View source for Military dictatorship of Chile

{{Short description|Period of Chilean history under the rule of General Augusto Pinochet}}
{{See also|1973 Chilean coup d'état|Government Junta of Chile (1973)}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=December 2023}}
{{Infobox former country
| native_name            = ''República de Chile''
| conventional_long_name = Republic of Chile
| common_name            = Chile

|status=[[Military dictatorship]]

| era                    = Cold War
| event_start            = [[1973 Chilean coup d'état|Coup d'etát]]
| year_start             = 1973
| date_start             = 11 September
| event1                 = [[Chilean Constitution of 1980|Constitution]]
| date_event1            = 11 March 1981
| event2                 = [[1988 Chilean national plebiscite|Plebiscite]]
| date_event2            = 5 October 1988
| event_end              = [[Chilean transition to democracy|Transition to democracy]]
| year_end               = 1990
| date_end               = 11 March
| p1                     = Presidential Republic (1925–1973)
| flag_p1                = Flag of Chile.svg
| s1                     = Chilean transition to democracy
| flag_s1                = Flag of Chile.svg
| image_flag             = Flag of Chile.svg
| image_coat             = Coat of arms of Chile (official model).svg
| image_map              = CHL orthographic (+all claims).svg
| map_caption            = Map of Chile showing undisputed territory in dark green, and [[Chilean Antarctic Territory|claimed but uncontrolled territory]] in light green.
| national_motto         = ''[[List of national mottos|Por la razón o la fuerza]]''<br />{{small|("By reason or by force")}}
| national_anthem        = ''[[Himno Nacional de Chile]]''<br />{{small|("National Anthem of Chile")}}<br>[[File:Himno Nacional de Chile.ogg]]
| common_languages       = [[Spanish language|Spanish]]
| capital                = [[Santiago]]
| title_leader           = [[President of Chile|President]]
| leader1                = [[Augusto Pinochet]]
| year_leader1           = 1974–1990
| title_representative   = [[List of presidents of Chile|Supreme Chief of the Nation]] (also called [[List of presidents of Chile|Supreme Head of the Nation]])
| representative1        = [[Augusto Pinochet]]
| year_representative1   = 1974
| title_deputy           = [[Government Junta of Chile (1973)|President of the Junta]]
| year_deputy1           = 1973–1981
| deputy1                = [[Augusto Pinochet]]
| year_deputy2           = 1981–1990
| deputy2                = [[José Toribio Merino]]
| year_deputy3           = 1990
| deputy3                = [[Jorge Martínez Busch]]
| legislature            = [[Government Junta of Chile (1973)|Government Junta]]
| stat_pop1              = 10,095,485
| stat_year1             = 1973
| stat_pop2              = 11,178,817
| stat_year2             = 1980
| stat_pop3              = 13,187,821
| stat_year3             = 1990
| currency               = {{nowrap|[[Chilean escudo]] {{small|(1973–75)}}<br />[[Chilean peso]] {{small|(1975–90)}}}}
| demonym                = 
| area_km2               = 756,096.3
| area_rank              = 37th
| GDP_PPP                = 
| GDP_PPP_year           = 
| HDI                    = 0.640
| HDI_year               = 1980
}}
{{History of Chile}}

An authoritarian [[military dictatorship]] ruled [[Chile]] for almost seventeen years, between 11 September 1973 and 11 March 1990. The dictatorship was established after the [[Presidency of Salvador Allende|democratically elected socialist government]] of [[Salvador Allende]] was overthrown in a [[1973 Chilean coup d'état|coup d'état]] backed by the [[United States]] on 11 September 1973. During this time, the country was ruled by a [[Government Junta of Chile (1973)|military junta]] headed by General [[Augusto Pinochet]]. The military used the breakdown of democracy and the economic crisis that took place during Allende's presidency to justify its seizure of power. The dictatorship presented its mission as a "national reconstruction". The coup was the result of multiple forces, including pressure from conservative groups, certain political parties, union strikes and other domestic unrest, as well as international factors.{{efn-ua|According to lifelong [[Central Intelligence Agency|CIA]] operative [[Jack Devine]], although it was widely reported that the CIA was directly involved in orchestrating and carrying out the coup, subsequently released sources suggest a much reduced role of the [[Federal government of the United States|United States government]].<ref>Jack Devine & Peter Kornbluh, 'Showdown in Santiago: What Really Happened in Chile?', Foreign Affairs 93 (2014), 168-174.</ref>}}

The regime was characterized by the systematic suppression of political parties and the persecution of dissidents to an extent unprecedented in the [[history of Chile]]. Overall, the regime left over 3,000 dead or missing, tortured tens of thousands of prisoners,<ref name="BBC-Chile">{{Cite news |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/country_profiles/1222764.stm |title=Country profile: Chile |work=BBC News |date= December 16, 2009 |access-date= December 31, 2009 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100114035710/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/country_profiles/1222764.stm |archive-date= January 14, 2010 }}</ref> and drove an estimated 200,000 Chileans into exile.<ref>{{Citation
| last1            = Wright
| first1           = T.C.
| last2            = Oñate
| first2           = R.
| contribution     = Chilean Diaspora
| editor-last1     = Ember
| editor-first1    = M.
| editor-last2     = Ember
| editor-first2    = C.R.
| editor-last3     = Skoggard
| editor-first3    = I.
| title            = Encyclopedia of Diasporas: Immigrant and Refugee Cultures Around the World
| volume           = II
| pages            = 57–65
| date = 2005
}}</ref> The dictatorship's effects on Chilean political and economic life continue to be felt. Two years after its ascension, [[neoliberal]] economic reforms were implemented in sharp contrast to Allende's leftist policies. The government was advised by the [[Chicago Boys]], a team of free-market economists educated in the United States. Later, in 1980, the regime replaced the [[Chilean Constitution of 1925|1925 Constitution]] with a [[Chilean Constitution of 1980|new constitution]] in a [[1980 Chilean constitutional referendum|controversial referendum]]. This established a series of provisions that would eventually lead to the [[1988 Chilean national plebiscite]] on October 5 of that year.

In that plebiscite, 55% of voters rejected the proposal of extending Pinochet's presidency for another eight years. Consequently, democratic [[1989 Chilean general election|presidential and parliamentary elections]] were held the following year. The military dictatorship ended in 1990 with the election of [[Christian Democratic Party (Chile)|Christian Democrat]] candidate [[Patricio Aylwin]]. However, the military remained out of civilian control for several years after the junta itself had lost power.<ref name=AngellPollack1990>{{cite journal |last1=Angell |first1=Alan |last2=Pollack |first2=Benny |date=1990 |title=The Chilean Elections of 1989 |journal=[[Bulletin of Latin American Research]] |publisher=Society for Latin American Studies |volume=9 |issue=1 |pages=1–23 |doi= 10.2307/3338214|jstor=3338214 }}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|title=30 años después: La ciencia política y las relaciones Fuerzas Armadas, Estado y sociedad| journal=Revista de Ciencia Política|url=https://scielo.conicyt.cl/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0718-090X2003000200013| last=Agüero|first=Felipe| volume=XXIII| pages=251–272| issue=2|year=2003| language=Spanish|quote=La fuerte posición de los militares en ellas, junto a la continuación de turbulencias [...] emanadas de actos de rebeldía y abierto desafío a las nuevas autoridades por parte de jefes castrenses, pusieron también en el tapete los temas del control civil o poder democrático sobre dicha institución y sus dificultades [...]. Desde esta situación se puso también a Chile en un debate comparado sobre los problemas en la implantación de la supremacía o control civil, sus contextos institucionales y sus mecanismos más efectivos...}}</ref>

==Rise to power==
{{Main|1973 Chilean coup d'état}}
{{see also|Chile truckers' strike}}
There has been a large amount of debate over the extent of US government involvement in destabilising the Allende government.<ref>{{Citation|last=Harmer|first=Tanya| chapter=Rebellion| date=2011-10-10|pages=73–106| publisher=University of North Carolina Press| isbn=9780807834954| doi=10.5149/9780807869246_harmer.8|title=Allende's Chile and the Inter-American Cold War}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news|title=The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability|doi = 10.1163/2468-1733_shafr_sim180020010}}</ref> Recently declassified documents show evidence of communication between the Chilean military and United States officials, suggesting covert US involvement in assisting the military's rise to power indirectly. According to the historian Sebastián Hurtado, there isn't documentary evidence to support that the United States Government acted actively in the coordination and execution of the September 11 coup actions by the Chilean Armed Forces, however, Richard Nixon's interest from the beginning was that the Allende government would not be consolidated and acted actively and decisively in the campaign to destabilize his government.<ref name="Hurtado">{{cite web |author1=Juan Paulo Iglesias |title=Sebastián Hurtado, historiador: "Estados Unidos no tuvo participación directa en el Golpe, pero sí quería que Allende cayera" |url=https://www.latercera.com/la-tercera-sabado/noticia/sebastian-hurtado-historiador-estados-unidos-no-tuvo-participacion-directa-en-el-golpe-pero-si-queria-que-allende-cayera/3UXITS4IUNB3RPPB57ILMYDO64/ |publisher=La Tercera |access-date=12 January 2025 |language=es |date=25 August 2023}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |last1=Hurtado Torres |first1=Sebastián |title=Chile y Estados Unidos, 1964-1973. Una nueva mirada |journal=Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos |date=10 October 2016 |doi=10.4000/nuevomundo.69698 |language=es|doi-access=free }}</ref> Some key figures in the [[Presidency of Richard Nixon|Nixon administration]], such as [[Henry Kissinger]], used the [[Central Intelligence Agency]] (CIA) to mount a major destabilization campaign.<ref name="Winn">{{Cite book|last=Winn|first=Peter|title=A Century of Revolution| publisher=[[Duke University Press]]|year=2010|editor-last=Joseph|editor-first=Gilbert M.|pages=239–275| editor-last2=Grandin|editor-first2=Greg}}</ref>

As the CIA revealed in 2000, "In the 1960s and the early 1970s, as part of the US Government policy to try to influence events in Chile, the CIA undertook specific covert action projects in Chile ... to discredit Marxist-leaning political leaders, especially Dr. Salvador Allende, and to strengthen and encourage their civilian and military opponents to prevent them from assuming power".<ref>Citation error. See inline comment how to fix. {{verify source |date=September 2019 |reason=This ref was deleted Special:Diff/888821672 by a bug in VisualEditor and later identified by a bot. The original cite can be found around Special:Permalink/888821482 (or in a rev close to it) as cite #7 - find and verify the cite and replace this template with it (2). [[User:GreenC bot/Job 18]]}}</ref> The CIA worked with right-wing Chilean politicians, military personnel, and journalists to undermine socialism in Chile.<ref>Citation error. See inline comment how to fix. {{verify source |date=September 2019 |reason=This ref was deleted Special:Diff/888821672 by a bug in VisualEditor and later identified by a bot. The original cite can be found around Special:Permalink/888821482 (or in a rev close to it) as cite #8 - find and verify the cite and replace this template with it (2). [[User:GreenC bot/Job 18]]}}</ref> One reason for this was financial, as many US businesses had investments in Chile, and Allende's socialist policies included the nationalization of Chile's major industries. Another reason was the propagandized fear of the spread of communism, which was particularly important in the context of the Cold War. The rationale was that US feared that Allende would promote the spreading of Soviet influence in their 'backyard'.<ref>{{Citation|last=Harmer|first=Tanya| chapter=Rebellion| date=2011-10-10| pages=258–259|publisher=University of North Carolina Press| isbn=9780807834954| doi=10.5149/9780807869246_harmer.8|title=Allende's Chile and the Inter-American Cold War}}</ref> As early as 1963, the U.S. via the CIA and U.S. multinationals such as ITT intervened in Chilean politics using a variety of tactics and millions of dollars to interfere with elections, ultimately helping plan the coup against Allende.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Nieto |first1=Clara |title=Masters of War: Latin America and U.S. Aggression |date=2003 |publisher=Seven Stories Press |location=New York |pages=295–299}}</ref><ref name="Kornbluh">{{cite book |last1=Kornbluh |first1=Peter |title=The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability |date=2013 |publisher=The New Press |location=New York}}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last1=Walkowitz |first1=Daniel J. |title="Foreign Policy Failures and Dilemmas" in Social History of the United States |publisher=ABC-CLIO |pages=364–381}}</ref>

On 15 April 1973, workers from the [[El Teniente]] mining camp had ceased working, demanding higher wages. The strike lasted 76 days and cost the government severely in lost revenues. One of the strikers, Luis Bravo Morales, was shot dead in [[Rancagua]] city. On June 29, the Blindados No. 2 tank regiment under the command of Colonel [[Roberto Souper]], attacked [[La Moneda]], Chile's presidential palace. Instigated by the [[Neo-fascism|neo-fascist]] organization [[Fatherland and Liberty]], the armoured cavalry soldiers hoped other units would be inspired to join them. Instead, armed units led by generals [[Carlos Prats]] and [[Augusto Pinochet]] quickly put down the coup attempt. In late July, 40,000 truckers, squeezed by price controls and rising costs, tied up transportation in a nationwide strike that lasted 37 days, costing the government US$6 million a day.<ref>''Historical Dictionary of Chile'', Salvatore Bizzarro, p. 34, Scarecrow Press, 2005</ref> Two weeks before the coup, public dissatisfaction with rising prices and food shortages led to protests like the one at the Plaza de la Constitución which had been dispersed with tear gas.<ref>"[http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,907929-8,00.html The Bloody End of a Marxist Dream] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111111142339/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,907929-8,00.html |date=2011-11-11 }}". ''Time Magazine''. 24 September 1973.</ref> Allende also clashed with Chile's largest circulation newspaper, the CIA-funded ''[[El Mercurio]]''.{{efn-ua|''El Mercurio'' received funds from the [[CIA]] in the early 1970s to undermine the Socialist government of Salvador Allende, acting as a mouthpiece for anti-Allende [[propaganda]].<ref name="The Pinochet File">{{cite book|last=Kornbluh|first=Peter|title=The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability|year=2003|publisher=The New Press|location=New York|isbn=1-56584-936-1}}</ref>(p. 91-92)}} The newspaper was investigated for tax evasion and its director arrested and interviewed.<ref>''Authoritarian Regimes in Latin America: Dictators, Despots, and Tyrants'', Paul H. Lewis, p. 204, Rowman & Littlefield, 2006</ref> The Allende government found it impossible to control inflation, which grew to more than 300 percent by September,<ref>''Latin America in the Era of the Cuban Revolution'', Thomas C. Wright, p. 139, Greenwood Publishing Group, 2001</ref> further dividing Chileans over the Allende government and its policies.

Upper- and middle-class right-wing women also played a role in the opposition against the Allende government. They co-ordinated two prominent opposition groups called ''[[:es:Poder Femenino|El Poder Feminino]]'' ("''female power''"), and ''Solidaridad, Orden y Libertad'' ("''solidarity, order, and freedom''").<ref>{{Cite journal|last=de los Angeles Crummett|first=María|date=October 1977|title=El Poder Feminino: the Mobilization of Women Against Socialism in Chile|journal=Latin American Perspectives|volume=4|issue=4|pages=103–113|doi=10.1177/0094582x7700400407|s2cid=220912625 |issn=0094-582X}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|date=October 2003|title=<sc>Margaret Power</sc>. <italic>Right-Wing Women in Chile: Feminine Power and the Struggle against Allende 1964–1973</italic>. University Park, Penn.: Pennsylvania State University Press. 2002. Pp. xxii, 311. Cloth $65.00, paper $25.00|journal=The American Historical Review|doi=10.1086/ahr/108.4.1192|issn=1937-5239}}</ref> The women carried out the ‘[https://www.encyclopedia.com/humanities/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/march-empty-pots March of the Empty Pots and Pans]’ in December 1971.

On August 22, 1973, the [[Chamber of Deputies of Chile|Chamber of Deputies]] passed, by a vote of 81 to 47, a resolution calling for President Allende to respect the constitution. The measure failed to obtain the two-thirds majority in the [[Senate of Chile|Senate]] constitutionally required to convict the president of abuse of power, but the resolution still represented a challenge to Allende's legitimacy. The military viewed themselves as guarantors of the constitution and elements within the armed forces considered that Allende had lost legitimacy as Chile's leader.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=PASSMORE|first=LEITH|date=August 2018|title=John R. Bawden, The Pinochet Generation: The Chilean Military in the Twentieth Century (Tuscaloosa, AL: University of Alabama Press, 2016), pp. x + 288, $49.95, $49.95 E-book|journal=Journal of Latin American Studies|volume=50|issue=3|pages=746–747|doi=10.1017/s0022216x18000469|s2cid=150034889|issn=0022-216X}}</ref> As a result, reacting to demand for intervention from opponents of the government, the military began planning for a military coup which would ultimately take place on September 11, 1973. Contrary to popular belief, Pinochet was not the mastermind behind the coup. It was, in fact, naval officers who first decided that military intervention was necessary to remove President Allende from power.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Chile: The Pinochet Decade|last1=O’Brien|first1=Phillip|last2=Roddick|first2=Jacqueline|date=January 1983|publisher=Latin America Bureau|isbn=9780906156186|location=Rugby, Warwickshire, United Kingdom|doi=10.3362/9781909013599|url-access=registration|url=https://archive.org/details/chilepinochetdec0000obri}}</ref> Army generals were unsure of Pinochet's allegiances, as he had given no prior indication of disloyalty to Allende, and thus was only informed of these plans on the evening of 8 September, just three days before the coup took place.<ref>{{Citation|last=O’Shaugnessy|first=Hugh|chapter=3. Treason and Terror|date=January 2000|pages=49–118|publisher=Latin America Bureau|isbn=9781899365418|doi=10.3362/9781909013384.003|title=Pinochet|doi-broken-date=12 July 2025 }}</ref> On 11 September 1973, the military launched a coup, with troops surrounding La Moneda Palace. Allende died that day of [[Death of Salvador Allende|suspected suicide]].

