View source for Northern Ireland peace process

{{short description|1990s events that ended most of the violence of the Troubles}}
{{Use British English|date=August 2021}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=August 2021}}
The '''Northern Ireland peace process''' includes the events leading up to the 1994 [[Provisional Irish Republican Army]] (IRA) ceasefire, the end of most of the violence of [[the Troubles]], the [[Good Friday Agreement]] of 1998, and subsequent political developments.<ref>Colin Irwin, ''The people’s peace process in Northern Ireland'' (Springer, 2002).</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/peace/sum.htm|title=CAIN: Irish Peace Process - Summary|date=2 February 2006|access-date=22 October 2019|archive-date=6 December 2010|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20101206085738/http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/peace/sum.htm|url-status=live}}</ref>

==Timeline==
===Towards a ceasefire===
{{Main|Downing Street Declaration}}
In 1994, talks between the leaders of the two main [[Irish nationalism|Irish nationalist]] parties in [[Northern Ireland]], [[John Hume]] of the [[Social Democratic and Labour Party]] (SDLP), and [[Gerry Adams]] of [[Sinn Féin]] (SF), continued. These talks led to a series of joint statements on how the violence might be brought to an end. The talks had been going on since the late 1980s and had secured the backing of the [[Government of Ireland|Irish government]] through an intermediary, the priest [[Alec Reid]].

In November it was revealed that the [[Government of the United Kingdom|British government]] had also been in talks with the Provisional IRA, although they had long denied it.

On Wednesday 15 December 1993, the [[Downing Street Declaration]] was issued by [[John Major]], [[Prime Minister of the United Kingdom]], and [[Albert Reynolds]], [[Taoiseach]], on behalf of the British and Irish governments. This included statements that:
*The British government had no "selfish strategic or economic" interest in Northern Ireland. This statement would lead, eventually, to the repeal of the [[Government of Ireland Act 1920]].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/Geo5/10-11/67/contents|title=Government of Ireland Act 1920 (repealed 2.12.1999)|publisher=Government of Ireland|access-date=22 October 2019|archive-date=19 October 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191019214524/http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/Geo5/10-11/67/contents|url-status=live}}</ref>
*The British government would uphold the right of the people of Northern Ireland to decide between the [[Acts of Union 1800|Union]] with Great Britain or a [[united Ireland]].
*The people of the island of Ireland, North and South, had the exclusive right to solve the issues between North and South by mutual consent.<ref>
Peatling, Gary (2004). ''The failure of the Northern Ireland peace process''. Irish Academic Press, p. 58. {{ISBN|0-7165-3336-7}}</ref><ref>Cox, Michael, Guelke, Adrian and Stephen, Fiona (2006). ''A farewell to arms?: beyond the Good Friday Agreement''. Manchester University Press, p. 486. {{ISBN|0-7190-7115-1}}.</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=The British government agree that it is for the people of the island of Ireland alone, by agreement between the two parts respectively, to exercise their right of self- determination on the basis of consent, freely and concurrently given, North and South, to bring about a united Ireland, if that is their wish. |url=https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm199394/cmhansrd/1993-12-15/Debate-1.html |access-date=22 October 2019 |archive-date=10 October 2010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20101010094440/http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm199394/cmhansrd/1993-12-15/Debate-1.html |url-status=live }}</ref>
*The Irish government would try to address [[Unionism in Ireland|unionist]] fears of a united Ireland by amending the [[Constitution of Ireland|Irish Constitution]] according to the [[principle of consent]]. This would lead, eventually, to the modification of the [[Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution of Ireland|Articles 2 and 3]].
*A united Ireland could only be brought about by peaceful means.
*Peace must involve a permanent end to the use of, or support for, [[paramilitary]] violence.

[[Ian Paisley]] of the [[Democratic Unionist Party]] (DUP) opposed the Declaration, [[James Molyneaux, Baron Molyneaux of Killead|James Molyneaux]] of the [[Ulster Unionist Party]] (UUP) argued that it was not a "sell-out" of unionists, and Gerry Adams of Sinn Féin requested dialogue with the governments and clarification of the Declaration.

===Towards negotiations===
On 6 April 1994, the Provisional IRA announced a three-day "temporary cessation of hostilities" to run from Wednesday 6 April – Friday 8 April 1994.

Five months later, on Wednesday 31 August 1994, the Provisional IRA announced a "cessation of military operations" from midnight. [[Albert Reynolds]], the Irish [[Taoiseach]], said that he accepted the IRA statement as implying a permanent ceasefire. Many unionists were skeptical. UUP leader [[James Molyneaux, Baron Molyneaux of Killead|James Molyneaux]], in a rare slip, declared "This (the ceasefire) is the worst thing that has ever happened to us."<ref>Anne-Marie Logue, "The acid test for unionist democrats is on the councils" ''Irish News Online'' 3 October 2005.</ref>

In the following period, there were disputes about the permanence of the ceasefire, whether parties linked to paramilitaries should be included in talks, and the rate of "normalisation" in Northern Ireland. [[Ulster loyalism|Loyalist]] bombings and shootings, and punishment beatings from both sides, continued.

