedo|es|José Primo de Rivera}}
|9 = 9. Juana Sobremonte y Larrazábal

|10 = 10. Sebastián Orbaneja y Pérez 
|11 = 11. Juana Pérez de Grandallana y Angulo

|12 = 12. Manuel Antonio Sáenz de Heredia y Sicilia
|13 = 13. María Cesárea Tejada y Santa María

|14 = 14. José Antonio Suárez-Argudín y García Barroso
|15 = 15. María Teresa Ramírez de Arellano y Fernández de Zaliella
}}

== Notes ==
{{Reflist|group=n.}}

== References ==
{{Reflist|2}}

== Bibliography ==
* {{Cite book|publisher=Marcial Pons Historia|author-link=Gonzalo Álvarez Chillida|year=2002|last=Álvarez Chillida|first=Gonzalo|title=El antisemitismo en España: la imagen del judío, 1812–2002|isbn=84-95379-44-9|location=Madrid|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=fQ6DtgqAaDQC}}
* {{Cite book|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ZStI3XMxPSsC&pg=PA183|editor=Gonzalo Álvarez Chillida and Ricardo Izquierdo Benito|year=2007|isbn=978-84-8427-471-1|chapter=La eclosión del antisemitismo español: de la II República al Holocausto|last=Álvarez Chillida|first=Gonzalo|author-link=Gonzalo Álvarez Chillida|title=El antisemitismo en España|publisher=[[Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha|Ediciones de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha]]|pages=181–206|location=Cuenca}}
* {{Cite journal|first=Vicente de|last=Cadenas y Vicent|author-link=Vicente de Cadenas y Vicent|issue=12|year=1955|volume=3|location=Madrid|title=El marquesado de Estella, el condado de San Fernando de la Unión y el ducado de Primo de Rivera|journal=Hidalguía|pages=593–614|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=7T77CQhvQqoC&pg=PA607}}
* {{Cite journal|url=https://dialnet.unirioja.es/descarga/articulo/633491.pdf|title=Los Benedit. Infanzones de Aragón y sus descendientes, Títulos del Reino, Grandes de España|first=Rafael|last=Fantoni y Benedí|journal=Hidalguía|issn=0018-1285|issue=298–299|year=2003|pages=513–537}}
* {{Cite book|title=Fascismo en España: ensayos sobre los orígenes sociales y culturales del franquismo|editor=[[Ferran Gallego]] & Francisco Morente|isbn=84-96356-32-9|publisher=El Viejo Topo|year=2005|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=K-Vti-2lTwsC&pg=PA149|chapter=Un asunto de fe. Fascismo en España (1933–1936)|first=Marcos|last=Maurel|pages=133–162}}
* [[Stanley G. Payne|Payne, Stanley G]]. (1961) ''Falange. A History of Spanish Fascism''. [[Stanford University Press]]
* {{Cite book|title=El eclipse de la democracia: la Guerra Civil española y sus orígenes, 1931–1939|others=(translated by Javier Borrajo)|first=Gabriele|last=Ranzato|year=2006|publisher=Siglo XXI de España Editores|url=https://www.google.com/search?rlz=1C1CHBF_esES849ES849}}
* {{Cite book|chapter=A este lado del bisturí. Guerra, fascistización y cultura falangista|first=Javier|last=Rodrigo|title=Falange, las culturas políticas del fascismo en la España de Franco (1936–1975)|editor=Miguel Angel Ruiz Carnicer|volume=1|year=2013|isbn=978-84-9911-216-9|pages=143–167|url=https://ifc.dpz.es/recursos/publicaciones/32/79/07rodrigo.pdf|location=Zaragoza|publisher=Institución Fernando el Católico}}
* {{Cite journal|title=Las culturas de los nacionalismos franquistas|first=Ismael|last=Saz|author-link=Ismael Saz|journal=Ayer|issue=71|year=2008|pages=153–174|jstor=41325981}}
* {{Cite journal|title=La dialéctica de los puños y de las pistolas. Una aproximación a la formación de la idea de estado en el fascismo español (1931–1945)|first=Nicolás|last=Sesma Landrin|journal=Historia y Política|year=2012|issue=27|pages=51–82|url=https://ddd.uab.cat/pub/artpub/2012/188365/hispol_a2012n27p51.pdf|location=Madrid|publisher=[[Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales|CEPC]]; [[Servicio de Publicaciones (Universidad Complutense de Madrid)|UCM]]; [[Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia|UNED]]|issn=1575-0361}}
* [[Hugh Thomas (writer)|Thomas, Hugh]]. "The Hero in the Empty Room: Jose Antonio and Spanish Fascism," ''[[Journal of Contemporary History]]'' (1966) 1#1 pp.&nbsp;174–182 {{JSTOR|259655}}
* {{Cite journal|first=Joan Maria|last=Thomàs|author-link=Joan Maria Thomàs|issn=1575-0361|year=2019|title=José Antonio Primo de Rivera y el Frente Popular|url=https://revistas.ucm.es/index.php/HPOL/article/view/64733/4564456551272/|journal=Historia y Política|number=41|pages=153–174|location=Madrid|publisher=[[Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales|CEPC]]; [[Servicio de Publicaciones (Universidad Complutense de Madrid)|UCM]]; [[Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia|UNED]]|doi=10.18042/hp.41.06|doi-access=free}}
* Velarde Fuertes, Juan. "José Antonio y la economía" Grafite ediciones. {{ISBN|84-96281-10-8}}
* {{Cite journal|title=La reafirmación de la masculinidad en la cruzada franquista|first=Mary|last=Vincent|journal=Cuadernos de historia contemporánea|issn=0214-400X|issue=28|year=2006|volume=28|pages=135–151|publisher=[[Complutense University of Madrid|Universidad Complutense de Madrid]]|url=https://revistas.ucm.es/index.php/CHCO/article/view/CHCO0606110135A/6807}}
* {{cite book |last=Payne |first=Stanley G. |author-link=Stanley G. Payne |date=2000 |title=Fascism in Spain, 1923–77 |url= |publisher=[[University of Wisconsin Press]] }} {{ISBN|978-02991-6564-2}}

==External links==
{{Portal|Biography|Spain|Politics}}
* {{PM20|FID=pe/023716}}

{{s-start}}
{{s-ppo}}
{{s-new|creation}}
{{S-ttl|title=Leader of the [[Falange Española de las JONS]]|years=1934–1936}}
{{S-aft|after=[[Manuel Hedilla]]}}
{{S-break}}
{{S-reg|es}}
{{s-break}}
{{S-bef|before=[[Miguel Primo de Rivera, 2nd Marquis of Estella|Miguel Primo de Rivera y Orbaneja]]}}
{{S-ttl|title=[[Marquis of Estella]]|years=1930–1936}}
{{S-aft|after=[[Miguel Primo de Rivera y Sáenz de Heredia]]|rows=2}}
{{s-break}}
{{s-new|creation}}
{{S-ttl|title=[[Duke of Primo de Rivera]]|years=1948<br />{{small|'''(posthumous)'''}}}}
{{s-end}}

{{Fascism}}
{{Authority control}}

{{DEFAULTSORT:Primo De Rivera, Jose Antonio}}
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[[Category:Primo de Rivera family|Jose Antonio]]
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