The military installed themselves in power as a [[Government Junta of Chile (1973)|Military Government Junta]], composed of the heads of the Army, Navy, Air Force and Carabineros (police). Once the Junta was in power, General [[Augusto Pinochet]] soon consolidated his control over the government. Since he was the commander-in-chief of the oldest branch of the military forces (the Army), he was made the titular head of the junta, and soon after [[President of Chile]]. Once the junta had taken over, the United States immediately recognized the new regime and helped it consolidate power.<ref name="Winn"/>

==Dictatorship's crimes against humanity==

===Suppression of political activity===
[[Image:Quema de libros.jpg|thumb|[[Book burnings in Chile|Book burning in Chile]] following the [[1973 Chilean coup d'état|1973 coup]] that installed the Pinochet regime]]

On September 13, the junta dissolved the Congress and outlawed or suspended all political activities in addition to suspending the [[Chilean Constitution of 1925|1925 constitution]]. All political activity was declared "in recess". The Government Junta immediately banned the socialist, Marxist and other [[left-wing politics|leftist]] parties that had constituted former President Allende's [[Popular Unity (Chile)|Popular Unity]] coalition<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.leychile.cl/Navegar?idNorma=5730|title=DL-77 13-OCT-1973 Ministerio del Interior |publisher= Ley Chile – Biblioteca del Congreso Nacional|work=leychile.cl|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131029200802/http://www.leychile.cl/Navegar?idNorma=5730|archive-date=2013-10-29|date=1973-10-13 }}</ref> and began a systemic campaign of imprisonment, torture, harassment and/or murder against the perceived opposition. [[Eduardo Frei Montalva|Eduardo Frei]], Allende's predecessor as president, initially supported the coup along with his Christian Democratic colleagues. However, they later assumed the role of a [[loyal opposition]] to the military rulers. During 1976–77, this repression even reached independent and Christian Democrat labour leaders who had supported the coup, several were exiled.<ref>{{Citation|chapter=Introduction|date=2004|pages=1–13|publisher=Duke University Press|isbn=978-0-8223-3309-8|doi=10.1215/9780822385851-001|title=Victims of the Chilean Miracle}}</ref> Christian Democrats like [[Radomiro Tomic]] were jailed or forced into exile.<ref>[https://archive.today/20120712120149/http://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/latimes/access/666903512.html?dids=666903512:666903512&FMT=CITE&FMTS=CITE:AI&date=Dec+12,+1982&author=&pub=Los+Angeles+Times&desc=Pinochet+Forms+Panel+to+Consider+Return+of+Chileans+Sent+Into+Exile&pqatl=google] Pinochet Forms Panel to Consider Return of Chileans Sent Into Exile</ref><ref>[http://www.elpais.com/articulo/agenda/CHILE/Radomiro/Tomic/politico/chileno/elpepigen/19920104elpepiage_1/Tes] Radomiro Tomic, político chileno</ref> Retired military personnel were named rectors of universities and they carried out vast purges of suspected left-wing sympathisers.<ref>{{Citation|last=Power|first=Jonathan|title=Ending War Crimes, Chasing the War Criminals|chapter=The Pinochet Case|date=2017-01-01|pages=81–94|publisher=Brill {{!}} Nijhoff|isbn=978-90-04-34634-5|doi=10.1163/9789004346345_010}}</ref> With such strong repression, the Catholic church became the only public voice allowed within Chile. By 1974, the Commission of Peace had established a large network to provide information to numerous organisations regarding human rights abuses in Chile. As a result of this, [[Manuel Contreras]], Director of DINA, threatened Cardinal Silva Henriquez that his safety could be at risk if the Church continued to interfere which in turn resulted in death threats and intimidation from agents of the regime.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Aguilar|first=Mario I.|date=2003|title=Cardinal Raul Silva Henriquez, the Catholic Church, and the Pinochet Regime, 1973-1980: Public Responses to a National Security State|journal=The Catholic Historical Review|volume=89|issue=4|pages=712–731|doi=10.1353/cat.2003.0183|s2cid=143826273|issn=1534-0708}}</ref>

A key provision of the new constitution of 1980 aimed at eliminating leftist factions, “outlawed the propagation of doctrines that attack the family or put forward a concept of society based on the class struggle”. Pinochet maintained strict command over the armed forces and could depend on them to help him censor the media, arrest opposition leaders and repress demonstrations. This was accompanied by a complete shutting down of civil society with curfews, prohibition of public assembly, press blackouts, draconian censorship and university purges.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Pratt|first=M. L.|date=1996-01-01|title=Overwriting Pinochet: Undoing the Culture of Fear in Chile|journal=Modern Language Quarterly|volume=57|issue=2|pages=151–163|doi=10.1215/00267929-57-2-151|s2cid=145390588 |issn=0026-7929}}</ref>

===Human rights violations===

{{Main|Human rights violations in Pinochet's Chile}}
[[File:Agrupación de Familiares de Detenidos Desaparecidos de Chile (de Kena Lorenzini).jpg|thumb|upright=1.3|Women of the Association of Families of the Detained-Disappeared demonstrate in front of [[La Moneda Palace]] during the [[Pinochet military regime]].]]

The military rule was characterized by systematic suppression of all political dissidence. Scholars later described this as a "[[politicide]]" (or "political genocide").<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=xzW2-dMwfCMC&dq=Sznajder,+1996+chile&pg=PA303] The legacy of human-rights violations in the Southern Cone</ref> Steve J. Stern spoke of a politicide to describe "a systematic project to destroy an entire way of doing and understanding politics and governance".<ref name=Stern>{{cite book
  | last = Stern
  | first = Steve J.
  | title = Remembering Pinochet's Chile
  | publisher = Duke University Press
  | year = 2004
  | pages = 32, 90, 101, 180–181
  | isbn = 978-0822333548}}</ref>

Estimates of figures for victims of state violence vary. [[Rudolph Rummel]] cited early figures of up to 30,000 people killed.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.mega.nu:8080/ampp/rummel/postwwii.tab.gif|title=Table 4: Democide Rank Ordered (1970–1979)|last=RJ|first=Rummel|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131004215847/http://www.mega.nu:8080/ampp/rummel/postwwii.tab.gif|archive-date=2013-10-04|url-status=live}}</ref> However, these high estimates have not held to later scrutiny.

In 1996, human rights activists announced they had presented another 899 cases of people who had disappeared or been killed during the dictatorship, taking the total of known victims to 3,197, of whom 2,095 were reported killed and 1,102 missing.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.proquest.com/docview/388555201|title=Gunmen Threaten Media|publisher=Sun-Sentinel (Archives)|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150225224936/http://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/sun_sentinel/doc/388555201.html?FMT=ABS&FMTS=ABS:FT&type=current&date=Aug%2023,%201996&author=Sun-Sentinel%20wire%20services&pub=South%20Florida%20Sun%20-%20Sentinel&edition=&startpage=&desc=GUNMEN%20THREATEN%20MEDIA|archive-date=25 February 2015|url-status=live|access-date=25 February 2015|id={{ProQuest|388555201}} }}</ref> Following the return to democracy with the Concertacion government, the [[Rettig Commission]], a multipartisan effort by the Aylwin administration to discover the truth about the human-rights violations, listed a number of torture and detention centers (such as [[Colonia Dignidad]], [[Esmeralda (BE-43)|the ship ''Esmeralda'']] or [[Víctor Jara Stadium]]), and found that at least 3,200 people were killed or disappeared by the regime. Later, the 2004 [[Valech Report]] confirmed the figure of 3,200 deaths but reduced the estimated number of disappearances. It tells of some 28,000 arrests in which the majority of those detained were incarcerated and in a great many cases tortured.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.minvu.cl/ingles/opensite_20070320074217.aspx|title=Valech Report |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150322143320/http://www.minvu.cl/ingles/opensite_20070320074217.aspx|archive-date=2015-03-22|url-status=live|access-date=2014-08-26}}</ref> In 2011, the Chilean government officially recognized 36,948 survivors of torture and political imprisonment, as well as 3,095 people killed or disappeared at the hands of the military government.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.omaha.com/article/20110818/AP15/308189901|archiveurl=https://archive.today/20131002040217/http://www.omaha.com/article/20110818/AP15/308189901|url-status=dead|title=Controversial victims on Chile's official list, by Eva Vergara, Omaha World-Herald, August 18, 2011|archivedate=October 2, 2013}}</ref>

The worst violence occurred within the first three months of the coup, with the number of suspected leftists killed or "[[Forced disappearance|disappeared]]" (''desaparecidos'') reaching several thousand.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/1109861.stm|title=Finding Chile's disappeared|date=2001-01-10|access-date=2010-01-05|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090217123536/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/1109861.stm|archive-date=2009-02-17|url-status=live}} BBC: Finding Chile's disappeared</ref> In the days immediately following the coup, the Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs informed [[Henry Kissinger]] that the [[Estadio Nacional de Chile|National Stadium]] was being used to hold 5,000 prisoners. Between the day of the coup and November 1973, as many as 40,000 political prisoners were held there<ref>{{cite journal|last=Gómez-Barris|first=Macarena|year=2010|title=Witness Citizenship: The Place of Villa Grimaldi in Chilean Memory|journal=Sociological Forum|volume=25|issue=1|page=34|doi=10.1111/j.1573-7861.2009.01155.x}}</ref><ref name="ElPaisStadium">{{cite news|url=http://www.elpais.com/articulo/deportes/campo/concentracion/Pinochet/cumple/anos/elpepudep/20081203elpepudep_19/Tes|title=El campo de concentración de Pinochet cumple 70 años|date=3 December 2008|newspaper=[[El País]]}}</ref> and as late as 1975, the CIA was still reporting that up to 3,811 were imprisoned there.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4-RfeEIeKRkC&pg=PA38|title=Thinking about Terrorism|last1=Tigar|first1=Michael E.|year=2007|publisher=American Bar Association |isbn=9781590318423|access-date=25 February 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150225182326/http://books.google.es/books?id=4-RfeEIeKRkC&pg=PA38&dq=|archive-date=25 February 2015|url-status=live}}</ref> 1,850 of them were killed, another 1,300 are still missing to this day.<ref name="ElPaisStadium" /> Some of the most famous cases of ''desaparecidos'' are [[Charles Horman]], a U.S. citizen who was killed during the coup itself,<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB33/index.html|title=New Information on the Murders of U.S. Citizens Charles Horman and Frank Teruggi by the Chilean Military|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111019205138/http://www.gwu.edu/%7Ensarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB33/index.html|archive-date=2011-10-19|url-status=live|access-date=2011-11-19}} New Information on the Murders of U.S. Citizens Charles Horman and Frank Teruggi by the Chilean Military</ref> Chilean songwriter [[Víctor Jara]], and the October 1973 [[Caravan of Death]] (''Caravana de la Muerte'') wherein at least 70 people were killed.

Leftist guerrilla groups and their sympathizers were also hit hard during the military regime. The MIR commander, [[Andrés Pascal Allende]], has stated that the Marxist guerrillas lost 1,500–2,000 fighters that were either killed or had simply disappeared.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=bJ2-wUrZn8IC&pg=PA155|title=Los Allende|last1=Wessel|first1=Günther|year=2004|publisher=Editorial Tebar |isbn=9788473602020|access-date=25 February 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130915020906/http://books.google.es/books?id=bJ2-wUrZn8IC&pg=PA155&dq=|archive-date=15 September 2013|url-status=live}}</ref> Among the people that were killed or had disappeared during the military regime were at least 663 MIR guerrillas.<ref name="archivochile.com">{{cite web|url=http://www.archivochile.com/Derechos_humanos/doc_gen_ddhh/hhdddocgen0002.pdf|title=Caidos del Mir en Diferente Periodis|author=Centro de Estuiios Miguel Enriquez (CEME)|website=archivochile.com|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160413053224/http://www.archivochile.com/Derechos_humanos/doc_gen_ddhh/hhdddocgen0002.pdf|archive-date=13 April 2016|url-status=live|access-date=1 May 2018}}</ref> The Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front stated that 49 FPMR guerrillas were killed, and hundreds tortured.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://fpmr.org/heroes8.html|title=Frente Patriótico Manuel Rodríguez|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20051104044728/http://fpmr.org/heroes8.html|archive-date=4 November 2005|url-status=dead|access-date=25 February 2015}}</ref>

[[File:Casa de detención clandestina en José Domingo Cañas 01.JPG|thumb|[[Dirección de Inteligencia Nacional|DINA]]'s torture center at José Domingo Cañas 1367]]
According to the Latin American Institute on Mental Health and Human Rights, 200,000 people were affected by "extreme trauma"; this figure includes individuals executed, tortured, forcibly exiled, or having their immediate relatives put under detention.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Vasallo|first=Mark|year=2002|title=Truth and Reconciliation Commissions: General Considerations and a Critical Comparison of the Commissions of Chile and El Salvador|journal=The University of Miami Inter-American Law Review|volume=33|issue=1|page=163}}</ref> 316 women have reported to having been subjected to rape by soldiers and agents of the dictatorship, however the number is believed to be much larger due to the preference of many women to avoid talking about this. Twenty pregnant women have declared to have suffered abortion due to torture.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://radio.uchile.cl/2013/09/03/violencia-sexual-contra-mujeres-en-dictadura-un-crimen-invisibilizado|title=Violencia sexual contra mujeres en dictadura: un crimen invisibilizado « Diario y Radio U Chile|website=radio.uchile.cl|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171008103150/http://radio.uchile.cl/2013/09/03/violencia-sexual-contra-mujeres-en-dictadura-un-crimen-invisibilizado|archive-date=8 October 2017|url-status=live|access-date=1 May 2018}}</ref> In the words of [[Alejandra Matus]] detained women were doubly punished, first for being "leftists" and second for not conforming to their ideal of women usually being called "perra" (lit. "bitch").<ref>[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tVjdRz8LevE Cultura Verdadera Programa Completo del Lunes 14 de Diciembre de 2015] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170202023740/https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tVjdRz8LevE|date=2017-02-02}}, minute 3:20.</ref>

[[File:Ejecutados pinochet.jpg|thumb|Some funeral urns of political activists executed by the Chilean military dictatorship, from 1973 to 1990, in the cemetery of Santiago]]
In addition to the violence experienced within Chile, many people fled from the regime, while others have been forcibly exiled, with some 30,000 Chileans being deported from the country.<ref>Augusto Pinochet's Chile, Diana Childress, p. 92, Twenty First century Books, 2009</ref><ref name="Jaime Gazmuri p. 121">Chile en el umbral de los noventa: quince años que condicionan el futuro, Jaime Gazmuri & Felipe Agüero, p. 121, Planeta, 1988</ref><ref>{{cite magazine|date=22 August 1983|title=Chile: One Carrot, Many Sticks|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,926095,00.html|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130828011629/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,926095,00.html|archive-date=28 August 2013|access-date=25 February 2015|magazine=[[Time (magazine)|Time]]}}</ref> particularly to [[Argentina]], however, [[Operation Condor]], which linked South American dictatorships together against political opponents, meant that even these exiles could be subject to violence.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB125/index.htm|title=Lifting of Pinochet's Immunity Renews Focus on Operation Condor|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140919124055/http://www2.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB125/index.htm|archive-date=2014-09-19|url-status=live|access-date=2014-08-26}}</ref> Some 20,000–40,000 Chilean exiles were holders of passports stamped with the letter "L" (which stood for ''lista nacional''), identifying them as ''persona non grata'' and had to seek permission before entering the country.<ref>"Chile since the coup: ten years of repression", Cynthia G. Brown, pp. 88–89, ''Americas Watch'', 1983.</ref> According to a study in Latin American Perspectives,<ref name="ExileStudy">{{cite journal|last1=Wright|first1=Thomas C.|last2=Oñate Zúñiga|first2=Rody|year=2007|title=Chilean political exile|journal=Latin American Perspectives|volume=34|issue=4|page=31|doi=10.1177/0094582x07302902|s2cid=145443917}}</ref> at least 200,000 Chileans (about 2% of Chile's 1973 population) were forced into exile. Additionally, hundreds of thousands left the country in the wake of the economic crises that followed the military coup during the 1970s and 1980s.<ref name="ExileStudy" /> In 2003, an article published by the [[International Committee of the Fourth International]] claimed that "Of a population of barely 11 million, more than 4,000 were executed or 'disappeared', hundreds of thousands were detained and tortured, and almost a million fled the country".<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2003/09/chil-s17.html|title=The lessons of Chile – 30 years on|author=Mauricio Saavedra|date=17 September 2003|publisher=World Socialist Web Site|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150226001119/http://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2003/09/chil-s17.html|archive-date=26 February 2015|url-status=live|access-date=25 February 2015}}</ref>

There were also internal exiles who due to a lack of resources could not escape abroad.<ref name=marin>{{cite journal |last1=Marín Lleucún |first1=Alejandro |date=2015 |title= Puerto Gala y Puerto Gaviota (1985-1993): Una mirada desde el triángulo de la violencia|trans-title=Port of Gala and Port of Gaviota (1985-1993): A look from the triangle of violence |url=https://scielo.conicyt.cl/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0718-22442015000200004 |journal=[[Magallania]] |volume=43 |issue=2 |access-date=January 10, 2019|language=es }}</ref> In the 1980s a few left-wing sympathisers hid in [[Puerto Gala]] and [[Puerto Gaviota]], Patagonian fishing communities with a reputation of lawlessness. There they were joined by delinquents who feared torture or death by the authorities.<ref name=marin/>