This is an abbreviated list of events of significance in the lead-up to all-party negotiations:
*13 October 1994: The [[Combined Loyalist Military Command]], representing the [[Ulster Volunteer Force]], [[Ulster Defence Association]] and [[Red Hand Commando]]s announce a loyalist paramilitary ceasefire.
*Friday 15 December 1994: Albert Reynolds resigned as Taoiseach of the Republic of Ireland following the collapse of his [[Fianna Fáil]]/[[Labour Party (Ireland)|Labour]] coalition. He was succeeded by [[John Bruton]], heading a "[[24th government of Ireland|Rainbow Coalition]]" of [[Fine Gael]], [[Labour Party (Ireland)|Labour]] and [[Democratic Left (Ireland)|Democratic Left]].
*Wednesday 22 February 1995: Framework Documents published: {{anchor|Joint Framework Document}}
**''A New Framework For Agreement'', which dealt with north–south institutions, and
**''A Framework for Accountable Government in Northern Ireland'', which proposed a single-chamber 90-member Assembly, to be elected by [[proportional representation]] and which was put directly to the electorate in 1997 by Conservative Party candidates standing in Northern Ireland at the general election.<br />The proposals were not welcomed by unionists and the DUP described it as a "one-way street to [[Dublin]]" and a "joint government programme for [[United Ireland|Irish unity]]".
*Sunday 13 August 1995: [[Gerry Adams]], Sinn Féin President, addressed a demonstration at [[Belfast]] City Hall. A member of the crowd called out to Adams to, "bring back the IRA". In reply Adams said: "They haven't gone away, you know".
*Friday 8 September 1995: [[David Trimble]] was elected leader of the UUP, replacing [[James Molyneaux, Baron Molyneaux of Killead|James Molyneaux]].
*Friday 24 November 1995: a referendum in the Republic of Ireland to change the [[Constitution of Ireland|constitution]] to allow divorce was narrowly approved, with 50.2% in favour. Divorce had long been available north of the border. The ban in the Republic was sometimes cited by (mainly Protestant) unionists as evidence of excessive influence by the Catholic Church in the Republic which would (in the event of a United Ireland) represent a threat to the religious liberty of non-Catholics.
*Tuesday 28 November 1995: a joint communiqué by the British and Irish Governments outlined a "'twin-track' process to make progress in parallel on the decommissioning issue and on all-party negotiations". Preparatory talks were to lead to all-party negotiations beginning by the end of February 1996. [[United States Senate|US Senator]] [[George J. Mitchell|George Mitchell]] was to lead an international body to provide an independent assessment of the decommissioning issue.
*Thursday 30 November 1995: [[Bill Clinton]], then President of the United States, visited Northern Ireland, and spoke in favour of the "peace process" to a huge rally at Belfast's City Hall. He called terrorists "yesterday's men".
*Wednesday 20 December 1995: blaming the Provisional IRA for recent killings of drug dealers, the Irish government decided not to give permanent release to a further ten [[Irish republicanism|republican]] prisoners.
*Wednesday 24 January 1996: Dated 22 January, the report of the International Body on arms decommissioning (also known as the Mitchell Report) set out the six "[[Mitchell Principles]]" under which parties could enter into all-party talks, and suggested a number of confidence-building measures, including an "elective process". The main conclusion was that decommissioning of paramilitary arms should take place during (rather than before or after) all-party talks, in a "twin-track" process. The report was welcomed by the Irish government and the main opposition parties in Britain and the Republic, as well as the [[Social Democratic and Labour Party]] and the [[Alliance Party of Northern Ireland|Alliance Party]]. It was accepted as a way forward by Sinn Féin and the [[Ulster Democratic Party]] (UDP), who both had paramilitary links. The moderate [[Unionism in Ireland|unionist]] party, the UUP, expressed reservations, and the more hardline DUP rejected it outright.
*Monday 29 January 1996: "Twin-track" talks began with the SDLP, the [[Progressive Unionist Party]], and the UDP. The UUP declined the invitation.
*Friday 9 February 1996: one hour after a statement ending their ceasefire, the Provisional IRA [[1996 Docklands bombing|detonated]] a large lorry bomb near [[South Quay DLR station]] in the [[London Docklands]], killing two people, injuring 40, and causing [[Pound sterling|£]]150 million worth of damage. The IRA ceasefire had lasted 17 months and 9 days. The IRA statement said that the ceasefire was ended because "the British government acted in bad faith with Mr Major and the unionist leaders squandering this unprecedented opportunity to resolve the conflict" by refusing to allow [[Sinn Féin]] into the talks until the IRA decommissioned its arms. Albert Reynolds, while not supporting the bombing, concurred with the IRA analysis. As Major's Government had lost its majority in [[Parliament of the United Kingdom|Parliament]] and was depending on unionist votes to stay in power, it was widely accused of pro-unionist bias as a result. On the other hand, on the day of the bombing, Major had been preparing to meet with Sinn Féin representatives at Downing Street for the first time.