Several scholars including [[Paul Zwier]],<ref name="Zwier2013">{{cite book|last=Zwier|first=Paul J.|title=Principled Negotiation and Mediation in the International Arena: Talking with Evil|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=W57hIyEOSUsC&pg=PA235|access-date=22 March 2014|year=2013|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-1107026872|pages=235–}}</ref> Peter Winn<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=YLBVjRCW6uMC&dq=estado+policial+pinochet&pg=PA14|archiveurl=https://web.archive.org/web/20150225225310/https://books.google.cl/books?id=YLBVjRCW6uMC&pg=PA14&lpg=PA14&dq=estado+policial+pinochet&source=bl&ots=eaFke6YsUG&sig=qZVQuZ7JPFtsxhrrcL_HScUe6No&hl=en&sa=X&ei=HXGdVN-xF4LYgwT8h4LIAw&ved=0CEkQ6AEwBw|url-status=dead|title=Tejedores de la revolución: los trabajadores de Yarur y la vía chilena al socialismo|first=Peter|last=Winn|date=September 10, 2004|archivedate=February 25, 2015|publisher=Lom Ediciones| isbn=9789562826204 |via=Google Books}}</ref> and human rights organizations<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.elmostrador.cl/pais/2008/08/06/organismos-de-ddhh-denuncian-un-estado-policial-similar-al-de-pinochet/|title=Organismos de DDHH denuncian un estado policial 'similar' al de Pinochet|work=El Mostrador|access-date=25 February 2015|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150225182240/http://www.elmostrador.cl/pais/2008/08/06/organismos-de-ddhh-denuncian-un-estado-policial-similar-al-de-pinochet/|archive-date=25 February 2015|date=2008-08-06}}</ref> have characterized the dictatorship as a [[police state]] exhibiting "repression of public liberties, the elimination of political exchange, limiting freedom of speech, abolishing the right to strike, freezing wages".<ref name="Casanova1993">{{cite book|last=Casanova|first=Pablo González|title=Latin America Today|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=VNUNB2s5pcoC&pg=PA233|access-date=22 March 2014|year=1993|publisher=United Nations University Press|isbn=9789280808193|pages=233–}}</ref>

===Fake combats===
Starting in the late 1970s the regime began to use a tactic of faking combats, usually known by its Spanish name: "falsos enfrentamientos".<ref>{{cite web|url=http://resumen.cl/2015/02/nuevos-condenados-por-falso-enfrentamiento-en-dictadura/|title=Nuevos condenados por falso enfrentamiento en dictadura |website=resumen.cl|access-date=1 May 2018|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171201081335/https://resumen.cl/2015/02/nuevos-condenados-por-falso-enfrentamiento-en-dictadura/|archive-date=1 December 2017}}</ref> This meant that dissidents who were murdered outright had their deaths reported in media as if they had occurred in a mutual exchange of gunfire. This was done with support of journalists who "reported" the supposed events; in some cases, the fake combats were also staged. The faked combat tactic ameliorated criticism of the regime implicitly putting culpability on the victim. It is thought that the killing of the [[Revolutionary Left Movement (Chile)|MIR]] leader [[Miguel Enríquez (politician)|Miguel Enríquez]] in 1974 could be an early case of a faked combat. The faked combats reinforced the dictatorship narrative on the existence of an "internal war" which it used to justify its existence.<ref>{{cite thesis |last=Silva Hidalgo |first=Robinson Humberto |date=2014 |title=Resistencia política y origen del movimiento social anti dictatorial en Chile (1973–1988) |page= |type=Ph.D. |publisher=[[Universitat de Barcelona]] |url=http://diposit.ub.edu/dspace/bitstream/2445/55488/1/RHSH_TESIS.pdf |pages=341–349 |language=es |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160216184935/http://diposit.ub.edu/dspace/bitstream/2445/55488/1/RHSH_TESIS.pdf |archive-date=2016-02-16 }}</ref> A particular fake combat event, lasting from September 8 to 9 1983, occurred when forces of the CNI lobbed grenades into a house, detonating the structure and killing the two men and a woman who were in the building. The agents would later state, with help from the Chilean press, that the people in the house had fired on them previously from their cars and had escaped to the house. The official story became that the three suspects had caused the explosion themselves by trying to burn and destroy incriminating evidence. Such actions had the effect of justifying the existence of heavily armed forces in Chile and the dictatorship's conduct against such "violent" offenders.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.archivochile.com/Derechos_humanos/janefuenove/ddhhjanefuov0001.pdf |title=Los Muertos en Falsos Enfrentamientos: Janequeo y Fuenteovejuna |access-date=2017-11-20 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060507125801/http://www.archivochile.com/Derechos_humanos/janefuenove/ddhhjanefuov0001.pdf |archive-date=2006-05-07 }}</ref>

==Politics and power within the dictatorship==

===Pinochet–Leigh conflict===
During the 1970s, junta members [[Gustavo Leigh]] and Augusto Pinochet clashed on several occasions, dating back from the beginning of the [[1973 Chilean coup d'état]]. Leigh criticized Pinochet for having joined the coup very late and then subsequently pretending to keep all power for himself. In December 1974, Leigh opposed the proposal to name Pinochet president of Chile. Leigh recalls from that moment that, "Pinochet was furious: he hit the board, broke the glass, injured his hand a little and bled. Then, Merino and Mendoza told me I should sign, because if not the junta would split. I signed." Leigh's primary concern was Pinochet's consolidation of the legislative and executive branches of government under the new government, in particular, Pinochet's decision to enact a plebiscite without formally alerting the other junta members.<ref name="auto1">Ensalaco, Mark. 2000. Chile Under Pinochet : Recovering the Truth. Pennsylvania Studies in Human Rights. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.</ref> Leigh, although a fervent supporter of the regime and hater of Marxist ideology, had already taken steps to separate the executive and legislative branches. Pinochet was said to have been angered by Leigh's continued founding of a structure to divide the executive and legislative branches, eventually leading to Pinochet consolidating his power and Leigh being removed from the regime.<ref>Barros, Robert. La Junta militar: Pinochet y la Constitución de 1980. Sudamericana, 2005.</ref> Leigh tried to fight his dismissal from the military and government junta but on July 24, 1978, his office was blocked by paratroopers. In accordance with legal rights established by the junta government, its members could not be dismissed without evidence of impairment, hence Pinochet and his ally junta members had declared Leigh to be unfit.<ref name="auto1"/><ref>
Carmen Gardeweg: ''El general Leigh: pensamiento y sentimiento 48 horas después de ser destituido en 1978''. La Segunda, 30 de septiembre de 1999, página 8.</ref> Airforce General [[Fernando Matthei]] replaced Leigh as junta member.<ref name=newsbank>[http://nl.newsbank.com/nl-search/we/Archives?p_product=BG&p_theme=bg&p_action=search&p_maxdocs=200&p_topdoc=1&p_text_direct-0=0EADED93AF54A141&p_field_direct-0=document_id&p_perpage=10&p_sort=YMD_date:D&s_trackval=GooglePM 25 Chilean Soldiers Arrested in Burning of US Resident]</ref>

Another dictatorship member critical of Pinochet, [[Arturo Yovane]], was removed from his post as [[Ministry of Mining (Chile)|minister of mining]] in 1974 and appointed ambassador at the new Chilean embassy in [[Tehran]].<ref name=Gonzalez2009>{{cite web |url=http://ciperchile.cl/2009/08/06/el-dia-en-que-manuel-contreras-le-ofrecio-al-sha-de-iran-matar-a-%E2%80%9Cel-chacal%E2%80%9D/ |title=El día en que Manuel Contreras le ofreció al Sha de Irán matar a "Carlos, El Chacal" |last=González |first=Mónica |author-link=Mónica González (journalist) |date=August 6, 2009 |website=ciperchile.cl |publisher=CIPER |access-date=August 11, 2015 |language=es |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150909054340/http://ciperchile.cl/2009/08/06/el-dia-en-que-manuel-contreras-le-ofrecio-al-sha-de-iran-matar-a-%E2%80%9Cel-chacal%E2%80%9D/ |archive-date=September 9, 2015 }}</ref>

===Civilian collaborators===
Over time the dictatorship incorporated civilians into the government. Many of the [[Chicago boys]] joined the government, and Pinochet was largely sympathetic to them. This sympathy, scholar Peter Winn explains, was indebted to the fact that the Chicago boys were [[technocrat]]s and thus fitted Pinochet's self-image of being "above politics".<ref name=Winn2627>Winn, Peter (ed.). ''Victims of the Chilean miracle'', pp. 26–27.</ref> Pinochet was impressed by their assertiveness as well as by their links to the financial world of the United States.<ref name=Winn2627/>

Another group of civilians that collaborated extensively with the regime were the [[Gremialismo|Gremialists]], whose movement started in 1966 in the [[Pontifical Catholic University of Chile]].<ref name=Huneeus2000>{{cite journal |last=Huneeus |first=Carlos|author-link=Carlos Huneeus |date=2000 |title=Technocrats and politicians in an authoritarian regime. The 'ODEPLAN Boys' and the 'Gremialists' in Pinochet's Chile |jstor=158572 |journal=[[Journal of Latin American Studies]] |volume=32 |issue= 2|pages=461–501 |doi= 10.1017/S0022216X00005812|s2cid=143983675}}</ref> The founder of the Gremialist movement, lawyer [[Jaime Guzmán]], never assumed any official position in the military dictatorship but he remained one of the closest collaborators with Pinochet, playing an important ideological role. He participated in the design of important speeches of Pinochet and provided frequent political and doctrinal advice and consultancy.<ref name="archivochile">{{cite web |author=[[Carlos Huneeus]] |publisher=Archivo Chile |title=Jaime Guzmán no fue un defensor de los Derechos Humanos en el Régimen de Pinochet |url=http://www.archivochile.com/Portada/8_ddhh/02_port_ddhh.pdf |date=3 April 2001 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150923173556/http://www.archivochile.com/Portada/8_ddhh/02_port_ddhh.pdf |archive-date=23 September 2015 }}</ref> Guzmán declared to have a "negative opinion" of [[Dirección de Inteligencia Nacional|National Intelligence Directorate]] (DINA) director [[Manuel Contreras]]. According to him this lead him into various "inconviniencies and difficulties".<ref>{{Cite news|title=Jaime Guzmán y su repudio hacia Manuel Contreras|url=https://www.biobiochile.cl/noticias/2015/08/08/jaime-guzman-y-su-repudio-hacia-manuel-contreras.shtml|last=Miño|first=Claudia|date=2015-08-08|access-date=2021-09-29|work=[[Radio Bío-Bío]]}}</ref> From its side DINA identified Guzmán as an intelligent and manipulative actor in a secret 1976 memorandum.<ref name=Elpe2018>{{Cite news|title=La Dina de Contreras espió a Jaime Guzmán|url=https://www.elperiodista.cl/2010/09/la-dina-de-contreras-espio-a-jaime-guzman/|date=2018-09-10|access-date=2021-10-05|work=El Periodista}}</ref> The same document posits Guzmán manipulated Pinochet and sought ultimately to displace him from power, to lead himself a government in collaboration with [[Jorge Alessandri]].<ref name=Elpe2018/> DINA spied on Guzmán and kept watch on his everyday activities.<ref name=Elpe2018/> According to [[Oscar Contardo]] Guzmán was identified as gay within a portfolio held by the DINA.<ref>Oscar Contardo (2011). ''Raro, una historia gay de Chile''. Planeta, p. 133.</ref>

According to scholar [[Carlos Huneeus]], the Gremialists and the Chicago Boys shared a long-term power strategy and were linked to each other in many ways.<ref name=Huneeus2000/>
In Chile it has been very hard for the outside world to fully understand the role that everyday civilians played in keeping Pinochet's government afloat, partly because there has been scant research into the topic and partly because those who did help the regime from 1973 to 1990 have been unwilling to explore their own part. One of the exemptions is a Univision interview with [[Osvaldo Romo|Osvaldo Romo Mena]], a civilian torturer in 1995 recounting his actions. Osvaldo Romo died while incarcerated for the murder of three political opponents. For the most part, civilian collaborators with Pinochet have not broken the [[code of silence]] held by the military of the 1970s to 1990s.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.raco.cat/index.php/rubrica/article/viewFile/310678/400693 |format=PDF |title=Complicity and Responsibility in the Aftermath of the Pinochet Regime: The Case of ''El Mocito'' |access-date=2017-11-20 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171201030451/http://www.raco.cat/index.php/rubrica/article/viewFile/310678/400693 |archive-date=2017-12-01 }}</ref>

===Constitution of 1980===
{{Main|1980 Chilean constitutional referendum}}
Establishing a new constitution was a core issue for the dictatorship since it provided a mean of [[legitimization]].<ref name=AngellPollack1990/> For this purpose the junta selected notable civilians willing to join the [[Ortúzar Commission]] which prepared a  preliminary draft that was subsequently reviewed by the [[Chilean Council of State|Council of State]] and the [[Government Junta of Chile (1973)|Government Junta]].<ref>{{cite web|title=Cómo se construyó la Constitución de 1980|url=https://www.pauta.cl/actualidad/2019/11/30/constitucion-de-1980-asamblea-constituyente-crisis-social.html|publisher=Pauta|date=November 30, 2019|accessdate=January 12, 2025|language=es}}</ref> Dissidents to the dictatorship were not represented in the commission.<ref name=Camel2000>{{cite journal|last=Cazor Aliste |first=Camel |date=2000 |title=Democracia y constitucion en Chile |url=http://mingaonline.uach.cl/scielo.php?pid=S0718-09502000000100003&script=sci_arttext |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150518062933/http://mingaonline.uach.cl/scielo.php?pid=S0718-09502000000100003&script=sci_arttext |url-status=dead |archive-date=2015-05-18 |journal=[[Revista de Derecho]] |publisher=[[Austral University of Chile]] |volume=IX |pages=25–34 |access-date=30 April 2015 }}</ref>

Chile's new [[Chilean Constitution of 1980|constitution]] was approved in a national [[1980 Chilean constitutional referendum|plebiscite]] held on September 11, 1980. The constitution was approved by 67% of voters under a process which has been described as "highly irregular and undemocratic",<ref name=Hudson>Hudson, Rex A., ed. "Chile: A Country Study." GPO for the Library of Congress. 1995. March 20, 2005 {{cite web |url=http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/cltoc.html |title=About this Collection &#124; Country Studies &#124; Digital Collections &#124; Library of Congress |access-date=2012-05-24 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://archive.today/20120524185929/http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/cltoc.html |archive-date=2012-05-24 }}</ref> and was neither free nor fair.<ref name="Cazor" /> Critics of the 1980 Constitution argue that the constitution was created not to build a democracy, but to consolidate power within the central government while limiting the amount of sovereignty allowed to the people with little political presence.<ref name="Cazor">{{cite journal |last1=Cazor Aliste |first1=Kamal |title=Democracia y Constitucion en Chile|language=Spanish |journal=[[Revista de Derecho|Revista de Derecho (Valdivia)]] |date=2000 |volume=xi |pages=27–34 |url=http://mingaonline.uach.cl/scielo.php?pid=S0718-09502000000100003&script=sci_arttext |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150518062933/http://mingaonline.uach.cl/scielo.php?pid=S0718-09502000000100003&script=sci_arttext |url-status=dead |archive-date=2015-05-18 |access-date=3 July 2022}}</ref> The constitution came into force on March 11, 1981.

===Removal of César Mendoza===
[[File:Pinochet y la Junta Militar de Gobierno.jpg|thumb|250px|The Military Junta by 1985.]]
In 1985, due to the [[Caso Degollados]] scandal ("case of the slit throats"), General [[César Mendoza]] resigned and was replaced by General [[Rodolfo Stange]].<ref name="newsbank"/>

===Youth policy===
{{See also|Acto de Chacarillas}}
[[File:Secretaría Nacional de la Juventud (Chile), Revista 1975.jpg|thumb|left|150px|Magazine of the National Youth Secretariat cover about the Day of the Youth on 10th July.]]
One of the first measures of the dictatorship was to set up a Secretaría Nacional de la Juventud (SNJ, National Youth Office). This was done on October 28, 1973, even before the Declaration of Principles of the junta made in March 1974. This was a way of mobilizing sympathetic elements of the civil society in support for the dictatorship. SNJ was created by advice of [[Jaime Guzmán]], being an example of the dictatorship adopting a [[Gremialismo|Gremialist]] thought.<ref name=Yanko2015>{{cite journal |last1=González |first1=Yanko |date=2015 |title=El "Golpe Generacional" y la Secretaría Nacional de la Juventud: purga, disciplinamiento y resocialización de las identidades juveniles bajo Pinochet (1973–1980) |journal=[[Atenea]] |volume=512 |issue= 512|pages=10.4067/S0718–04622015000200006 |doi= 10.4067/S0718-04622015000200006|language=es |trans-title=The "Generational Putsch" and the National youth Office: Purge, disciplining and resocialization of youth identities under Pinochet (1973–1980) |doi-access=free }}</ref> Some right-wing student union leaders like [[Andrés Allamand]] were skeptical to these attempts as they were moulded from above and gathered disparate figures such as [[Miguel Kast]], [[Antonio Vodanovic]] and Jaime Guzmán. Allamand and other young right-wingers also resented the dominance of the gremialist in SNJ, considering it a closed gremialist club.<ref>{{cite book |last=Allamnd |first=Andrés |date=1999 |title=La Travesía del Desierto|language=es |publisher=Editorial Alfaguara |pages=29–30 |isbn=978-956-239-078-1 |author-link=Andrés Allamand }}</ref>

From 1975 to 1980 the SNJ arranged a series of [[ritual]]ized rallies in Cerro Chacarillas reminiscent of [[Francoist Spain]]. The policy towards the sympathetic youth contrasted with the murder, surveillance and forced disappearances the dissident youth faced from the regime. Most of the documents of the SNJ were reportedly destroyed by the dictatorship in 1988.<ref name=Yanko2015/>