===Towards another ceasefire===
*Friday 16 February 1996: There was a large peace rally at City Hall, Belfast, and a number of smaller rallies at venues across Northern Ireland.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Breen |first1=Suzanne |title=Call for IRA to renew ceasefire at Belfast peace rally |work=The Irish Times |issue=46446 |page=6}}</ref>
*Wednesday 28 February 1996: After a summit in London, the British and Irish prime ministers set a date (10 June 1996) for the start of all-party talks, and stated that participants would have to agree to abide by the six [[Mitchell Principles]] and that there would be preparatory 'proximity talks'.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Millar |first1=Frank |title=Date for all-party talks provides paramilitary 'moment of truth' |work=The Irish Times |date=29 February 1996 |pages=1}}</ref>
*Monday 4 March 1996: Proximity talks were launched at [[Parliament Buildings (Northern Ireland)|Stormont]]. The Ulster Unionist Party and the Democratic Unionist Party refused to join, and Sinn Féin were again refused entry, ostensibly because of IRA violence.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Moriarty |first1=Gerry |title=Stormont talks start new phase of peace process |work=The Irish Times |date=4 March 1996 |pages=1}}</ref>
*Thursday 21 March 1996: Elections to determine who would take part in all-party negotiations were announced. The elections would be to a Forum of 110 delegates, with 90 elected directly and 20 'top-up' seats from the ten parties polling the most votes.
*Thursday 18 April 1996: The ''Northern Ireland (Entry to Negotiations) Act'' was passed at Westminster. 30 parties and individuals were to take part in the election.<ref>{{cite news |title=North's voters to make one choice |work=The Irish Times |date=22 March 1996 |pages=8}}</ref>
*Monday 20 May 1996: [[Gerry Adams]], President of Sinn Féin, said that SF was prepared to accept the six ''[[Mitchell Principles]]'', if the other parties agreed to them.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Maol Muire Tynan, Geraldine Kennedy and Gerry Moriarty |title=IRA ceasefire still required despite Adams acceptance of Mitchell report |work=The Irish Times |issue=44526 |date=21 May 1996 |pages=1}}</ref>
*Thursday 30 May 1996: In the Forum Elections, with a 65% turnout, the UUP won 30 seats, the SDLP 21, the DUP 24, Sinn Féin 17, the Alliance Party 7, the [[UK Unionist Party]] 3, the [[Progressive Unionist Party]] 2, the [[Ulster Democratic Party]] 2, the [[Northern Ireland Women's Coalition]] 2, and Labour 2 seats.
*Tuesday 4 June 1996: The [[Northern Ireland Office]] invited nine political parties to attend initial talks at [[Parliament Buildings (Northern Ireland)|Stormont]]. Again, Sinn Féin were not invited to the talks. [[Mary Robinson]], then [[President of Ireland|President of the Republic of Ireland]], began the first official state visit to Britain by an Irish head of state.
*Friday 7 June 1996: IRA members [[Killing of Jerry McCabe|killed Jerry McCabe]], a Detective in the [[Garda Síochána]] (the Irish police service), during a post office robbery in [[Adare]], [[County Limerick]], in the Republic.
*Monday 10 June 1996: All-party negotiations (the 'Stormont talks') began in Stormont. Sinn Féin were again refused entry.
*Friday 14 June 1996: The [[Northern Ireland Forum]] met for the first time in Belfast. Sinn Féin declined to take part due to their policy of not taking seats in either the Westminster parliament or a regional "partitionist" Northern Ireland parliament (latter policy changed in 1998).
*Saturday 15 June 1996: The IRA exploded a [[1996 Manchester bombing|bomb in Manchester]], which destroyed a large part of the city centre and injured 212 people. Niall Donovan (28), a [[Catholic Church|Catholic]] man, was stabbed to death near [[Dungannon]], [[County Tyrone]] by the loyalist [[Ulster Volunteer Force (1966)|Ulster Volunteer Force]] (UVF).
*Thursday 20 June 1996: An IRA bomb factory was found by [[Garda Síochána|Gardaí]] in the Republic. In response the Irish government ended all contacts with Sinn Féin.
*Sunday 7 July 1996: As part of the ongoing [[Drumcree conflict]], the [[Royal Ulster Constabulary]] (RUC) prevented a march by [[Portadown]] [[Orange Order|Orangemen]] from returning from [[Drumcree Church]] via the mainly nationalist Garvaghy Road. This decision was followed by widespread protest in the unionist community, and by rioting in unionist areas.
*Thursday 11 July 1996: [[Hugh Annesley (police officer)|Hugh Annesley]], then Chief Constable of the RUC, reversed his decision and ordered his officers to allow the Orange march to pass along the Garvaghy Road in [[Portadown]]. No music was played as the parade passed the disputed area. This was followed by nationalist protests, and riots in republican areas.
*Saturday 13 July 1996: A republican car-bomb attack on a hotel in [[Enniskillen]] injured 17. The [[Continuity Irish Republican Army]] later claimed responsibility. The SDLP announced that it would withdraw from the Northern Ireland Forum.
*Monday 15 July 1996: A committee to review parades in Northern Ireland (the [[Independent Review of Parades and Marches]]) was announced.
*Thursday 30 January 1997: The Report of the Independent Review of Parades and Marches (The ''North Report'') recommended setting up an [[Parades Commission|independent commission]] to review contentious parades. Most nationalists welcomed the review but unionists attacked it as an erosion of the right to [[freedom of assembly]]. A period of "further consultation" was announced.
*Wednesday 5 March 1997: Stormont Talks adjourned until 3 June, to allow the parties to contest the forthcoming general election.
*Monday 7 April 1997: ''The Belfast Telegraph'' published the first of three articles over three days with results of an opinion survey it conducted in collaboration with Queens University. Survey questions were developed in cooperation with the 10 leading parties in Northern Ireland. Ninety-three per cent of Protestants and 97 per cent of Catholics said they "support the principle of a negotiated settlement for the political future of Northern Ireland," but only 25 per cent of Protestants and 28 per cent of Catholics believed the "Talks" would lead to a settlement.<ref name=":0">{{cite web|url=http://www.peacepolls.org/cgi-bin/generic?instanceID=10|title=Peace Polls, Northern Ireland|access-date=9 February 2021|archive-date=14 February 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210214225005/http://www.peacepolls.org/cgi-bin/generic?instanceID=10|url-status=live}}</ref>
*Sunday 27 April 1997: In Portadown [[Killing of Robert Hamill|Robert Hamill]], a Catholic, was severely beaten in a sectarian attack by a gang of loyalists. Hamill later died from his injuries.
*Thursday 1 May 1997: A general election was held across the UK. The [[Labour Party (UK)|Labour Party]] won a majority and formed a government for the first time since 1979. In Northern Ireland, Sinn Féin had increased its share of the vote to 16%, becoming the third largest party in the region, and winning two seats: [[Gerry Adams]] and [[Martin McGuinness]] were their new MPs. The Ulster Unionist Party won 10 seats, the Social Democratic and Labour Party 3, the Democratic Unionist Party 2, and the [[UK Unionist Party]] 1.
*Monday 12 May 1997: Sean Brown, a 61 year old father of six from Bellaghy, County Londonderry, was abducted and murdered on May 12 1997. An instructor at the Ballymena Training Centre, Mr Brown played an active role in the GAA.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Macauley |first1=Conor |title=O'Neill calls UK decision to appeal Brown ruling 'cruel' |url=https://www.rte.ie/news/ulster/2025/0430/1510365-sean-brown/ |access-date=1 May 2025 |date=30 April 2025 |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |title=Bruton voices grave concern over continued North attacks |work=The Irish Times |date=14 May 1997 |page=6}}</ref>
*Friday 16 May 1997: [[Tony Blair]], the new British Prime Minister, endorsed the Framework Documents, the Mitchell Report on decommissioning, and the criteria for inclusion in all-party talks. He stated that he valued Northern Ireland's place in the United Kingdom, and suggested that the Republic of Ireland should amend [[Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution of Ireland|Articles 2 and 3]] of its constitution, and indicated that officials would meet Sinn Féin to clarify certain issues.
*Wednesday 21 May 1997: In local government Elections the UUP remained the largest unionist party, and the SDLP the largest nationalist party, though they lost control of [[Belfast]] and [[Derry]] city councils respectively.
*Sunday 1 June 1997: Gregory Taylor, an off-duty RUC constable, died following a beating he received from a loyalist mob. It was later disclosed that Taylor had used his mobile phone to try to summon help from the local police station but no car was available to come to his aid.
*Tuesday 3 June 1997: The talks resumed at Stormont. The [[Loyalist Volunteer Force]] (LVF) and the [[Continuity Irish Republican Army]] (CIRA) were both proscribed.
*Friday 6 June 1997: There was a general election in the [[Republic of Ireland]]. The ruling coalition government of [[Fine Gael]], [[Labour Party (Ireland)|Labour]] and [[Democratic Left (Ireland)|Democratic Left]] was defeated by a coalition of [[Fianna Fáil]], [[Progressive Democrats]], and independent members. [[Sinn Féin]] won its first seat in the [[Dáil Éireann]], since it had ended its policy of [[abstentionism]] in 1986.
*16 June 1997 Two members of the RUC, Roland John Graham and David Johnston, are murdered in Lurgan.
*Wednesday 25 June 1997: The British and Irish governments gave the IRA 5 weeks to call an unequivocal ceasefire. 6 weeks later Sinn Féin would be allowed into the talks (due to resume on 15 September).
*Sunday 6 July 1997: The Orange Order parade at Drumcree was again permitted to go ahead, after a large operation by the RUC and [[British Army]]. This was followed by [[1997 Northern Ireland riots|violent protests in nationalist areas]].
*Saturday 12 July 1997: After an earlier decision by the Orange Order to reroute seven of their marches, [[the Twelfth]] parades across Northern Ireland passed off peacefully.
*Wednesday 16 July 1997: The DUP and the UKUP left the Stormont talks in protest at what they claimed was a lack of clarification by the British government on [[Decommissioning in Northern Ireland|decommissioning]].
*Friday 18 July 1997: [[John Hume]] and [[Gerry Adams]] issued a joint statement. Gerry Adams and [[Martin McGuinness]] called on the IRA to renew its ceasefire.<ref>{{cite web |title=CAIN: Events: Peace: Joint Statement issued by John Hume and Gerry Adams, 18 July 1997 |url=https://cain.ulster.ac.uk/events/peace/docs/ha180797.htm |website=cain.ulster.ac.uk |access-date=1 May 2025}}</ref>
*Saturday 19 July 1997: The IRA announced the renewal of its 1994 ceasefire as of 12.00pm on 20 July 1997.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/july/19/newsid_2450000/2450845.stm|title=1997: IRA declares ceasefire|publisher=[[BBC News]]|date=19 July 1997|access-date=22 October 2019|archive-date=7 March 2008|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080307132814/http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/july/19/newsid_2450000/2450845.stm|url-status=live}}</ref>