===Women during the dictatorship===
[[File:General Pinochet junto a una pascuense.jpg|250px|thumb|General Pinochet with a [[rapanui]] woman.]]
In 1962 under the presidency of Christian Democrat Eduardo Frei Montalva, the women's section expanded pre-existing neighbourhood 'mothers' centres' (which initially helped women to purchase their own sewing machines) to help garner support for their social reforms amongst the poorer sections. By the end of the 1960s, there were 8,000 centres involving 400,000 members.<ref>Ximena Buster, 'Watch out for the little nazi man that all of have inside: The mobilization and demobilization of women in militarized Chile', Women's Studies International Forum, 11:5, p. 490.</ref> Under Allende they were reorganised under the rubric National Confederation of Mothers' Centres (Confederación Nacional de Centros de Madres, COCEMA) and leadership of his wife, Hortensia Bussi, to encourage community initiatives and implement their policies directed at women.<ref>Ximena Buster, 'Watch out for the little nazi man that all of have inside: The mobilization and demobilization of women in militarized Chile', Women's Studies International Forum, 11:5, p. 490; Fabiola Bahamondes Carrasco, 'Centros de Madres en el Chile rural. Un espacio de seguridad.' Revista Nomadias, 22, 2016, p. 89.</ref>

==Opposition==
[[File:Protestas Chile 1985.jpg|thumb|left|Peaceful protest against Pinochet, 1985]]

===Attacks on military personnel===
{{Further|Armed resistance in Chile (1973–1990)}}
One of the first armed groups to oppose the dictatorship was the [[Revolutionary Left Movement (Chile)|MIR]], Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria. Immediately after the coup MIR-aligned elements in [[Neltume]], [[Zona Sur|southern Chile]], unsuccessfully assaulted the local Carabineros station. Subsequently, MIR conducted several operations against the Pinochet government until the late 1980s. MIR assassinated the head of the Army Intelligence school, Lieutenant Roger Vergara, with machine gun fire in the late 1970s. The MIR also executed an attack on the base of the Chilean Secret Police (Central Nacional de Informaciones, CNI), as well as several attempts on the lives of carabineros officials and a judge of the Supreme Court in Chile.<ref>Collier, Simon, and William F Sater. 1996. A History of Chile, 1808-1994. Cambridge Latin American Studies, 82. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.</ref> Throughout the beginning years of the dictatorship the MIR was low-profile, but in August 1981 the MIR successfully killed the military leader of Santiago, General Carol Urzua Ibanez. Attacks on Chilean military official increased in the early 1980s, with the MIR killing several security forces personnel on a variety of occasions through extensive use of planted bombs in police stations or machine gun use.<ref>Anderson, Sean, and Stephen Sloan. 2009. Historical Dictionary of Terrorism. 3Rd ed. Historical Dictionaries of War, Revolution, and Civil Unrest, 38. Lanham, Md.: Scarecrow Press.</ref>

Representing a major shift in attitudes, the CPCh founded the [[Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front|FPMR]] on 14 December 1983, to engage in a violent armed struggle against the junta.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Ensalaco |first1=Mark |title=Chile Under Pinochet : Recovering the Truth. |date=2000 |publisher=University of Pennsylvania Press |location=Philadelphia |isbn=0812235207 |page=149}}</ref> Most notably the organisation [[Attempted assassination of Augusto Pinochet|attempted to assassinate Pinochet]] on the 7 September 1986 under 'Operation XX Century' but were unsuccessful.<ref>{{cite book |last1=O'Shaughnessy |first1=Hugh |title=Pinochet, the politics of torture |date=2000 |publisher=New York University Press |location=New York |isbn=0814762018 |page=121}}</ref> The group also assassinated the author of the 1980 Constitution, [[Jaime Guzmán]] on 1 April 1991.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Roniger |first1=Luis |last2=Sznajder |first2=Mario |title=The Legacy of Human-Rights Violations in the Southern Cone: Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay |date=1999 |publisher=Oxford University Press |location=Oxford |isbn=9780198296157 |page=106}}</ref> They continued to operate throughout the 1990s, being designated as a terrorist organisation the [[U.S. Department of State]] and [[Mi6|MI6]], until supposedly ceasing to operate in 1999.<ref>{{cite web |title=Chile: Extremism & Counter-Extremism |url=https://www.counterextremism.com/countries/chile |website=Counter Extremism Project |access-date=11 March 2020 |language=en |date=8 August 2018}}</ref>

===Church opposition to human rights violations===
[[File:Pinochet - Silva Henriquez.jpg|thumb|Pinochet at the 1976 [[Te Deum]] in the [[Santiago Metropolitan Cathedral]]. Seen from behind is Cardinal [[Raúl Silva Henríquez]].]]
{{Further|Vicariate of Solidarity}}The Catholic Church, which at first expressed its gratitude to the armed forces for saving the country from the horrors of a "Marxist dictatorship" became, under the leadership of Cardinal [[Raúl Silva Henríquez]], the most outspoken critic of the regime's social and economic policies.<ref>{{Cite news |last=Kinzer |first=Stephen |date=1983-11-20 |title=CHURCH IN CHILE DOESN'T JUST PRAY FOR REFORM |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1983/11/20/weekinreview/church-in-chile-doesn-t-just-pray-for-reform.html |access-date=2025-03-07 |work=The New York Times |language=en-US |issn=0362-4331}}</ref>

The Catholic Church was symbolically and institutionally powerful within Chile. Domestically, it was the second most powerful institution, behind Pinochet's government. While the Church remained politically neutral, its opposition to the regime came in the form of human rights advocacy and through the social movements that it gave a platform to. It achieved this through the establishment of the Cooperative Committee for Peace in Chile (COPACHI) and Vicariate of Solidarity. COPACHI was founded by [[Cardinal Raul Silva Henriquez|Cardinal Raul Silve Henriquez]], Archbishop of Santiago, as an immediate response to the repression of the Pinochet regime. It was apolitical in a spirit of collaboration rather than conflict with the government. Pinochet developed suspicion of COPACHI, leading to its dissolution in late 1975. In response Silva founded the Vicariate in its place. Historian Hugo Fruhling's work highlights the multifaceted nature of Vicaria.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Corradi |first1=Juan |title=Fear at the Edge, State Terror and Resistance in Latin America |url=https://archive.org/details/fearatedgestatet00juan |url-access=registration |date=1992 |publisher=University of California Press |pages=[https://archive.org/details/fearatedgestatet00juan/page/121 121–141]}}</ref> Through developments and education programs in the shantytown area of Santiago, the Vicaria had mobilised around 44,000 people to join campaigns by 1979. The Church published a newsletter called ''Solidarity'' published in Chile and abroad and supplied the public with information through radio stations. Vicaria pursued a legal strategy of defending human rights, not a political strategy to re-democratise Chile.

===Jornadas de Protesta Nacional===
[[File:Protestas_Parque_O`Higgins.jpg|thumb|200px|right|Protesters in [[O'Higgins Park]], Santiago, on May 1, 1984]] 
The Days of National Protest ([[:es:Jornadas de Protesta Nacional|Jornadas de Protesta Nacional]]) were days of civil demonstrations that periodically took place in Chile in the 1980s against the military junta. They were characterized by street demonstrations in the downtown avenues of the city in the mornings, strikes during the day, and barricades and clashes in the periphery of the city throughout the night. The protests were faced with increased government repression from 1984, with the biggest and last protest summoned in July 1986. The protests changed the mentality of many Chileans, strengthening opposition organizations and movements in the 1988 plebiscite.

==Economy and free market reforms==
[[Image:Chile- el pueblo vencera cropped.jpg|thumb|[[Estadio Nacional de Chile]] as a [[concentration camp]] after the coup]]
{{Main|Economic history of Chile#1975-81}}
After the military took over the government in 1973, a period of dramatic economic changes began. The Chilean economy was still faltering in the months following the coup. As the military junta itself was not particularly skilled in remedying the persistent economic difficulties, it appointed a group of Chilean economists who had been educated in the United States at the [[University of Chicago]]. Given financial and ideological support from Pinochet, the U.S., and international financial institutions, the [[Chicago Boys]] advocated ''[[laissez-faire]]'', [[free market|free-market]], [[neoliberalism|neoliberal]], and [[Conservatism#Fiscal conservatism|fiscally conservative]] policies, in stark contrast to the extensive [[nationalization]] and centrally planned economic programs supported by Allende.<ref name="K. Remmer 1998 5-55">{{cite journal
 | author = K. Remmer
 | year = 1998
 | title = Public Policy and Regime Consolidation: The First Five Years of the Chilean Junta
 | journal = Journal of the Developing Areas
 | pages = 5–55
 }}</ref> Chile was drastically transformed from an economy isolated from the rest of the world, with strong government intervention, into a liberalized, world-integrated economy, where market forces were left free to guide most of the economy's decisions.<ref name="K. Remmer 1998 5-55"/>

From an economic point of view, the era can be divided into two periods. The first, from 1975 to 1982, corresponds to the period when most of the reforms were implemented. The period ended with the international debt crisis and the collapse of the Chilean economy. At that point, unemployment was extremely high, above 20 percent, and a large proportion of the banking sector had become bankrupt. The following period was characterized by new reforms and economic recovery. Some economists argue that the recovery was due to an about-face turnaround of Pinochet's free market policy, since he nationalized many of the same industries that were nationalized under Allende and fired the Chicago Boys from their government posts.<ref>{{cite book
| last = Valenzuela
| first = Arturo
| year = 2002
| title = A Nation of Enemies
| publisher = W. W. Norton
| location =New York
}} p. 197-8</ref>

The government did not revert Allende's final [[Chilean nationalization of copper|nationalization of copper mining]] but promoted foreign investment in mining through the [[Decreto Ley 600]] of July 1974,<ref name=ximena>{{Cite journal |title=Inversión extranjera y minería privada en contexto dictatorial: El Decreto Ley 600 y la desnacionalización del cobre. Chile, 1974-1977 |journal=Tiempo Histórico |last=Ortiz Morales |first=Ximena |url=https://shs.hal.science/halshs-02455762/document |volume=19|trans-title=Foreign investment and private mining in a dictatorial context: Decree Law 600 and the denationalization of copper. Chile, 1974-1977 |language=es |pages=141–157|year=2020}}</ref> and it cancelled the state-sponsored mining projects of [[Boquerón Chañar]] and [[Cutter Cove]] the same year.<ref>{{Cite book |title=Evaluación y factibilidad de proyectos mineros |last=Millán |first=Augusto |publisher=[[Editorial Universitaria]] |year=1996 |isbn=956-11-1241-8 |pages=167 |language=es}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book |title=Historia de la minería del hierro en Chile|language=Spanish |last=Millán |first=Augusto |publisher=[[Editorial Universitaria]] |year=1999 |isbn=956-11-1499-2 |location=Santiago de Chile|page=163}}</ref>

===1975–81===
[[File:José Piñera Echenique (4x3 cropped).jpg|thumb|[[José Piñera|José Piñera Echenique]], Labour and Social Forecast Minister between 1978 and 1980.]]
Chile's main industry, [[Copper mining in Chile|copper mining]], remained in government hands, with the [[Chilean Constitution of 1980|1980 Constitution]] declaring them "inalienable",<ref name=NLR>{{Cite journal | last = Riesco | first = Manuel | title = Is Pinochet dead? | journal = [[New Left Review]] | volume = II | issue = 47 | publisher = New Left Review | date = September–October 2007 | url = http://newleftreview.org/II/47/manuel-riesco-is-pinochet-dead | url-status = live | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20160124224407/http://newleftreview.org/II/47/manuel-riesco-is-pinochet-dead | archive-date = 2016-01-24 }} [http://newleftreview.org/article/download_pdf?language=es&id=2685 Spanish pdf.] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170308150245/https://newleftreview.org/article/download_pdf?language=es&id=2685 |date=2017-03-08 }} [http://newleftreview.org/article/download_pdf?language=it&id=2685 Italian pdf.] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170308142849/https://newleftreview.org/article/download_pdf?language=it&id=2685 |date=2017-03-08 }}</ref> but new mineral deposits were open to private investment.<ref name=NLR/> Capitalist involvement was increased, the [[Pensions in Chile|Chilean pension system]] and healthcare were privatized, and [[Education in Chile|Superior Education]] was also placed in private hands. One of the junta's economic moves was fixing the exchange rate in the early 1980s, leading to a boom in imports and a collapse of domestic industrial production; this together with a world recession caused a serious economic crisis in 1982, where GDP plummeted by 14%, and unemployment reached 33%. At the same time, a series of massive protests were organized, trying to cause the fall of the regime, which were efficiently repressed.

===1982–83===
{{Main|Crisis of 1982}}
In 1982-1983 Chile witnessed a severe economic crisis with a surge in unemployment and a meltdown of the financial sector.<ref>Sebastián Edwards, Alejandra Cox Edwards: ''Monetarism and Liberalization: the Chilean Experiment.'' University of Chicago Press, 1991, S. xvii.</ref> 16 out of 50 financial institutions faced bankruptcy.<ref name="Fischer 329">Karin Fischer: "The Influence of Neoliberals in Chile before, during, and after Pinochet." In: P. Mirowski, D. Plehwe (Hrsg.): ''The Road from Mont Pèlerin: The Making of the Neoliberal Thought Collective'', Harvard University Press, Cambridge/London 2009, S. 305–346, hier S. 329.</ref> In 1982 the two biggest banks were nationalized to prevent an even worse [[credit crunch]]. In 1983 another five banks were nationalized and two banks had to be put under government supervision.<ref>Karin Fischer: "The Influence of Neoliberals in Chile before, during, and after Pinochet" In: P. Mirowski, D. Plehwe (Hrsg.): ''The Road from Mont Pèlerin: The Making of the Neoliberal Thought Collective'', Harvard University Press, Cambridge/London 2009, p. 305–346, hier S. 329.</ref> The central bank took over foreign debts. Critics ridiculed the economic policy of the [[Chicago Boys]] as "Chicago way to socialism".<ref>Robert G. Wesson: ''Politics, policies, and economic development in Latin America''. Hoover Press, 1984, {{ISBN|0-8179-8062-8}}, S. 8.</ref>

===1984–90===
After the economic crisis, [[Hernán Büchi]] became Minister of Finance from 1985 to 1989, introducing a return to a free market economic policy. He allowed the peso to float and reinstated restrictions on the movement of capital in and out of the country. He deleted some [[bank regulation]]s and simplified and reduced the corporate tax. Chile went ahead with privatizations, including public utilities and the re-privatization of companies that had briefly returned to government control during the 1982–83 crisis. From 1984 to 1990, Chile's gross domestic product grew by an annual average of 5.9%, the fastest on the continent. Chile developed a good export economy, including the export of fruits and vegetables to the northern hemisphere when they were out of season, and commanded high export prices.

===Evaluation===

[[Image:Economic growth of Chile.PNG|thumb|300px|Chilean (orange) and average Latin American (blue) rates of growth of GDP (1971–2007)]]

Initially the economic reforms were internationally praised. [[Milton Friedman]] wrote in his ''Newsweek'' column on 25 January 1982 about the [[Miracle of Chile]]. British Prime Minister [[Margaret Thatcher]] credited Pinochet with bringing about a thriving, free-enterprise economy, while at the same time downplaying the junta's human rights record, condemning an "organised international Left who are bent on revenge".

With the economic crises of 1982 the "monetarist experiment" was regarded by critics a failure.<ref>Carlos Fortin: "The Failure of Repressive Monetarism: Chile, 1973–1983". In: ''Third World Quarterly'', vol. 6, no. 2 (Apr., 1984), p. 310–326; Sebastian Edwards: "Monetarism in Chile, 1973–83: Some Economic Puzzles". In: ''Economic Development and Cultural Change'' vol. 34, no. 3 (April 1986), p. 535. Vgl. auch die Nachweise bei Jean Drèze, [[Amartya Sen|Amartya Kumar Sen]]: ''Hunger and Public Action''. Oxford University Press, 1991, p. 231.</ref>

The pragmatic economic policy after the crises of 1982 is appreciated for bringing constant economic growth.<ref>Enrique R. Carrasco: "Autocratic Transitions to Liberalism: A Comparison of Chilean and Russian Structural Adjustment." In: ''Law and Contemporary Problems'', Bd. 5, S. 99–126, hier S. 101, Fn. 5.</ref> It is questionable whether the radical reforms of the Chicago Boys contributed to post-1983 growth.<ref>J. M. Albala-Bertrand: "Monetarism and Liberalization: The Chilean Experiment: With a New Afterword." In: ''The Economic Journal'', vol. 102, no. 414 (Sep., 1992), p. 1258–1260, p. 1259f; Jorge Nef: "The Chilean Model Fact and Fiction." In: ''Latin American Perspectives.'' vol. 30, no. 5, (Sep., 2003), p. 16–40; Eduardo Silva: "From Dictatorship to Democracy: The Business-State Nexus in Chile's Economic Transformation, 1975–1994." In: ''Comparative Politics'' vol. 28 (1996), p. 299–320; Ricardo French-Davis: ''Economic Reforms in Chile: From Dictatorship to Democracy.'' University of Michigan Press: Ann Arbour, 2002.</ref> According to [[Ricardo Ffrench-Davis]], economist and consultant of the [[United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean]], the 1982 crises as well as the success of the pragmatic economic policy after 1982 proves that the 1975–1981 radical economic policy of the Chicago Boys actually harmed the Chilean economy.<ref>Helmut Wittelsbürger, Albrecht von Hoff: [http://www.kas.de/wf/doc/kas_3585-544-1-30.pdf ''Chiles Weg zur Sozialen Marktwirtschaft.''] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131014172241/http://www.kas.de/wf/doc/kas_3585-544-1-30.pdf |date=2013-10-14 }} (PDF; 118&nbsp;kB); ''Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung -Auslandsinfo.'' 1/2004, p. 97, 104.</ref>

===Social consequences===
The economic policies espoused by the Chicago Boys and implemented by the junta initially caused several economic indicators to decline for Chile's lower classes.<ref name="K. Remmer 1998 3-29">{{cite journal
 | author = K. Remmer
 | year = 1998
 | title = The Politics of Neoliberal Economic Reform in South America
 | journal =Studies in Comparative International Development
 | volume = 33
 | issue =2
 | pages = 3–29
 | id = Studies in Comparative International Development
 | doi=10.1007/bf02687406
 | s2cid = 153907843
 }}</ref> Between 1970 and 1989, there were large cuts to incomes and social services. Wages decreased by 8%.<ref name="Petras and Vieux 1998 57-72">{{cite journal
 | author1 = James Petras
 | author2 = Steve Vieux
 | year = 1990
 | title = The Chilean "Economic Miracle": An Empirical Critique
 | journal = Critical Sociology
 | pages = 57–72
 | author1-link = James Petras
 }}</ref> Family allowances in 1989 were 28% of what they had been in 1970 and the budgets for education, health and housing had dropped by over 20% on average.<ref name="Petras and Vieux 1998 57-72"/><ref>Sznajder, 1996</ref> The massive increases in [[military spending]] and cuts in funding to public services coincided with falling wages and steady rises in unemployment, which averaged 26% during the worldwide economic slump of 1982–85<ref name="Petras and Vieux 1998 57-72"/> and eventually peaked at 30%.