===Towards agreement===
*Tuesday 26 August 1997: The British and Irish governments jointly signed an agreement to set up an [[Independent International Commission on Decommissioning]] (IICD). [[U2]] held a concert at Botanic Gardens, in Belfast, with an audience of around 40,000.
*Friday 29 August 1997: The [[Secretary of State for Northern Ireland]], [[Mo Mowlam|Marjorie Mowlam]], accepted the IRA ceasefire as genuine and invited Sinn Féin into the multi-party talks at Stormont.
*Tuesday 9 September 1997: Representatives of Sinn Féin entered Stormont to sign a pledge that the party would abide by the [[Mitchell Principles]].
*Thursday 11 September 1997: The IRA said that they "would have problems with sections of the Mitchell Principles", but that what Sinn Féin decided to do "was a matter for them".
*Thursday 11 September 1997: ''[[Belfast Telegraph|The Belfast Telegraph]]'' published the first of two articles over two days with results of a survey it conducted with Queens College. Survey questions were developed in cooperation with the leading parties in Northern Ireland. Ninety-two per cent of respondents (86 per cent of Protestants and 98 per cent of Catholics) said they wanted the party they support to stay in the Stormont talks.<ref name=":0"/>
*Monday 15 September 1997: Multi-Party Talks resumed. The Ulster Unionist Party, the [[Progressive Unionist Party]], and the Ulster Democratic Party instead attended a special meeting at the UUP headquarters, and re-entered the talks on Wednesday.
*Wednesday 24 September 1997: Procedures were agreed at the Multi-party Talks, decommissioning of paramilitary weapons was sidestepped, and the [[Independent International Commission on Decommissioning]] was formally launched.
*Tuesday 7 October 1997: Substantive talks began at Stormont.
*Friday 17 October 1997: The [[Parades Commission]] was announced. Its membership and powers attracted criticism from unionists.
*Thursday 6 November 1997: Around 12 members of Sinn Féin resigned in protest at the acceptance of the Mitchell Principles.
*Sunday 9 November 1997: During a radio interview on the tenth anniversary of the [[Remembrance Day bombing|Enniskillen bomb]] which killed 11 people on 8 November 1987, Gerry Adams said he was "deeply sorry about what happened".
*Saturday 27 December 1997: Inside the Maze Prison, members of the [[Irish National Liberation Army]] shot and killed [[Billy Wright (loyalist)|Billy Wright]], the [[Loyalist Volunteer Force]] leader.
*Saturday 10 January 1998: ''The Belfast Telegraph'' published the first of four stories over four days with results of an opinion survey it had conducted with Queens University. Questions were developed in cooperation with the major parties in Northern Ireland. Seventy per cent of Protestants said the most important step to ensure lasting peace would be to disband paramilitary groups; 78 per cent of Catholics said the most important step towards a lasting peace would be a bill of right guaranteeing equality for all.<ref name=":0"/>
*Friday 23 January 1998: The [[Ulster Defence Association|Ulster Freedom Fighters]] (UFF), a cover name for the [[Ulster Defence Association]] (UDA), reinstated their ceasefire. This was taken as an admission that they had been responsible for the murders of several Catholics.
*Monday 26 January 1998: The talks moved to Lancaster House in London. The UDP were barred from the talks, following UFF/UDA involvement in three more murders. The governments stated that the UDP could re-enter the talks if the UFF maintained its renewed ceasefire.
*Thursday 29 January 1998: [[Tony Blair]], the British Prime Minister, announced a new inquiry into "[[Bloody Sunday (1972)|Bloody Sunday]]" in [[Derry]] on 30 January 1972. This inquiry became known as the [[Bloody Sunday Inquiry|Saville Inquiry]]. The previous inquiry was widely regarded as a whitewash.
*Friday 20 February 1998: The British and Irish governments announced a 17-day exclusion of Sinn Féin from the talks because of IRA involvement in two killings in Belfast on 9 and 10 February 1998. Sinn Féin organised street protests over their exclusion.
*Monday 23 March 1998: Sinn Féin agreed to rejoin the talks, following the expiry of their exclusion a fortnight before, on 9 March.
*Tuesday 31 March 1998: ''The Belfast Telegraph'' published the first of four article over four days reporting results of a survey they conducted with Queens University. Survey questions were developed in cooperation with the leading parties in Northern Ireland. Seventy-seven per cent of respondents (74 per cent of Protestants and 81 per cent of Catholics) said they would vote 'yes' for an agreement supported by a majority of the political parties taking part in the talks.<ref name=":0"/>
*Wednesday 25 March 1998: The chairman of the talks, [[George J. Mitchell|Senator George Mitchell]], set a two-week deadline for an agreement.
*Friday 3 April 1998: The [[Saville Inquiry|Bloody Sunday Inquiry]], chaired by Lord Saville, an English Law Lord, opened.
*Thursday 9 April 1998: Talks continued past the midnight deadline. [[Jeffrey Donaldson]], who had been a member of the Ulster Unionist Party talks team walked out, causing speculation about a split in the party.
*[[Good Friday]], 10 April 1998: At 5.30pm (over 17 hours after the deadline) George Mitchell stated: "I am pleased to announce that the two governments and the political parties in Northern Ireland have reached agreement".<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/newsround/14118775|title=What was the Good Friday Agreement?|publisher=BBC News|date=10 April 2018|access-date=22 October 2019|archive-date=21 October 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191021123004/https://www.bbc.co.uk/newsround/14118775|url-status=live}}</ref> It emerged later that [[Bill Clinton|President Clinton]] of the USA had made a number of telephone calls to party leaders to encourage them to reach this agreement.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-northern-ireland-43660970|title=Good Friday Agreement was 'work of genius'|publisher=BBC News|date=10 April 2018|access-date=22 October 2019|archive-date=3 December 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191203160314/https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-northern-ireland-43660970|url-status=live}}</ref>
*Saturday 15 August 1998: [[Omagh bombing]] by the [[Real Irish Republican Army|Real IRA]] resulted in 29 deaths and hundreds of injuries. It was the single worst incident in Northern Ireland during the conflict.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/history/events/omagh_bomb|title=Omagh bomb|publisher=BBC News|date=15 August 1998|access-date=24 December 2019|archive-date=26 December 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191226141532/http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/events/omagh_bomb|url-status=live}}</ref>