In 1990, the LOCE act on education initiated the dismantlement of [[Education in Chile|public education]].<ref name=NLR/> According to Communist Party of Chile member and economist Manuel Riesco Larraín:

<blockquote>Overall, the impact of neoliberal policies has reduced the total proportion of students in both public and private institutions in relation to the entire population, from 30 per cent in 1974 down to 25 per cent in 1990, and up only to 27 per cent today. If falling birth rates have made it possible today to attain full coverage at primary and secondary levels, the country has fallen seriously behind at tertiary level, where coverage, although now growing, is still only 32 per cent of the age group. The figure was twice as much in neighbouring [[Education in Argentina|Argentina]] and [[Education in Uruguay|Uruguay]], and even higher in developed countries—[[Education in South Korea|South Korea]] attaining a record 98 per cent coverage. Significantly, tertiary education for the upper-income fifth of the Chilean population, many of whom study in the new private universities, also reaches above 70 per cent.<ref name=NLR/></blockquote>

The junta relied on the middle class, the oligarchy, domestic business, foreign corporations, and foreign loans to maintain itself.<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=hzrwMb3UppYC&q=Chile+under+pinochet] Chile under Pinochet: recovering the truth
</ref> Under Pinochet, funding of military and internal defence spending rose 120% from 1974 to 1979.<ref name="auto">Remmer, 1989</ref> Due to the reduction in public spending, tens of thousands of employees were fired from other state-sector jobs.<ref name="auto"/> The oligarchy recovered most of its lost industrial and agricultural holdings, for the junta sold to private buyers most of the industries expropriated by Allende's Popular Unity government.

Financial conglomerates became major beneficiaries of the liberalized economy and the flood of foreign bank loans. Large foreign banks reinstated the credit cycle, as the Junta saw that the basic state obligations, such as resuming payment of principal and interest installments, were honored. International lending organizations such as the [[World Bank]], the [[International Monetary Fund]], and the [[Inter-American Development Bank]] lent vast sums anew.<ref name="Petras and Vieux 1998 57-72"/>
Many foreign multinational corporations such as [[International Telephone and Telegraph]] (ITT), [[Dow Chemical]], and [[Firestone Tire and Rubber Company|Firestone]], all expropriated by Allende, returned to Chile.<ref name="Petras and Vieux 1998 57-72"/>

==Social policies==
===Health===
One of the most abrupt changes affecting sanitation in the country was in the realm of drinking water and sanitation in Chile. In 1977, all state-owned companies in this sector were merged into the National Sanitary Works Service (SENDOS), which led to a major restructuring process and gradual outsourcing of services to private companies. Consequently, there was an exponential, widespread increase in the connection to [[drinking water]] and [[sewerage]] systems, both urban and rural. While in 1974 only 35% of urban dwellings had access to sewerage services, by 1990 this coverage had reached 75%. Meanwhile, urban household access to drinking water rose from 60% to 95% in the same period.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Alegría Calvo |first1=María Angélica |last2=Celedón Cariola |first2=Eugenio |year=2006 |title=Historia del sector sanitario chileno: De la gestión estatal hasta el proceso de privatización |journal=Política social y desarrollo |issue=29 |url=https://www.unrisd.org/80256B3C005BCCF9/(httpAuxPages)/BA5CD54835B2ABB4C12572AD004266AB/%24file/Calvo-Celed%C3%B3n.pdf |accessdate=April 29, 2021 |publisher=[[United Nations Research Institute for Social Development]]}}</ref> This allowed a large part of the population to have a private [[bathroom]] in their homes, thus replacing [[latrines]] in “pozos negros”, which were commonly used by lower-income households.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Espinoza M. |first=Omar |year=2018 |title=Políticas Sociales de Vivienda en Dictadura: Erradicación del Campamento el Chorrillo de Valdivia, 1989 – 1991. |journal= |url=http://cybertesis.uach.cl/tesis/uach/2018/ffe.77p/doc/ffe.77p.pdf |accessdate=April 29, 2021 |publisher=[[Austral University of Chile]]}}</ref>

In 1978, the regime established the National Immunization Program, which provided a universal and free schedule of vaccinations from birth against the infectious diseases most prevalent among Chileans, aiming to minimize contagion and morbidity.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.minsal.cl/programa-nacional-de-inmunizaciones/ |title=Programa Nacional de Inmunizaciones |publisher=[[Ministry of Health (Chile)]] |date=February 17, 2020 |accessdate=April 29, 2021}}</ref> The following year, the state-run health insurance was consolidated into the [[Fondo Nacional de Salud|National Health Fund]]. Previously, there was a distinction between public or private employees ([[civil servant]]s), who were covered by the National Medical Service for Employees (SERMENA), and workers plus the rest of the population, who were attended by the National Health Service (SNS).

===Housing===
With the establishment of a liberal economic policy, there was a strong defense of [[private property]] in all areas of Chilean national economic life, which also influenced public policy regarding social housing. The State considerably reduced its direct construction of houses and apartments, delegating that task to private construction companies, which built housing financed by a “housing subsidy” system for low-income families. Thus, the [[right to housing]] was acknowledged, but only if families made a minimum [[savings]] contribution beforehand in order to qualify for these state benefits.<ref name=invi>{{cite journal|last=Rugiero Pérez|first=Ana María|date=November 1998|title=Experiencia chilena en vivienda social|journal=Revista INVI|volume=13|pages=3–87|url=http://www.revistainvi.uchile.cl/index.php/INVI/article/view/567/967|accessdate=April 27, 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210427030511/http://www.revistainvi.uchile.cl/index.php/INVI/article/view/567/967|archive-date=April 27, 2021|url-status=live}}</ref> Between 1979 and 1989, the State granted 502,767 definitive social housing titles to sole owners.<ref name=invi />

In a 1987 interview, Pinochet himself stated that his intention was “to make Chile a country of property owners and not [[proletarian]]s.”<ref>{{cite news|first=Nelson|last=Sandoval Pérez|url=https://www.20minutos.es/noticia/180543/0/pinochet/frases/polemicas/|title=Las frases más controvertidas del ex dictador Augusto Pinochet|publisher=20minutos.es|work=[[20 Minutos]]|date=December 11, 2006|accessdate=April 27, 2021}}</ref>

The cost of housing in Chile was deregulated, leaving it to free-market criteria. Likewise, beginning in the 1980s, there was a mass relocation of residents from [[informal settlements]] in large cities, known in Chile as "[[población callampa|poblaciones callampa]]", moving families to designated areas. In the case of [[Gran Santiago]], they were transferred to the city’s peripheral zones, to neighborhoods built specifically to meet their basic needs,<ref>{{cite journal|last=Lagos Catalán|first=Marco|date=2017|title=La erradicación como eje constitutivo del poblador y la ciudad neoliberal: el caso de la población Nueva Matucana (1976-1989)|journal=Historicidad y Espacialidad en Chile Republicano|url=http://repositorio.uchile.cl/bitstream/handle/2250/148436/La-erradicacion-como-eje-constitutivo-del-poblador-y-la-ciudad-neoliberal.pdf?sequence=3|accessdate=April 27, 2021|publisher=Repositorio.uchile.cl}}</ref> as well as the irregular residents along the banks of the [[Mapocho River]], who were relocated to higher and less humid areas, one of the most notable cases being [[Cerro 18]] in [[Lo Barnechea]].<ref>{{cite book |title=Lo Barnechea: río para nacer, cerro para soñar |location=Santiago de Chile |publisher=LOM |year=2011 |pages=86–91 |author=González, Jorge}}</ref>

===Public works===
[[File:Carretera Austral (255633637).jpeg|thumb|250px|In 1976, construction began of the [[Carretera Austral]] to connect large parts of the [[Zona Austral|Southern Zone]] of Chile by land.]]

One of the main objectives set by the military dictatorship was to increase the country’s connectivity, improving the road network for economic reasons (transport of people and goods) as well as for military logistical strategy. Its most notable project was the [[Carretera Austral]], initially focused on rerouting the road to directly connect the cities of [[Chaitén]] and [[Coyhaique]].<ref>{{cite journal|last=Urrutia Reveco|first=Santiago|date=May 2020|title="Hacer de Chile una gran Nación". La Carretera Austral y Patagonia Aysén durante la dictadura cívico militar (1973-1990)|journal=Revista de geografía Norte Grande|volume=|issue=75|pages=35–60 |doi=10.4067/S0718-34022020000100035 |url=https://scielo.conicyt.cl/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0718-34022020000100035|accessdate=May 18, 2021|issn=0718-3402|hdl=11336/150476|hdl-access=free}}</ref> The large-scale plan for the region stemmed from studies that Pinochet had conducted in 1956, when he was a professor at the [[Academia de Guerra del Ejército de Chile|Army War Academy]],<ref name="Mauricio Schiappacasse_1">{{cite book|last=Mauricio Schiappacasse, Ernesto Medalla, Francisco Sánchez|title=Allende y Pinochet, Las verdades olvidadas|year=2012|publisher=Editorial Maye|isbn=978-956-8433-39-0|pages=476}}</ref> as mentioned in his geopolitics book.<ref name=Geopolitica>{{cite book|author1=Augusto Pinochet Ugarte|title=Geopolítica|date=1974|publisher=Andrés Bello}}</ref>

===Indigenous peoples===
The land policy regarding [[Indigenous peoples in Chile]] began to be regulated under [[Decree law|DL]] No. 2,568 of 1979, which introduced the possibility of individual land ownership by single titleholders—rather than collective ownership—belonging to the country’s native ethnic groups. This took place under a special scheme known as “tierra indígena,” whereby there was a restriction on transferring the property (through sale, conveyance, or exchange) for a minimum period of 25 years, while allowing inheritance by rightful indigenous heirs in the event of the owner’s death.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Meza-Lopehandía G.|first=Matías|date=September 2019|title=Estatuto jurídico de las tierras mapuche en Chile: Análisis legal|journal=Asesoría Técnica Parlamentaria|publisher=[[Biblioteca del Congreso Nacional de Chile]]|url=https://obtienearchivo.bcn.cl/obtienearchivo?id=repositorio/10221/27851/1/BCN2019___Estatuto_juridico_de_las_tierras_mapuche_en_Chile.pdf|accessdate=June 19, 2021}}</ref> In 1976, the [[Consejo Regional Mapuche|Regional Council and the Communal Mapuche Councils]] were created for the [[La Araucanía Region]], serving as advisory bodies to the [[Intendant (Chile)|regional intendant]] in [[Temuco]].

In February 1989, the [[Junta General de Loncos y Caciques de Nueva Imperial]], belonging to the [[Mapuche]] people, designated Augusto Pinochet as "Ulmen F’ta [[Lonco]]" (an honorary title meaning “Great Authority”), to express gratitude for the favorable relations they had with the Executive Branch during the dictatorship.<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Foerster|first1=Rolf|last2=Menard|first2=André|title=Futatrokikelu: Don y Autoridad en la relación Mapuche-wingka|journal=[[Atenea (revista chilena)|Atenea]]|issue=499|pages=33–59|url=https://www.scielo.cl/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0718-04622009000100003|accessdate=June 19, 2021}}</ref>

===Migration policy===
Decree Law No. 1,094 of 1975 was conceived as a key tool within the ideological framework of the National Security Doctrine. Drafted during the early years of the dictatorship, it reflected a concern about preserving "internal order" in the face of perceived ideological and political threats. Its primary goal was to prevent the entry of individuals considered potential "agitators" or "subversives", who could challenge the country’s political or social system, and to expel those already present in Chile. Among its most controversial provisions, the decree granted broad powers to the Executive to ban entry, expel foreigners, and restrict rights on grounds of "national interest" or "security". It also incorporated mechanisms that allowed authorities to act at their discretion, facilitating the expulsion of immigrants.<ref>{{cite journal|author1=María Fernanda Stang|title=De la Doctrina de la Seguridad Nacional a la gobernabilidad migratoria: la idea de seguridad en la normativa migratoria chilena, 1975-2014|journal=Polis (Santiago) |publisher=Universidad Nacional de Córdoba|date=2016|volume=15 |issue=44 |pages=83–107 |doi=10.4067/S0718-65682016000200005 |doi-access=free}}</ref> Under this Decree Law, the [[Immigration and Migration Department]] was established, along with duties and obligations for immigrants arriving in Chile.<ref name="historia">{{cite web|url=https://ednabogados.cl/2021/07/18/todo-lo-que-necesita-saber-sobre-el-nuevo-servicio-nacional-de-migracion-ex-departamento-de-extranjeria-y-migracion/|title=TODO LO QUE NECESITA SABER SOBRE EL NUEVO SERVICIO NACIONAL DE MIGRACIÓN (EX "DEPARTAMENTO DE EXTRANJERIA Y MIGRACIÓN"|date=July 18, 2021|accessdate=February 28, 2022|work=EDN ABOGADOS}}</ref>

==Foreign relations==
{{Further|Foreign relations of Chile}}
Having risen to power on an anti-Marxist agenda, Pinochet found common cause with the military dictatorships of [[History of Bolivia (1964–1982)|Bolivia]], [[Military dictatorship in Brazil|Brazil]], [[El Stronato|Paraguay]], [[Civic-military dictatorship of Uruguay|Uruguay]], and later, [[Argentine military junta|Argentina]]. The six countries eventually formulated a plan known as [[Operation Condor]], in which the security forces of participating states would target active left-wing militants, guerrilla fighters, and their alleged sympathizers in the allied countries.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/news/20010306/|title=Operation Condor|access-date=25 February 2015|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150227063606/http://www2.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/news/20010306/|archive-date=27 February 2015}}</ref> Pinochet's government received tacit approval and material support from the United States. The exact nature and extent of this support is disputed. (''See'' [[Chilean coup of 1973#U.S. role in 1973 coup|U.S. role in 1973 Coup]], [[U.S. intervention in Chile]] and Operation Condor for more details.) It is known, however, that the American Secretary of State at the time, Henry Kissinger, practiced a policy of supporting coups in nations which the United States viewed as leaning toward Communism.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB123/chile.htm |title=Kissinger Telcons on Chile |access-date=2007-09-19 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070912025948/http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB123/chile.htm |archive-date=2007-09-12 }} The Kissinger Telcons:
Kissinger Telcons on Chile</ref>

The new junta quickly broke diplomatic relations with [[Cuba]] and [[North Korea]], which had been established under the Allende government. Shortly after the junta came to power, several communist countries, including the [[Soviet Union]], [[North Vietnam]], [[East Germany]], [[People's Republic of Poland|Poland]], [[Czechoslovak Socialist Republic|Czechoslovakia]], [[People's Republic of Hungary|Hungary]], [[People's Republic of Bulgaria|Bulgaria]], and [[Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia|Yugoslavia]], severed diplomatic relations with Chile however, [[Communist Romania|Romania]] and the [[China|People's Republic of China]] both continued to maintain diplomatic relations with Chile.<ref>J. Samuel Valenzuela and Arturo Valenzuela (eds.), ''Military Rule in Chile: Dictatorship and Oppositions'', p. 317</ref> Pinochet nurtured the relationship with China.<ref>{{Cite news |title=U.S. and Others Gave Millions To Pinochet|newspaper=[[The New York Times]] |date=2004-12-07 |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2004/12/07/business/us-and-others-gave-millions-to-pinochet.html |access-date=2019-07-11}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news |title=The Dictator|newspaper=[[The New Yorker]] |date=1998-10-19 |url=https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/1998/10/19/the-dictator-2 |access-date=2019-07-11}}</ref> The government broke diplomatic relations with [[Khmer Republic|Cambodia]] in January 1974<ref>''El Mercurio'', 20 January 1974</ref> and with [[South Vietnam]] in March 1974.<ref>''El Mercurio'', 6 April 1975</ref> Pinochet attended the funeral of General [[Francisco Franco]], dictator of Spain from 1936 to 1975, in late 1975.

In 1980, [[Philippines|Philippine]] President [[Ferdinand Marcos]] had invited the entire Junta (consisting at this point of Pinochet, Merino, Matthei, and Mendoza) to visit the country as part of a planned tour of Southeast Asia in an attempt to help improve their image and bolster military and economic relations with the Philippines, Japan, South Korea, and Hong Kong. Due to intense U.S. pressure at the last minute (while Pinochet's plane was halfway en route over the Pacific), Marcos cancelled the visit and denied Pinochet landing rights in the country. Pinochet and the junta were further caught off guard and humiliated when they were forced to land in Fiji to refuel for the planned return to Santiago, only to be met with airport staff who refused to assist the plane in any way (the Fijian military was called in instead), invasive and prolonged customs searches, exorbitant fuel and aviation service charges, and hundreds of angry protesters who pelted his plane with eggs and tomatoes. The usually stoic and calm Pinochet became enraged, firing his Foreign Minister Hernán Cubillos, several diplomats, and expelling the Philippine Ambassador.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1980/04/02/filipino-rebuff-humiliates-pinochet/60da7bd2-b648-480f-909e-5651f5bea8ec/|title=Filipino Rebuff Humiliates Pinochet|first=Charles A.|last=Krause|date=2 April 1980|access-date=1 May 2018|via=www.washingtonpost.com|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171023175426/https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1980/04/02/filipino-rebuff-humiliates-pinochet/60da7bd2-b648-480f-909e-5651f5bea8ec/|archive-date=23 October 2017}}</ref><ref>Helen Spooner, ''Soldiers in a narrow land: the Pinochet regime in Chile'', [https://books.google.com/books?id=lE1G1OBhsbMC url]</ref> Relations between the two countries were restored only in 1986 when [[Corazon Aquino]] assumed the presidency of the Philippines after Marcos was ousted in a non-violent revolution, the [[People Power Revolution]].