The agreement, known as the [[Good Friday Agreement]], included a devolved, inclusive government, prisoner release, troop reductions, targets for paramilitary decommissioning, provisions for polls on Irish reunification, and [[civil rights]] measures and "[[parity of esteem]]" for the two communities in Northern Ireland.

===The referendum campaign===
The agreement was to be approved by a [[1998 Northern Ireland Good Friday Agreement referendum|referendum]] in Northern Ireland, and a separate [[Nineteenth Amendment of the Constitution of Ireland|referendum]] was to be held in the [[Republic of Ireland|Republic]] to approve the necessary [[Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution of Ireland|change to Articles 2 and 3]] of the [[Constitution of Ireland|Constitution]]. The people of the Republic overwhelmingly endorsed the agreement, but the campaign in Northern Ireland was more controversial, and the result less predictable. The referendums were held on the same day, 22 May 1998.

The pro-agreement campaign framed the question as progress versus stalemate. The agreement was promoted to the nationalist community as delivering [[civil rights]], inclusive government, recognition of their Irishness, and a peaceful route to Irish reunification. To the unionist community, it was presented as bringing an end to the troubles, a guaranteed end to paramilitaries and their weapons, and a guarantee of the Union for the foreseeable future. There was a massive government-funded campaign for the "Yes" vote, with large posters posted across Northern Ireland. One such poster featured five handwritten "pledges" by Prime Minister [[Tony Blair]] in an attempt to obtain the unionist "Yes" vote – this is despite the fact that none of the wording from these "pledges" was actually contained within the agreement that was being put to the electorate.  These "pledges" were:

*No change to the status of Northern Ireland without the express consent of the people
*The power to take decisions to be returned from London to Northern Ireland, with accountable north–south co-operation
*Fairness and equality for all
*Those who use or threaten violence to be excluded from the government of Northern Ireland
*Prisoners to be kept in prison unless violence is given up for good

On the republican side, the "No" campaign seemed to concentrate on the purity of the republican ideal of complete and absolute independence from Britain. In this view, any compromise, however temporary, on the goal of [[United Ireland|Irish unity]] (or the right to pursue the armed struggle) was depicted as a betrayal of those who had fought and died for Ireland. Decommissioning of weapons and an end to paramilitary activity was portrayed as surrender to the British. The principle of consent was represented as a unionist veto, as it meant political progress would be almost impossible without unionist participation. It was pointed out that the agreement accepted [[Partition of Ireland|partition]]. The state and its institutions would remain hostile to the republican community, claimed the critics. Despite these misgivings, the vast majority of republicans voted yes, with only some tiny unrepresentative parties (such as [[Republican Sinn Féin]]) on the nationalist side advocating a No vote.

On the unionist side, the "No" campaign was much stronger and stressed what were represented as concessions to [[Irish republicanism|republicanism]] and terrorism, particularly the release of convicted paramilitaries from prison (often those who had killed friends and relatives of unionist politicians and were serving "life" sentences), the presence of "terrorists" (by which they meant Sinn Féin) in government, the lack of guarantees on decommissioning, the perceived one-way nature of the process in moving towards a united Ireland, the lack of trust in all those who would be implementing the agreement, the erosion of British identity, the destruction of the [[Royal Ulster Constabulary]], the vague language of the agreement, and the rushed nature in which the agreement was written.

It was widely expected that the nationalist community would endorse the agreement. As the vote approached, unionist opinion appeared divided into those who supported the agreement, those who opposed the agreement on principle, and those who welcomed agreement, but still had major misgivings about aspects like prisoner release and the role of paramilitaries and parties associated with them (particularly Sinn Féin). The fear among the Agreement's supporters was that there would not be a majority (or only a slim majority) of the unionist community in favour of the agreement, and that its credibility would be thereby undermined.

===The votes===
In the [[Republic of Ireland]], the results of the vote to change the [[Constitution of Ireland|constitution]] in line with the agreement were:<ref>{{cite news |title=An imperative from the people |work=The Irish Times |date=25 May 1998 |pages=13}}</ref>
{{Referendum|title=Nineteenth Amendment of the Constitution of Ireland referendum<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.environ.ie/en/LocalGovernment/Voting/Referenda/PublicationsDocuments/FileDownLoad,1894,en.pdf|title=Referendum Results 1937–2011|work=[[Department of the Environment, Community and Local Government]]|access-date=12 March 2012|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141224084849/http://www.environ.ie/en/LocalGovernment/Voting/Referenda/PublicationsDocuments/FileDownLoad%2C1894%2Cen.pdf|archive-date=24 December 2014}}</ref>|yes=1,442,583|yespct=94.39|no=85,748|nopct=5.61|valid=1,528,331|validpct=98.90|invalid=17,064|invalidpct=1.10|total=1,545,395|turnoutpct=56.26|electorate=2,747,088}}

In Northern Ireland, the results of the vote on the agreement were:<ref>{{cite news |title=An imperative from the people |work=The Irish Times |date=25 May 1998 |pages=13}}</ref>
{{Referendum|title=Northern Ireland Good Friday Agreement referendum, 1998|no=274,979|nopct=28.9|yes=676,966|yespct=71.1|valid=|validpct=|invalid=1,738|invalidpct=0.18|total=953,683|turnoutpct=81.1|electorate=}}

There is no official breakdown of how the [[Irish nationalism|nationalist]] and [[Unionism in Ireland|unionist]] communities voted, but CAIN, the Conflict Archive on the Internet, estimated that the overwhelming majority (up to 97%) of members of the largely [[Catholic Church|Catholic]] nationalist community in Northern Ireland voted 'Yes'. Their estimate of the largely [[Protestantism|Protestant]] unionist community's support for the agreement was between 51 and 53 per cent.

Complicating matters for the calculation was the turnout, with a substantial increase over elections in many traditionally unionist areas, whilst the turnout was close to that for elections in staunch nationalist areas. Approximately 147,000 more people voted in the referendum than in the subsequent Assembly elections, though it is estimated that there was also some deliberate abstentions by hardline republican voters.

The referendum was calculated centrally so it is not clear what the geographic spread of voting was, but an exit poll found that out of all eighteen constituencies, only [[Ian Paisley]]'s [[North Antrim (UK Parliament constituency)|North Antrim]] stronghold voted against the Agreement.