===Argentina===
President of Argentina [[Juan Perón]] condemned the 1973 coup as a "fatality for the continent" stating that Pinochet represented interests "well known" to him. He praised Allende for his "valiant attitude" and took note of the role of the [[United States intervention in Chile|United States in instigating the coup]] by recalling his [[Revolución Libertadora|familiarity with coup-making processes]].<ref name=Ortega2014/> On 14 May 1974 Perón received Pinochet at the [[Morón Airport and Air Base|Morón Airbase]]. Pinochet was heading to meet [[Alfredo Stroessner]] in Paraguay so the encounter at Argentina was technically a stopover. Pinochet and Perón are both reported to have felt uncomfortable during the meeting. Perón expressed his wishes to settle the [[Beagle conflict]] and Pinochet his concerns about Chilean exiles in Argentina near the frontier with Chile. Perón would have conceded on moving these exiles from the frontiers to eastern Argentina, but he warned "Perón takes his time, but accomplishes" (''Perón tarda, pero cumple''). Perón justified his meeting with Pinochet stating that it was important to keep good relations with Chile under all circumstances and with whoever might be in government.<ref name=Ortega2014>{{cite journal|first=José|last=Ortega|url=http://www.encrucijadaamericana.cl/articulos/a6_n2/4_peron_y_chile.pdf|title=Perón y Chile|journal=Encucijada Americana|year=2014|volume=6 |issue=2 |page=67 |doi=10.53689/ea.v6i2.67 |s2cid=211276031 }}</ref> Perón died in July 1974 and was succeeded by his wife, [[Isabel Perón]], who was [[1976 Argentine coup d'état|overthrown in 1976 by the Argentine military]] who installed themselves as [[National Reorganization Process|a new dictatorship in Argentina]].

Chile was on the brink of being invaded by Argentina, as the Argentina junta initiated [[Operation Soberanía]] on 22 December 1978 because of the strategic [[Beagle Channel cartography since 1881|Picton, Lennox and Nueva]] islands at the southern tip of South America on the [[Beagle Channel]]. A full-scale war was prevented only by the calling off of the operation by Argentina for military and political reasons.<ref>See Alejandro Luis Corbacho ''"Predicting the probability of war during brinkmanship crisis: The Beagle and the Malvinas conflicts"'' {{cite news |title=Predicting the Probability of War During Brinkmanship Crises: The Beagle and the Malvinas Conflicts |ssrn = 1016843|date= September 2003|last1= Corbacho|first1= Alejandro}} about the reasons of the call off (p.45): ''The newspaper Clarín explained some years later that such caution was based, in part, on military concerns. In order to achieve a victory, certain objectives had to be reached before the seventh day after the attack. Some military leaders considered this not enough time due to the difficulty involved in transportation through the passes over the Andean Mountains.'' and in cite 46: ''According to Clarín, two consequences were feared. First, those who were dubious feared a possible regionalization of the conflict. Second, as a consequence, the conflict could acquire great power proportions. In the first case decisionmakers speculated that Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador, and Brazil might intervene. Then the great powers could take sides. In this case, the resolution of the conflict would depend not on the combatants, but on the countries that supplied the weapons.''</ref> But the relations remained tense as Argentina invaded the Falklands ([[Operation Rosario]]). Chile along with [[Colombia]], were the only countries in South America to criticize the use of force by Argentina in its war with the UK over the [[Falkland Islands]]. Chile actually helped the United Kingdom during the war. The two countries (Chile and Argentina) finally agreed to papal mediation over the Beagle Channel that finally ended in the [[Treaty of Peace and Friendship of 1984 between Chile and Argentina]] (''Tratado de Paz y Amistad''). Chilean sovereignty over the islands and Argentinian east of the surrounding sea is now undisputed.

===United States===
{{Further|United States intervention in Chile}}
[[File:Orlando Letelier, Washingron DC, 1976 (de Marcelo Montecino).jpg|thumb|right|[[Orlando Letelier]], a former Chilean minister, was assassinated in Washington, D.C. in 1976.]]
[[File:Nlc02585cs.jpg|thumb|Pinochet meeting with U.S. President [[Jimmy Carter]] in Washington, D.C., September 6, 1977]]
The U.S. government had been interfering in Chilean politics since 1961, and it spent millions trying to prevent Allende from coming to power, and subsequently undermined his presidency through financing opposition. Declassified [[Central Intelligence Agency]] (CIA) documents reveal U.S. knowledge and alleged involvement in the coup.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Kornbluh |first1=Peter |title=The Pinochet File |date=2013 |publisher=The New Press |location=New York |pages=1–78, 280–281}}</ref> They provided material support to the military regime after the coup, although criticizing it in public. A document released by the CIA in 2000, titled "CIA Activities in Chile", revealed that the CIA actively supported the military junta during and after the overthrow of Allende and that it made many of Pinochet's officers into paid contacts of the CIA or U.S. military, even though some were known to be involved in human rights abuses.<ref name="NSA-2000-9-19">Peter Kornbluh, [http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/news/20000919/ CIA Acknowledges Ties to Pinochet’s Repression Report to Congress Reveals U.S. Accountability in Chile] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20061128142216/http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/news/20000919/ |date=2006-11-28 }}, Chile Documentation Project, National Security Archive, September 19, 2000. Accessed online November 26, 2006.</ref>
The U.S. continued to give the ''junta'' substantial economic support between the years 1973–79, despite concerns from more liberal Congressmen, as seen from the results of the [[Church Committee]]. U.S. public stance did condemn the human rights violations, however declassified documents reveal such violations were not an obstacle for members of the Nixon and Ford administrations. [[Henry Kissinger]] visited Santiago in 1976 for the annual conference of the [[Organisation of American States]]. During his visit he privately met with Pinochet and reassured the leader of internal support from the U.S. administration.<ref>{{cite web |title=memorandum of conversation, Kissinger and Pinochet |url=https://www.hsdl.org/?view&did=438484 |website=Homeland Security Digital Library |publisher=Gerald Ford Library |access-date=11 March 2020}}</ref>
The U.S. went beyond verbal condemnation in 1976, after the murder of [[Letelier case|Orlando Letelier]] in Washington D.C., when it placed an embargo on arms sales to Chile that remained in effect until the restoration of democracy in 1989. This more aggressive stance coincided with the election of [[Jimmy Carter]] who shifted the focus of U.S. foreign policy towards human rights.

The U.S. arms embargo served to kickstart the Chilean weapons industry, with the military aviation company [[ENAER]] standing out as the military manufacturer that developed the most following the embargo.<ref name=raulsohr1990>{{Cite book |title=La industria militar chilena |last=Sohn |first=Raul |publisher=Comision Sudamericana de Paz |year=1990 |pages=39–41 |language=Spanish |chapter=Las particularidades de Chile |author-link=Raúl Sohr}}</ref> On the contrary, the naval manufacturer [[ASMAR]] was the least impacted by the embargo.<ref name=raulsohr1990/>

===United Kingdom===
Britain's initial reaction to the overthrowing of Allende was one of caution. The Conservative government recognised the legitimacy of the new government but didn't offer any other declarations of support.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://alborada.net/watts-heath-uk-pinochet-chile-0913/|title=Business As Usual: Britain's Heath Government and Chile's 9/11|last=Watts|first=Josh|website=Alborada|access-date=2019-03-21}}</ref>

Under the [[Labour government, 1974–1979|Labour government of 1974–1979]], while [[United Kingdom|Britain]] regularly condemned the junta at the United Nations for its human rights abuses, bilateral relations between the two were not affected to the same degree.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Wilkinson|first=Michael D.|date=1992|title=The Chile Solidarity Campaign and British Government Policy towards Chile, 1973-1990|journal=Revista Europea de Estudios Latinoamericanos y del Caribe / European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies|issue=52|pages=57–74|issn=0924-0608|jstor=25675537}}</ref> Britain continued to sell and deliver arms and warships previously commissioned by the Chilean government, despite strong internal opposition from some Labour politicians.<ref>{{Cite news |date=29 March 1974 |title="Stop Warships for Chile" Move |work=Southall Gazette |pages=2}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news |last=Desborough |first=John |date=13 May 1974 |title=New Clash on Chile Ships |work=Daily Mirror |pages=11}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |title=Chile (Warships) - Hansard - UK Parliament |url=https://hansard.parliament.uk/Commons/1986-10-21/debates/2ab414d9-0dca-493a-aca7-c39c2b4d40f3/Chile(Warships) |access-date=2025-03-07 |website=hansard.parliament.uk |language=en}}</ref> Britain formally withdrew its Santiago ambassador in 1974, however reinstated the position in 1980 under the [[Margaret Thatcher]] government.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/lords/1980/oct/14/chile-diplomatic-representation-and-arms|title=CHILE: DIPLOMATIC REPRESENTATION AND ARMS SALES (Hansard, 14 October 1980)|website=api.parliament.uk|access-date=2019-03-21}}</ref>

Chile was neutral during the [[Falkland War]], but its [[Westinghouse AN/FPS-27 Radar|Westinghouse long-range radar]] deployed at Punta Arenas, in southern Chile, gave the British task force early warning of Argentinian air attacks, which allowed British ships and troops in the war zone to take defensive action.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.margaretthatcher.org/speeches/displaydocument.asp?docid=108383|title=Speech on Pinochet at the Conservative Party Conference|access-date=25 February 2015|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150225225857/http://www.margaretthatcher.org/speeches/displaydocument.asp?docid=108383|archive-date=25 February 2015}}</ref> Margaret Thatcher said that the day the radar was taken out of service for overdue maintenance was the day Argentinian fighter-bombers bombed the troopships ''Sir Galahad'' and ''Sir Tristram'', leaving approximately 50 dead and 150 wounded.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.hmforces.co.uk/training/articles/1834-the-falklands-conflict-part-5---battles-of-goose-green-stanley|title=The Falklands Conflict Part 5 – Battles of Goose Green & Stanley HMFORCES.CO.UK|website=hmforces.co.uk|access-date=1 May 2018|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120306095759/http://www.hmforces.co.uk/training/articles/1834-the-falklands-conflict-part-5---battles-of-goose-green-stanley|archive-date=6 March 2012}}</ref> According to Chilean Junta and former Air Force commander Fernando Matthei, Chilean support included military intelligence gathering, radar surveillance, British aircraft operating with Chilean colours and the safe return of British special forces, among other things.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://en.mercopress.com/2005/09/03/us-support-to-uk-in-falklands-war-was-decisive|title=US support to UK in Falklands' war was decisive|work=MercoPress|access-date=25 February 2015|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150225225342/http://en.mercopress.com/2005/09/03/us-support-to-uk-in-falklands-war-was-decisive|archive-date=25 February 2015}}</ref> In April and May 1982, a squadron of mothballed RAF Hawker Hunter fighter bombers departed for Chile, arriving on 22 May and allowing the Chilean Air Force to reform the No. 9 "Las Panteras Negras" Squadron. A further consignment of three frontier surveillance and shipping reconnaissance Canberras left for Chile in October. Some authors suggest that Argentina might have won the war had she been allowed to employ the VIth and VIIIth Mountain Brigades, which remained guarding the Andes mountain chain.<ref>Nicholas van der Bijl and David Aldea, 5th Infantry Brigade in the Falklands , p. 28, Leo Cooper 2003</ref> Pinochet subsequently visited [[Margaret Thatcher]] for tea on more than one occasion.<ref>{{cite news | url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/6167351.stm | work=BBC News | title=Pinochet death 'saddens' Thatcher | date=December 11, 2006 | access-date=April 28, 2010 | url-status=live | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070615014947/http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/6167351.stm | archive-date=June 15, 2007 }}</ref> Pinochet's controversial relationship with Thatcher led [[Labour Party (UK)|Labour]] Prime Minister [[Tony Blair]] to mock Thatcher's [[Conservative Party (UK)|Conservatives]] as "the party of Pinochet" in 1999.

===France===
{{Further|Operation Condor}}
Although France received many Chilean political refugees, it also secretly collaborated with Pinochet. French journalist [[Marie-Monique Robin]] has shown how [[Valéry Giscard d'Estaing]]'s government secretly collaborated with [[National Reorganization Process|Videla's junta]] in Argentina and with Pinochet's regime in Chile.<ref>[http://www.algeria-watch.org/fr/article/div/livres/escadrons_mort_conclusion.htm Conclusion] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160303184912/http://www.algeria-watch.org/fr/article/div/livres/escadrons_mort_conclusion.htm |date=2016-03-03 }} of [[Marie-Monique Robin]]'s ''Escadrons de la mort, l'école française'' {{in lang|fr}}/ [http://www.mefeedia.com/entry/2926696/ Watch here film documentary] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090522013436/http://www.mefeedia.com/entry/2926696/ |date=2009-05-22 }} (French, English, Spanish)</ref>

[[Greens (France)|Green]] deputies [[Noël Mamère]], [[Martine Billard]] and [[Yves Cochet]] on September 10, 2003, requested a Parliamentary Commission on the "role of France in the support of military regimes in Latin America from 1973 to 1984" before the Foreign Affairs Commission of the National Assembly, presided by [[Edouard Balladur]]. Apart from ''[[Le Monde]]'', newspapers remained silent about this request.<ref>[http://www.lemonde.fr/cgi-bin/ACHATS/acheter.cgi?offre=ARCHIVES&type_item=ART_ARCH_30J&objet_id=820135 MM. Giscard d'Estaing et Messmer pourraient être entendus sur l'aide aux dictatures sud-américaines], ''[[Le Monde]]'', September 25, 2003 {{in lang|fr}}</ref> However, deputy [[Roland Blum]], in charge of the commission, refused to hear Marie-Monique Robin, and published in December 2003 a 12 pages report qualified by Robin as the summum of bad faith. It claimed that no agreement had been signed, despite the agreement found by Robin in the ''[[Quai d'Orsay]].''<ref>« Série B. Amérique 1952-1963. Sous-série : Argentine, n° 74. Cotes : 18.6.1. mars 52-août 63 ».</ref><ref>[http://www.assemblee-nationale.fr/12/rapports/r1295.asp RAPPORT FAIT AU NOM DE LA COMMISSION DES AFFAIRES ÉTRANGÈRES SUR LA PROPOSITION DE RÉSOLUTION (n° 1060), tendant à la création d'une commission d'enquête sur le rôle de la France dans le soutien aux régimes militaires d'Amérique latine entre 1973 et 1984, PAR M. ROLAND BLUM] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150405204244/http://www.assemblee-nationale.fr/12/rapports/r1295.asp |date=2015-04-05 }}, [[French National Assembly]] {{in lang|fr}}</ref>

When then Minister of Foreign Affairs [[Dominique de Villepin]] traveled to Chile in February 2004, he claimed that no cooperation between France and the military regimes had occurred.<ref>[http://www.lemonde.fr/cgi-bin/ACHATS/acheter.cgi?offre=ARCHIVES&type_item=ART_ARCH_30J&objet_id=838522 Argentine : M. de Villepin défend les firmes françaises], ''[[Le Monde]]'', February 5, 2003 {{in lang|fr}}</ref>

===Peru===
Reportedly one of [[Juan Velasco Alvarado]]'s main goals was to militarily reconquer the lands lost by Peru to Chile in the [[War of the Pacific]].<ref name=PCOLSorpresa>[http://www.caretas.com.pe/2004/1826/articulos/chile.html "La veces que Pinochet casi Ataca al Perú de Sorpresa"] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081202185713/http://www.caretas.com.pe/2004/1826/articulos/chile.html |date=2008-12-02 }}. caretas.com. June 3, 2004.</ref> It is estimated that from 1970 to 1975 Peru spent up to US$2 Billion (roughly US$20 Billion in 2010's valuation) on Soviet armament.<ref name=utexas/> According to various sources Velasco's government bought between 600 and 1200 [[T-55]] Main Battle Tanks, [[Armoured personnel carrier|APCs]], 60 to 90 [[Sukhoi 22]] warplanes, 500,000 assault rifles, and even considered the purchase of the British {{sclass|Centaur|aircraft carrier|0}} [[aircraft carrier|light fleet carrier]] {{HMS|Bulwark|R08|6}}.<ref name=utexas>{{cite web|url=http://www.ford.utexas.edu/library/guides/guidecollectionsa-m.asp|title=Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library and Museum|website=ford.utexas.edu|access-date=1 May 2018|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150924014600/http://www.ford.utexas.edu/library/guides/guidecollectionsa-m.asp|archive-date=24 September 2015}}</ref>

The enormous amount of weaponry purchased by Peru caused a meeting between former US Secretary of State [[Henry Kissinger]] and Pinochet in 1976.<ref name=utexas/> Velasco's military plan was to launch a massive sea, air, and land invasion against Chile.<ref name=utexas/> In 1999, Pinochet claimed that if [[Peru]] had attacked Chile during 1973 or even 1978, [[Peruvian]] forces could have penetrated deep south into Chilean territory, possibly military taking the Chilean city of [[Copiapó]] located halfway to [[Santiago]].<ref name="PCOLSorpresa"/> The Chilean Armed Forces considered launching a [[preventive war]] to defend itself. Though, Pinochet's Chilean Air Force General [[Fernando Matthei]] opposed a preventive war and responded that "I can guarantee that the Peruvians would destroy the Chilean Air Force in the first five minutes of the war".<ref name="PCOLSorpresa"/> Some analysts believe the fear of attack by Chilean and US officials as largely unjustified but logical for them to experience, considering the Pinochet dictatorship had come into power with a coup against democratically elected president [[Salvador Allende]]. According to sources, the alleged invasion scheme could be seen from the Chilean's government perspective as a plan for some kind of leftist counterattack.<ref>[http://www.caretas.com.pe/2004/1826/articulos/chile.html "La veces que Pinochet casi Ataca al Perú de Sorpresa"] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081202185713/http://www.caretas.com.pe/2004/1826/articulos/chile.html |date=2008-12-02 }}, ''Caretas'', June 3, 2004 {{in lang|es}}</ref> While acknowledging the Peruvian plans were revisionistic scholar [[Kalevi J. Holsti]] claim more important issues were behind the "ideological incompatibility" between the regimes of Velasco Alvarado and Pinochet and that Peru would have been concerned about Pinochet's [[geopolitics|geopolitical]] views on Chile's need of naval [[hegemony]] in the Southeastern Pacific.<ref name=Holsti>{{cite book |last=Holsti |first=Kalevi J.|author-link1=Kalevi Holsti|date=1996 |title=The State, War and the State of War |publisher=Cambridge Studies in International Relations |page=158 }}</ref>

{{Blockquote|Chileans should stop with the bullshit or tomorrow I shall eat breakfast in Santiago.}}{{center|—Juan Velasco Alvarado<ref name="masterson-mil-228-229">{{cite book|title=Militarism and politics in Latin America: Peru from Sánchez Cerro to Sendero Luminoso|author=Masterson, Daniel M. |publisher=Greenwood Publishing Group|year=1991|isbn=978-0-313-27213-4|pages=228–229|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=YYm4wmXl2M4C&pg=PA228}}</ref>}}

===Spain===
{{see also|Francoist influence in Chile}}
[[Francoist Spain]] had enjoyed warm relations with Chile while Allende was in power.<ref name=Fermandois/><ref name=Corbatta/> Pinochet admired and was very much influenced by [[Francisco Franco]], but Franco's successors had a cold attitude towards Pinochet as they did not want to be linked to him.<ref name=Fermandois>{{cite book |last=Fermandois |first=Joaquín |title=Chile. La búsqueda de la democracia. |volume=5|issue=1960–2010 |chapter=Chile en el mundo }}</ref><ref name=Corbatta>{{cite book |last=Corbatta |first=Jorgelina |title=Remapping the Humanities: Identity, Community, Memory, (post)modernity |volume=1 |chapter=The Pinochet Affair in London and Spain |page=125 }}</ref> When Pinochet traveled to the funeral of Francisco Franco in 1975, the President of France [[Valéry Giscard d'Estaing]] pressured the Spanish government to refuse Pinochet to be at the crowning of [[Juan Carlos I of Spain]] by letting Spanish authorities know that Giscard would not be there if Pinochet was present. Juan Carlos I personally called Pinochet to let him know he was not welcome at his crowning.<ref>{{cite news |last=Cedéo Alvarado |first=Ernesto |date=February 4, 2008 |title=Rey Juan Carlos abochornó a Pinochet |url=http://www.panamaamerica.com.pa/content/rey-juan-carlos-abochorn%C3%B3-pinochet |newspaper=Panamá América |access-date=April 4, 2016 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160419125814/http://www.panamaamerica.com.pa/content/rey-juan-carlos-abochorn%C3%B3-pinochet |archive-date=April 19, 2016 }}</ref>

While in Spain Pinochet is reported to have met with [[Stefano Delle Chiaie]] in order to plan the killing of [[Carlos Altamirano]], the Secretary General of the [[Socialist Party of Chile]].<ref>{{Cite news|title=Pinochet used Franco's funerals to mastermind the murder of an opponent|url=<!-- Pinochet used Franco’s funerals to mastermind the murder of an opponent -->|date=August 16, 2019|access-date=<!-- April 14, 2021 -->|work=The Diplomat}}</ref>

From 1974 to 1977 General [[Francisco Gorigoitía Herrera]], a staunch supporter of Franco, was the Chilean ambassador to Spain.<ref name=sociedadcivil/>

In 1978 Spain voted in the [[United Nations General Assembly]] condemning [[Human rights abuses in Chile under Augusto Pinochet|human rights abuses in Chile]].<ref name=tribuna>{{Cite news |title=Pinochet y Franco: admiración mutua e intercambio de cartas |last1=González |first1=Javier M. |date=2023-09-03 |url=https://www.nuevatribuna.es/articulo/global/pinochet-franco-admiracion-mutua-intercambio-cartas-chile/20230904175642216526.html |work=nuevatribuna.es |last2=Máximo |first2=Gabriela |language=es}}</ref>

With [[Spanish transition to democracy|democracy restored in Spain]] and [[Felipe González]] elected prime minister in 1982, Spain took a special interest in the incipient process of the [[Chilean transition to democracy]].<ref name=sociedadcivil>{{Cite journal |title=Relaciones hispano-chilenas durante la Transición española (1975-1982): sociedad civil y mecanismos de solidaridad |journal=Ayer |last=Feria Vázquez |first=Pedro |url=https://www.revistasmarcialpons.es/revistaayer/article/view/relaciones-hispano-chilenas-durante-la-transicion-espanola-1975-/972 |volume=126 |issue=2 |pages=271–299 |year=2022|language=es}}</ref>

===Foreign aid===
The previous drop in foreign aid during the Allende years was immediately reversed following Pinochet's ascension; Chile received US$322.8 million in loans and credits in the year following the coup.<ref>Petras & Morley, 1974</ref> There was considerable international condemnation of the military regime's human rights record, a matter that the United States expressed concern over as well after [[Orlando Letelier]]'s 1976 assassination in Washington DC.([[Kennedy Amendment]], later ''International Security Assistance and Arms Export Control Act of 1976'').

===Cuban involvement===
{{See also|Armed resistance in Chile (1973–1990)}}
After the Chilean military coup in 1973, Fidel Castro promised Chilean revolutionaries' far-reaching aid. Initially Cuban support for resistance consisted of clandestine distribution of funds to Chile, human rights campaigns at the UN to isolate the Chilean dictatorship, and efforts to undermine US-Chilean bilateral relations. Eventually Cuba's policy changed to arming and training insurgents. Once their training was completed, Cuba helped the guerrillas return to Chile, providing false passports and false identification documents.<ref>Tanya Harmer, 'The View from Havana: Chilean Exiles in Cuba and Early Resistance to Chile's Dictatorship's, Hispanic American Historical Review 1 (2016), 109-13</ref> Cuba's official newspaper, [[Granma (newspaper)|Granma]], boasted in February 1981 that the "Chilean Resistance" had successfully conducted more than 100 "armed actions" throughout Chile in 1980. By late 1980, at least 100 highly trained [[Revolutionary Left Movement (Chile)|MIR]] guerrillas had reentered Chile and the MIR began building a base for future guerrilla operations in [[Neltume]], a mountainous forest region in [[Zona Sur|southern Chile]]. In a massive operation spearheaded by Chilean Army Para-Commandos, security forces involving some 2,000 troops, were forced to deploy in the Neltume mountains from June to November 1981, where they destroyed two MIR bases, seizing large caches of munitions and killing a number of MIR commandos. In 1986, Chilean security forces discovered 80 tons of munitions, including more than three thousand M-16 rifles and more than two million rounds of ammunition, at the tiny fishing harbor of [[Carrizal Bajo]], smuggled ashore from Cuban fishing trawlers off the coast of Chile.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://english.ohmynews.com/articleview/article_view.asp?menu=c10400&no=315665&rel_no=1|title=The Day Pinochet Nearly Died |publisher= OhmyNews International|website=english.ohmynews.com|access-date=1 May 2018|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120229150650/http://english.ohmynews.com/articleview/article_view.asp?menu=c10400&no=315665&rel_no=1|archive-date=29 February 2012}}</ref> The operation was overseen by Cuban naval intelligence, and also involved the Soviet Union. Cuban Special Forces had also instructed the FPMR guerrillas that ambushed Augusto Pinochet's motorcade on 8 September 1986, killing five bodyguards and wounding 10.<ref>Castro's Secrets, Brian Latell, p. 125, Macmillan, 2013</ref>

==Cultural life==
[[Image:Charango player.jpg|right|thumb|[[Charango]], a musical instrument banned by the dictatorship]]
{{See also|Book burnings in Chile}}
Influenced by [[Antonio Gramsci]]'s work on [[cultural hegemony]], proposing that the ruling class can maintain power by controlling cultural institutions, Pinochet clamped down on cultural dissidence.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Taffet |first1=Jeffrey |title="My Guitar is Not for the Rich": The New Chilean Song Movement and the Politics of Culture |journal=Journal of American Culture |date=1997 |volume=20 |issue=2 |page=92 |doi=10.1111/j.1542-734X.1997.2002_91.x |language=es}}</ref> This brought Chilean cultural life into what sociologist [[Soledad Bianchi]] has called a "cultural blackout".<ref name=Morris>Morris, Nancy. 1986. Canto Porque es Necesario Cantar: The New Song Movement in Chile, 1973-1983. ''[[Latin American Research Review]]'', Vol. 21, pp. 117–136.</ref> The government censored non-sympathetic individuals while taking control of mass media.<ref name=Morris/>

===Music scene===
The military dictatorship sought to isolate Chilean radio listeners from the outside world by changing [[radio frequency|radio frequencies]] to middle wavelengths.<ref name=OmarMarco2017/> This together with the shutdown of radio stations sympathetic to the former Allende administration impacted music in Chile.<ref name=OmarMarco2017/> The music catalog was censored with the aid of ''[[Blacklisting|listas negras]]'' (blacklists) but little is known on how these were composed and updated.<ref name=Laura2009/> The formerly thriving [[Nueva canción|Nueva canción scene]] suffered from the exile or imprisonment of many bands and individuals.<ref name=Morris/> A key musician, [[Víctor Jara]], was tortured and killed by elements of the military.<ref name=Morris/> According to [[Eduardo Carrasco]] of [[Quilapayún]] in the first week after the coup, the military organized a meeting with folk musicians where they announced that the traditional instruments [[charango]] and [[quena]] were banned.<ref name=Morris/> The curfew imposed by the dictatorship forced the remaining Nueva Canción scene, now rebranded as ''Canto Nuevo'', into "semiclandestine [[Peña (music)|peña]]s, while alternative groove disseminated in juvenile ''fiestas''".<ref name=GonzLau19>{{Cite book|title=The SAGE International Encyclopedia of Music and Culture|last=Jordán González|first=Laura|publisher=SAGE Publications|year=2019|isbn=978-1-4833-1775-5|pages=509–511|editor-last=Sturman|editor-first=Janet|chapter=Chile: Modern and Contemporary Performance Practice}}</ref> A scarcity of records and the censorship imposed on part of the music catalog made a "[[Cassette tape|cassette]] culture" emmerge among the affected audiences.<ref name=GonzLau19/> The proliferation of [[Copyright infringement|pirate]] cassettes was enabled by tape recorders,<ref name=Laura2009>{{Cite journal|title=Música y clandestinidad en dictadura: la represión, la circulación de músicas de resistencia y el casete clandestino|journal=Revista Musical Chilena|url=https://scielo.conicyt.cl/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0716-27902009000200006|last=Jordán|first=Laura|year=2009|volume=63|pages=212|issue=Julio-Diciembre|doi=10.4067/S0716-27902009000200006|language=es|trans-title=Music and "clandestinidad" During the Time of the Chilean Dictatorship: Repression and the Circulation of Music of Resistance and Clandestine Cassettes|doi-access=free}}</ref> and in some cases this activity turned commercial as evidenced by the pirate cassette brand ''Cumbre y Cuatro''.<ref name=OmarMarco2017/> The music of [[Silvio Rodríguez]] became first known in Chile this way.<ref name=Laura2009/> Cassettes aside, some music enthusiasts were able to supply themselves with rare or suppressed records with help of relatives in exile abroad.<ref name=OmarMarco2017/>

The dictatorship controlled the [[Viña del Mar International Song Festival]] and used it promote sympathetic artists, in particular those that were part of the [[Acto de Chacarillas]] in 1977.<ref name=vinadesco>{{Cite news|title=Censura, aplausos al dictador y propaganda de derecha: Los días oscuros del Festival de Viña del Mar|url=https://www.eldesconcierto.cl/tendencias/2015/02/18/censura-aplausos-al-dictador-y-propaganda-de-derecha-los-dias-oscuros-del-festival-de-vina-del-mar.html|last=Vargas Rojas|first=Vanessa|date=February 18, 2015|access-date=June 12, 2021|work=[[El Desconcierto]]|language=Spanish}}</ref> 
In the first years of dictatorship Pinochet was a common guest at the festival.<ref name=LaTerceraPinochetVina>{{Cite news|title=Viña bizarro: 20 historias del lado B del Festival|url=https://www.latercera.com/culto/2021/02/26/vina-bizarro-20-historias-del-lado-b-del-festival/|last=Contreras|first=Marcelo|date=February 26, 2021|access-date=June 10, 2021|work=[[La Tercera]]|language=Spanish}}</ref> Pinochet's advisor [[Jaime Guzmán]] was also spotted on occasion at the festival.<ref name=LaTerceraPinochetVina/> Festival presenter [[Antonio Vodanovic]] publicly praised the dictator and his wife [[Lucia Hiriart]] on one occasion on behalf of "the Chilean youth".<ref name=LaTerceraPinochetVina/> Supporters of the dictatorship appropriated the song ''[[Libre (Nino Bravo song)|Libre]]'' of [[Nino Bravo]], and this song was performed by [[Edmundo Arrocet]] in the first post-coup edition while Pinochet was present in the public.<ref>{{Cite news|title=Bajo un clima de tensión: las veces que el Festival de Viña del Mar aludió e incomodó a la Dictadura|url=https://www.biobiochile.cl/especial/vina/noticias/2020/02/21/bajo-un-clima-de-tension-las-veces-que-el-festival-de-vina-del-mar-incomodo-a-la-dictadura.shtml|last=Vega Martínez|first=César|date=February 21, 2020|access-date=June 11, 2021|work=[[Radio Bío-Bío]]|language=Spanish}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |url=http://elpais.com/diario/1980/09/13/internacional/337644010_850215.html |title=Pinochet: "Hemos demostrado al mundo que Chile es una nación democrática" |last1= Ceberio|first1= Jesús|date=12 September 1980|newspaper=[[El País]] |access-date=14 February 2014}}</ref> From 1980 onward when the festival begun to be aired internationally the regime used it to promote a favourable image of Chile abroad.<ref name=vinadesco/> For that purpose in 1980 the festival spent a big budget on bringing popular foreign artist including [[Miguel Bosé]], [[Julio Iglesias]] and [[Camilo Sesto]].<ref name=vinadesco/> The folk music contest of the Viña del Mar International Song Festival had become increasingly politicized during the Allende years and was suspended by organizers from the time of coup until 1980.<ref name=vinadesco/>

Elements of military distrusted [[Mexican music]] which was widespread in the rural areas of south-central Chile.<ref name=OmarMarco2017>{{Cite journal|title=Etnografía de la música mexicana en Chile: Estudio de caso|journal=Revista Electrónica de Divulgación de la Investigación|last1=Montoya Arias|first1=Luis Omar|date=2017-09-12|pages=1–20|last2=Díaz Güemez|first2=Marco Aurelio|language=es|volume=14}}</ref> There are testimonies of militaries calling Mexican music "communist".<ref name=OmarMarco2017/> Militaries dislike of Mexican music may be linked to the Allende administration's [[Chile–Mexico relations|close links with Mexico]], the "[[Mexican Revolution|Mexican revolutionary discourse]]" and the over-all low prestige of [[Mexican music in Chile]].<ref name=OmarMarco2017/> The dictatorship, however, didn’t suppress Mexican music as a whole but distinguished different strands, some of which were actually promoted.<ref name=OmarMarco2017/>

[[Cueca]] and Mexican music coexisted with similar levels of popularity in the Chilean countryside in the 1970s.<ref name=Danne1975>{{Cite journal|title=Situación actual de la música folklórica chilena. Según el Atlas del Folklore de Chile|journal=[[Revista Musical Chilena]]|last=Dannemann|first=Manuel|volume=29|pages=38–86|issue=131|year=1975|language=es|url=https://revistaestudiosarabes.uchile.cl/index.php/RMCH/article/download/11394/11733}}</ref><ref name=OmarMarco2017/> Being distinctly Chilean the cueca was selected by the military dictatorship as a music to be promoted.<ref name=OmarMarco2017/> The cueca was named the national dance of Chile due to its substantial presence throughout the history of the country and announced as such through a public decree in the Official Journal (Diario Oficial) on November 6, 1979.<ref>Ministerio Secretaría General de Gobierno (06 de noviembre de 1979), [http://www.leychile.cl/Navegar?idNorma=224886&idVersion=1979-11-06 «Decreto 23: Declara a la cueca danza nacional de Chile»], ''Biblioteca del Congreso Nacional de Chile'', consultado el 1 de marzo de 2011.</ref> Cueca specialist Emilio Ignacio Santana argues that the dictatorship's appropriation and promotion of cueca harmed the genre.<ref name=OmarMarco2017/> The dictatorship's endorsement of the genre meant according to Santana that the rich landlord [[huaso]] became the icon of the cueca and not the rural labourer.<ref name=OmarMarco2017/>