The pro-agreement result was greeted at the time with relief by supporters of the agreement. However, the scale of sceptical and anti-agreement sentiment in the unionist community, their continued misgivings over aspects of the agreement, and differing expectations from the Agreement on the part of the two communities were to cause difficulties in the following years.

===Tensions and dissident threats===
Although the peace process initially progressed mostly trouble-free, tensions escalated in 2001 with increasing sectarian conflicts, rioting, political disagreements and the decommissioning process. [[Real Irish Republican Army|Real IRA]] bombs at [[2001 BBC bombing|the BBC]] and a [[2001 Ealing bombing|commercial district]] in London threatened to derail the peace process.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2001/mar/06/northernireland.comment|title=Comment: The grim message of the BBC bomb|author=Taylor, Peter|date=6 March 2001|work=The Guardian|access-date=22 October 2019|archive-date=15 March 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160315224714/http://www.theguardian.com/uk/2001/mar/06/northernireland.comment|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|access-date=22 October 2019|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk/1471284.stm|title=Car bombers rock west London|date=3 August 2001|publisher=BBC News|archive-date=22 October 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191022160209/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk/1471284.stm|url-status=live}}</ref> The [[Holy Cross dispute]] in north Belfast starting in June 2001 would become a major episode of sectarian conflict. Widespread rioting occurred [[July 2001 Belfast riots|in July]],<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2001/jul/13/northernireland.rosiecowan|title=Rioting turns screw on Ulster talks|author=Cowan, Rosie|date=13 July 2001|work=The Guardian|access-date=22 October 2019|archive-date=14 April 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200414152646/https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2001/jul/13/northernireland.rosiecowan|url-status=live}}</ref> and that same month the loyalist [[Ulster Defence Association|Ulster Freedom Fighters]] (UFF) pulled out of the Good Friday Agreement whilst the [[Progressive Unionist Party]] (PUP) withdrew from the "current phase" of the peace process.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2001/jul/10/northernireland.northernireland3|title=UFF pulls out of Good Friday agreement|author=Oliver, Mark|date=10 July 2001|work=The Guardian|access-date=22 October 2019|archive-date=14 April 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200414163700/https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2001/jul/10/northernireland.northernireland3|url-status=live}}</ref> On 26 July two hardline [[Ulster Unionist Party]] (UUP) MPs, [[David Burnside]] and [[Jeffrey Donaldson]], both called for their party's withdrawal of supporting the new power-sharing Stormont assembly.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2001/jul/26/northernireland.northernireland|title=Loyalists deal fresh blow to Good Friday agreement|date=26 July 2001|work=The Guardian|access-date=22 October 2019|archive-date=14 April 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200414181350/https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2001/jul/26/northernireland.northernireland|url-status=live}}</ref>

Much of the disturbances are thought to have been caused by the alienation of loyalists in the years following the Good Friday Agreement, who increasingly feared that the Agreement was largely in the Catholics' favour and that Irish unity was inevitable. Northern Ireland Secretary [[John Reid, Baron Reid of Cardowan|John Reid]] told unionists in a speech that they are "wrong" to think so, and that the Agreement would be a failure if Protestants no longer felt at home.<ref>{{cite news|author=Millar, Frank|url=https://www.irishtimes.com/news/unionists-wrong-to-think-unity-inevitable-1.338458|date=22 November 2001|title=Unionists 'wrong' to think unity inevitable|newspaper=The Irish Times|access-date=22 October 2019|archive-date=22 September 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210922131057/https://www.irishtimes.com/news/unionists-wrong-to-think-unity-inevitable-1.338458|url-status=live}}</ref> The number of loyalist paramilitary shootings increased from 33 at the time of the Agreement to a peak of 124 in 2001/02.<ref>{{cite book|title=Northern Ireland: The Politics of War and Peace|author=Dixon, Paul|edition=2nd|orig-year=2001|year=2008|publisher=Macmillan International Higher Education|page=299|isbn=978-0-230-50779-1}}</ref>