The 1980s saw an invasion of [[Argentine rock]] bands into Chile. These included [[Charly García]], the [[Enanitos Verdes]], [[G.I.T.]] and [[Soda Stereo]] among others.<ref>Torres Quezada, Rodrigo Guillermo. 2007. [http://www.tesis.uchile.cl/tesis/uchile/2007/torres_r/sources/torres_r.pdf El imaginario de rebeldía y disconformidad a través de la música rock en los años ´90. Desadaptados/as chilenos/as dejan su mensaje.] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140116074357/http://www.tesis.uchile.cl/tesis/uchile/2007/torres_r/sources/torres_r.pdf |date=2014-01-16 }}</ref>
Contemporary Chilean rock group [[Los Prisioneros]] complained against the ease with which Argentine Soda Stereo made appearances on Chilean TV or in Chilean magazines and the ease they could obtain musical equipment for concerts in Chile.<ref name=Fuentes>Fuentes, Jorge. [http://www.guioteca.com/los-80/la-historica-rivalidad-de-los-prisioneros-y-soda-stereo-%C2%BFquien-gano/ La histórica rivalidad de Los Prisioneros y Soda Stereo, ¿quién ganó?] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151118123450/http://www.guioteca.com/los-80/la-historica-rivalidad-de-los-prisioneros-y-soda-stereo-%C2%BFquien-gano/ |date=2015-11-18 }}, retrieved on December 12, 2012.</ref> Soda Stereo was invited to [[Viña del Mar International Song Festival]] while Los Prisioneros were ignored despite their popular status.<ref name="musicapop"/> This situation was because Los Prisioneros were censored by media under the influence of the military dictatorship.<ref name=Fuentes/><ref name="musicapop">{{cite web
 |url=http://www.musicapopular.cl/3.0/index2.php?op=Artista&id=315 
 |title=Los Prisioneros 
 |last=Leiva 
 |first=Jorge 
 |work=La enciclopedia de la música chilena en Internet 
 |publisher=Musicapopular.cl 
 |access-date=2012-11-29 
 |url-status=dead 
 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121017034327/http://www.musicapopular.cl/3.0/index2.php?op=Artista&id=315 
 |archive-date=2012-10-17 
}}</ref> Los Prisioneros' marginalization by the media was further aggravated by their call to vote against the dictatorship on the [[1988 Chilean national plebiscite|plebiscite of 1988]].<ref name="musicapop"/> {{quote box |width = 22em |quote = For Chile to become once again the land of poets, and not the land of murderers!|source = —[[Sol y Lluvia]]<ref>[[Sol y Lluvia]] on a live recording of their song "Voy a hacer el amor"</ref>}}

===Theater and literature===
Experimental theatre groups from [[Universidad de Chile]] and [[Pontifical Catholic University of Chile]] were restricted by the military regime to performing only theatre classics.<ref name=Pop>{{Citation |last=Richards |first=Keith |year=2005 |title=Pop culture Latin America!: media, arts, and lifestyle |pages=121–122 }}</ref> Some established groups like ''Grupo Ictus'' were tolerated while new formations like ''Grupo Aleph'' were repressed. This last group had its members jailed and forced into exile after performing a parody on the [[1973 Chilean coup d'état]].<ref name=Pop/> In the 1980s a [[grassroots]] street theatre movement emerged.<ref name=Pop/>

The dictatorship promoted the figure of Nobel laureate [[Gabriela Mistral]] who was presented as a symbol of "summission to the authority" and "social order".<ref>{{cite news|date=June 7, 2003|title=Gabriela Mistral: poeta y lesbiana|url=http://www.eltiempo.com/archivo/documento/MAM-995948|work=El Tiempo|access-date=June 23, 2017|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170903031354/http://www.eltiempo.com/archivo/documento/MAM-995948|archive-date=September 3, 2017}}</ref> 
{{clear}}

==Plebiscite and the return to democracy==
{{Main|Chilean return to democracy}}

===1988 plebiscite===
[[File:Logo "Si Pinochet".png|thumb|200px|Symbol of the "Yes" option.]]
[[File:Logo NO 1988.png|thumb|200px|Main logo of the No campaign, ''el arcoíris'' (the rainbow)]]
Following the approval of the [[Chilean Constitution of 1980|1980 Constitution]], a [[1988 Chilean national plebiscite|plebiscite was scheduled for October 5, 1988]], to vote on a new eight-year presidential term for Pinochet.

The Constitution, which took effect on 11 March 1981, established a "transition period," during which Pinochet would continue to exercise executive power and the junta's legislative power, for the next eight years. Before that period ended, a candidate for president was to be proposed by the Commanders-in-Chief of the Armed Forces and Carabinero Chief General for the following period of eight years. The candidate then was to be ratified by registered voters in a national plebiscite. On 30 August 1988 Pinochet was declared to be the candidate.<ref>David Altma, “Latin America”, Referendums Around the World, 2018</ref>

The [[Constitutional Court of Chile]] ruled that the plebiscite should be carried out as stipulated by Article 64 in the Constitution. That included a programming slot in television (''franja electoral'') during which all positions, in this case, two, ''Sí'' (yes), and ''No'', would have two free slots of equal and uninterrupted TV time, simultaneously broadcast by all TV channels, with no political advertising outside those spots. The allotment was scheduled in two off-prime time slots: one before the afternoon news and the other before the late-night news, from 22:45 to 23:15 each night (the evening news was from 20:30 to 21:30, and primetime from 21:30 to 22:30). The opposition ''No'' campaign, headed by [[Ricardo Lagos]], produced colorful, upbeat programs, telling the Chilean people to vote against the extension of the presidential term. Lagos, in a TV interview, pointed his index finger towards the camera and directly called on Pinochet to account for all the "disappeared" persons. The ''Sí'' campaign did not argue for the advantages of extension, but was instead negative, claiming that voting "no" was equivalent to voting for a return to the chaos of the UP government.

Hungarian-American billionaire [[George Soros]] provided advice to the "No" campaign, according to [[Máximo Pacheco (politician, born 1953)|Máximo Pacheco Matte]]. The support was reflected "in carrying out studies and obtaining data that gave us information that had been hidden from us for 17 years (...) What we learned there was crucial for the preparation of the famous television program for the 'No' campaign and for the victory in the plebiscite."<ref>{{cite web|title=El multimillonario que apoyó la campaña del No y ayudó a Ricardo Lagos con empresarios|url=https://www.emol.com/noticias/Economia/2015/09/27/751793/El-multimillonario-que-apoyo-al-NO.html|publisher=Emol|date=December 27, 2015|accessdate=January 10, 2025}}</ref>

Likewise, the organization created by the United States Congress, ''[[National Endowment for Democracy]]'' and linked to the [[CIA]]<ref>{{cite web|title=La NED, vitrina legal de la CIA|url=https://www.elciudadano.com/medios/la-ned-vitrina-legal-de-la-cia/08/03/|publisher=El Ciudadano|date=August 3, 2015|accessdate=January 10, 2025}}</ref> together with the ''[[National Democratic Institute for International Affairs]]'' contributed one million dollars to the "No" campaign and sent observers to the plebiscite<ref>{{cite web|title=Archivos secretos: el rol de Estados Unidos en el triunfo del NO|url=https://www.elmostrador.cl/noticias/pais/2013/10/07/archivos-secretos-el-rol-de-estados-unidos-en-el-triunfo-del-no/|publisher=El Mostrador|date=October 7, 2013|accessdate=January 10, 2025}}</ref> and established a parallel counting system in conjunction with German think tanks and the "Committee for Free Elections". Furthermore, David Altman notes that Pinochet allowed "a certain degree of freedom to carry out a mobilization campaign against the regime."<ref>{{cite web|title=Plebiscito de Chile de 1988: qué lecciones puede ofrecerle a América Latina el histórico referendo que terminó con el régimen militar de Pinochet|url=https://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-america-latina-45755780|publisher=BBC|date=October 5, 2018|accessdate=January 10, 2025}}</ref>

Pinochet lost the 1988 referendum, where 56% of the votes rejected the extension of the presidential term, against 44% for "''Sí''", and, following the constitutional provisions, he stayed as president for one more year. The [[1989 Chilean presidential election|presidential election]] was held in December 1989, at the same time as congressional elections that were due to take place. Pinochet left the presidency on March 11, 1990, and transferred power to his political opponent [[Patricio Aylwin]], the new democratically elected president. Due to the same transitional provisions of the constitution, Pinochet remained as Commander-in-Chief of the Army, until March 1998.

===1989 general elections===
From the 1989 elections onwards, the military had officially left the political sphere in Chile. Pinochet did not endorse any candidate publicly. Former Pinochet economic minister [[Hernán Büchi]] ran for president as the candidate of the two right-wing parties [[National Renewal (Chile)|RN]] and [[Independent Democratic Union|UDI]]. He had little political experience and was relatively young and credited with Chile's good economic performance in the second half of the 1980s. The right-wing parties faced several problems in the elections: there was considerable infighting between RN and UDI, Büchi had only very reluctantly accepted to run for president and right-wing politicians struggled to define their position towards the Pinochet regime. In addition to this [[right-wing populist]] [[Francisco Javier Errázuriz Talavera]] ran independently for president and made several election promises Büchi could not match.<ref name=AngellPollack1990/>

The centre-left coalition [[Concertación]] was more united and coherent. Its candidate [[Patricio Aylwin]], a [[Christian Democratic Party (Chile)|Christian Democrat]], behaved as if he had won and refused a second television debate with Büchi. Büchi attacked Aylwin on a remark he had made concerning that inflation rate of 20% was not much and he also accused Aylwin of making secret agreements with the [[Communist Party of Chile]], a party that was not part of Concertación.<ref name=AngellPollack1990/> Aylwin spoke with authority about the need to clarify human rights violations but did not confront the dictatorship for it; in contrast, Büchi, as a former regime minister, lacked any credibility when dealing with human right violations.<ref name=AngellPollack1990/>

Büchi and Errázuriz lost to [[Patricio Aylwin]] in the election. The electoral system meant that the largely Pinochet-sympathetic right was overrepresented in parliament in such a way that it could block any reform to the constitution. This over-representation was crucial for UDI in obtaining places in parliament and securing its political future. The far-left and the far-right performed poorly in the election.<ref name=AngellPollack1990/>

===Presidential election results===

{| class="wikitable" style="text-align: right;"
! Candidate
! Party/coalition
! Votes
! %
|-
! align="left" | [[Patricio Aylwin]] || align="left" | [[Christian Democrat Party of Chile|PDC]]/[[Coalition of Parties for Democracy|CPD]] || 3,850,571 || 55.17
|-
| align="left" | [[Hernán Büchi]] || align="left" | [[Independent (politics)|Independent]]/[[Alliance (Chile)|D&P]] || 2,052,116 || 29.40
|-
| align="left" | [[Francisco Javier Errázuriz Talavera|Francisco Javier Errázuriz]] || align="left" | Independent || 1,077,172 || 15.43
|- style="font-weight: bold; background: #ececec;"
| align="left" colspan="2" | Valid votes || 6,979,859 || 100.00
|-
| align="left" colspan="2" | Null votes || 103,631 || 1.45 
|-
| align="left" colspan="2" | Blank votes || 75,237 || 1.05
|- style="font-weight: bold; background: #ececec;"
| align="left" colspan="2" | Total votes || 7,158,727 || 100.00
|-
| align="left" colspan="2" | Registered voters/turnout || 7,557,537 || 94.72
|-
| align="left" colspan="4" | <small>Source: [http://historico.servel.cl/SitioHistorico/index1989_pres.htm Tricel via Servel]</small>
|}

==Legacy==
[[File:Memorial Detenidos Desaparecidos Régimen Militar Chile.jpg|thumb|Memorial to the people who were [[Forced disappearance|disappeared]] during the Pinochet's regime]] 
Following the restoration of Chilean democracy and the successive administrations that followed Pinochet, the Chilean economy has increasingly prospered. Unemployment stood at 7% as of 2007, with poverty estimated at 18.2% for the same year, both relatively low for the region.<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/countries/chile/ |title=The World Factbook |publisher=Cia.gov |access-date=2014-08-18 }}</ref> However, in 2019 the Chilean government faced public scrutiny for its economic policies. In particular, for the long-term effects of Pinochet's [[neoliberal]] policies.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/11/05/chile-ongoing-protests-pinochet-dictatorship-looms-large/|title=Pinochet Still Looms Large in Chilean Politics|first=Michael Albertus, Mark|last=Deming|date=November 5, 2019}}</ref> [[2019–2021 Chilean protests|Mass protests]] broke out throughout Santiago, due to increasing prices of the metro ticket.<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-50106743|title=Chile protests: Unrest in Santiago over metro fare increase|date=October 19, 2019|via=www.bbc.co.uk}}</ref> For many Chileans this highlighted the disproportionate distribution of wealth amongst Chile.

The "Chilean Variation" has been seen as a potential model for nations that fail to achieve significant economic growth.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=I7VgAAAAMAAJ&q=%22Chilean+Variation%22 |title=Australian Slavonic and East European Studies: Journal of the Australian and ... |via=Books.google.com |date=2008-04-23 |access-date=2014-08-18}}</ref> The latest is Russia, for whom [[David Christian (historian)|David Christian]] warned in 1991 that "dictatorial government presiding over a transition to capitalism seems one of the more plausible scenarios, even if it does so at a high cost in human rights violations".<ref>Christian, 1992</ref>

A survey published by pollster CERC on the eve of the 40th anniversary commemorations of the coup gave some idea of how Chileans perceived the dictatorship. According to the poll, 55% of Chileans regarded the 17 years of dictatorship as either bad or very bad, while 9% said they were good or very good.<ref>{{cite news | url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-24014501 | title=Chile still split over Gen Augusto Pinochet legacy | work=BBC News | date=9 September 2013 }}</ref> In 2013, the newspaper El Mercurio asked Chileans if the state had done enough to compensate victims of the dictatorship for the atrocities they suffered; 30% said yes, 36% said no, and the rest were undecided.<ref>{{Cite news | url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-24014501 |title = Chile still split over Pinochet legacy|work = BBC News|date = 2013-09-09|last1 = Long|first1 = Gideon}}</ref> In order to keep the memories of the victims and the disappeared alive, memorial sites have been constructed throughout Chile, as a symbol of the country's past. Some notable examples include Villa Grimaldi, Londres 38, Paine Memorial and the Museum of Memory and Human Rights.<ref>Katrien Klep: Tracing collective memory: Chilean truth commissions and memorial sites, in: Memory Studies 3 (2012), p. 259-269</ref> These memorials were built by family members of the victims, the government and ex-prisoners of the dictatorship. These have become popular tourist destinations and have provided a visual narrative of the atrocities of the dictatorship. These memorials have aided in Chile's reconciliation process, however, there is still debate amongst Chile as to whether these memorials do enough to bring the country together.

The relative economic success of the Pinochet dictatorship has brought about some political support for the former dictatorship. In 1998, then-Brazilian congressman and retired military officer [[Jair Bolsonaro]] praised Pinochet, saying his regime "should have killed more people".<ref>{{cite news |title=Jair Bolsonaro: The would-be dictator who might soon rule Brazil |url=https://www.newshub.co.nz/home/world/2018/10/jair-bolsonaro-the-would-be-dictator-who-might-soon-rule-brazil.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181008054456/https://www.newshub.co.nz/home/world/2018/10/jair-bolsonaro-the-would-be-dictator-who-might-soon-rule-brazil.html |url-status=dead |archive-date=8 October 2018 |work=[[Newshub]] |date=8 October 2018}}</ref>

Every year on the anniversary of the coup protests can be seen throughout the country.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.cnn.com/2013/09/11/world/americas/chile-coup-anniversary/index.html|title=40 years after coup, divisions remain in Chile|first=Mariano|last=Castillo|date=September 11, 2013|website=CNN}}</ref>

The indictment and arrest of Pinochet occurred on 10 October 1998 in London. He returned to Chile in March 2000 but was not charged with the crimes against him. On his 91st birthday on 25 November 2006, in a public statement to supporters, Pinochet for the first time claimed to accept "political responsibility" for what happened in Chile under his regime, though he still defended the [[Chilean coup of 1973|1973 coup]] against Salvador Allende. In a statement read by his wife Lucia Hiriart, he said, ''Today, near the end of my days, I want to say that I harbour no rancour against anybody, that I love my fatherland above all. ... I take political responsibility for everything that was done''.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/6184696.stm|title=Pinochet 'takes responsibility'|publisher=BBC News – Americas|access-date=25 February 2015|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150225182728/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/6184696.stm|archive-date=25 February 2015|date=2006-11-25}}</ref>

== See also ==
*[[Negationism of the military dictatorship of Chile]]

==Notes==
{{notelist-ua}}

==References==
{{Reflist}}

==Bibliography and further reading==
* [[John R. Bawden|Bawden, JR.]] (2016). ''The Pinochet Generation: The Chilean Military in the Twentieth Century'', Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press.
* [[David Christian (historian)|Christian, D.]] (1992). "Perestroika and World History", ''Australian Slavonic and East European studies'', 6 (1), pp.&nbsp;1–28.
* [[Mark Falcoff|Falcoff, M.]] (2003). "Cuba: The Morning After", p.&nbsp;26. AEI Press, 2003.
* [[James Petras|Petras, J.]], & Vieux, S. (1990). "The Chilean 'Economic Miracle': An Empirical Critique", ''Critical Sociology'', 17, pp.&nbsp;57–72.
* Roberts, K.M. (1995). "From the Barricades to the Ballot Box: Redemocratization and Political Realignment in the Chilean Left", ''Politics & Society'', 23, pp.&nbsp;495–519.
* Schatan, J. (1990). "The Deceitful Nature of Socio-Economic Indicators". ''Development'', 3–4, pp.&nbsp;69–75.
* Sznajder, M. (1996). "Dilemmas of economic and political modernisation in Chile: A jaguar that wants to be a puma", ''Third World Quarterly'', 17, pp.&nbsp;725–736.
* Valdes, J.G. (1995). ''Pinochet's economists: The Chicago School in Chile'', Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
* Steve Anderson [https://web.archive.org/web/20070928020337/http://www.tcgnews.com/santiagotimes/index.php?nav=story&story_id=8732&topic_id=1 Body of Chile's Former President Frei May Be Exumed], ''The Santiago Times'', April 5, 2005

==External links==
*[http://www.vitalpoetics.com/wounds-of-humanity-in-diamela-eltits-the-sacred-cow-and-the-fourth-world Literature and Torture in Pinochet's Chile]
*[https://web.archive.org/web/20091004110250/http://www.memoriaviva.com/culpables/criminales%20p/pinochet.htm Criminals of the military dictatorship : Augusto Pinochet]

{{1973 Chilean coup d'état}}
{{Augusto Pinochet}}
{{Chile topics}}
{{Authority control}}

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[[Category:Military dictatorship of Chile (1973–1990)| ]]
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