On 9 September 2001 a gang of 15 [[Provisional Irish Republican Army|Provisional IRA]] members kidnapped, tortured and shot two youths.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/1340000/Belfast-youths-tortured-beaten-and-shot-by-IRA.html|title=Belfast youths tortured, beaten and shot by IRA|author=Oliver, Ted|date=8 September 2001|work=The Daily Telegraph|location=London|access-date=22 October 2019|archive-date=26 April 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200426060258/https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/1340000/Belfast-youths-tortured-beaten-and-shot-by-IRA.html|url-status=live}}</ref> Major loyalist rioting and violence broke out amid the Holy Cross dispute on 27 September. The next day, journalist [[Martin O'Hagan]] was killed by [[Loyalist Volunteer Force]] (LVF) members.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2001/sep/28/northernireland.northernireland|title=Loyalist mob opens fire on police|author=Cowan, Rosie|date=28 September 2001|work=The Guardian|access-date=22 October 2019|archive-date=14 April 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200414193137/https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2001/sep/28/northernireland.northernireland|url-status=live}}</ref> On 13 October 2001, Reid declared the ceasefires of two loyalist paramilitary groups, [[Ulster Defence Association]] (UDA) and the LVF, to be over due to their violent shooting and rioting incidents.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/1359316/UDA-ceasefire-declared-over.html|title=UDA ceasefire declared over|date=12 October 2001|work=The Daily Telegraph|access-date=22 October 2019|archive-date=26 April 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200426045745/https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/1359316/UDA-ceasefire-declared-over.html|url-status=live}}</ref> Sinn Féin leader Gerry Adams urged the Provisional IRA to disarm amid Stormont's near-collapse.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2001/oct/22/northernireland.northernireland|title=Sinn Fein urges IRA to disarm|author=Tempest, Matthew|date=22 October 2001|work=The Guardian|access-date=22 October 2019|archive-date=14 April 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200414153404/https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2001/oct/22/northernireland.northernireland|url-status=live}}</ref> In December 2001, two army watchtowers [[2001 South Armagh attacks|were attacked in South Armagh]] by republicans that caused many injuries.<ref>{{cite news|url=http://edition.cnn.com/2001/WORLD/europe/12/10/nireland.violence/index.html|title=NI riots leave 25 injured - December 10, 2001|work=cnn.com|access-date=1 June 2018|archive-date=25 July 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180725033322/http://edition.cnn.com/2001/WORLD/europe/12/10/nireland.violence/index.html|url-status=live}}</ref> Throughout 2002 rioting and sectarian clashes continued, the most tense incident being the [[2002 Short Strand clashes|clashes in Short Strand]].<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2002/jun/11/northernireland.estheraddley|title=Esther Addley investigates a new kind of violence in Belfast|author=Addley, Esther|date=10 June 2002|work=The Guardian|access-date=22 October 2019|archive-date=16 November 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181116110151/https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2002/jun/11/northernireland.estheraddley|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2002/jun/15/northernireland.rosiecowan|title=Loyalists offer truce to end upsurge in Belfast violence|author=Cowan, Rosie|date=15 June 2002|work=The Guardian|access-date=22 October 2019|archive-date=14 April 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200414184416/https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2002/jun/15/northernireland.rosiecowan|url-status=live}}</ref>

On 6 May 2002 Progressive Unionist Party politician [[David Ervine]] said that continuing violence, doubts among loyalists and uncertainty about the IRA has left the peace process in a "substantial and serious crisis".<ref>{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/2933949.stm|title=Northern Ireland chronology: 2002|date=9 April 2003|work=BBC News|access-date=22 October 2019|archive-date=22 October 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191022160210/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/2933949.stm|url-status=live}}</ref> On 14 October 2002, the Northern Ireland Assembly was suspended and [[direct rule]] from Westminster imposed.<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2002/oct/14/qanda.northernireland|title=Suspension of the Northern Ireland assembly|author=Left, Sarah|date=14 October 2002|work=The Guardian|access-date=22 October 2019|archive-date=14 April 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200414193434/https://www.theguardian.com/world/2002/oct/14/qanda.northernireland|url-status=live}}</ref>

===Implementation===
*The Northern Ireland Assembly made a good start. However, it was suspended several times mainly because of unionist anger at the IRA's refusal to decommission their weapons "transparently". Elections carried on nonetheless and voting polarised towards the more radical parties – the DUP and Sinn Féin. In 2004, negotiations were held to attempt to re-establish the Assembly and the Executive. These negotiations failed but the governments believed they were very close to a deal and published their proposed deal as the [[Comprehensive Agreement]]. 
*Although the [[Royal Ulster Constabulary]] was renamed as the [[Police Service of Northern Ireland]] on 4 November 2001, Sinn Féin, the second-largest party, did not declare its acceptance of the Police Service of Northern Ireland until 28 January 2007 as part of the [[St Andrews Agreement]]. A 2005 survey [https://web.archive.org/web/20051027233045/http://www.nio.gov.uk/media-detail.htm?newsID=11759] indicates that 83% of the Northern Ireland population have "some", "a lot", or "total" confidence in the police's ability to provide a day-to-day policing service.
*No IRA weapons were decommissioned until October 2001, and the final consignment to be "put beyond use" was announced on 26 September 2005. There has also been allegations of IRA involvement in espionage at the [[Parliament Buildings (Northern Ireland)|Stormont]] Assembly (which prompted the UUP to collapse the Assembly), in training the [[Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia]] (FARC) guerillas, in several high-profile murders, and allegations of major robberies such as that of approximately £1 million of goods from a wholesaler and in excess of £26 million in the [[Northern Bank robbery]].<ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2008/oct/09/northernbankrobbery.background|author=Glendinning, Lee|work=[[The Guardian]]|title=Northern Bank robbery: The crime that nearly ended the peace process|date=9 October 2008|access-date=22 October 2019|archive-date=30 September 2013|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130930220248/http://www.theguardian.com/uk/2008/oct/09/northernbankrobbery.background|url-status=live}}</ref>

===Endgame===
In January 2005, [[Murder of Robert McCartney|Robert McCartney]] was murdered after a pub brawl by IRA members. After a high-profile campaign by his sisters and fiancée, the IRA admitted its members were responsible and offered to meet them. The McCartney sisters turned down their offer, but the episode badly damaged the standing of the IRA in Belfast.<ref>{{cite news|title=A Killing in Belfast Is Turning Backers Against a Defiant I.R.A.|work=[[The New York Times]]|date=7 March 2005|page=A6}}</ref>

In April 2005, [[Gerry Adams]] called for the IRA to lay down its weapons. It agreed on 28 July 2005 calling for its volunteers to use "exclusively peaceful means".<ref>{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/4720863.stm|title=IRA says armed campaign is over|publisher=BBC News|date=28 July 2005|access-date=22 October 2019|archive-date=22 October 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191022160210/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/4720863.stm|url-status=live}}</ref> It would not disband, but simply use peaceful means to achieve its aims.
*Apart from some worn pistols from the [[Loyalist Volunteer Force]], no other loyalist paramilitary group has decommissioned any of their weapons, and all have been involved in several murders, including major feuds, both internal and with other loyalist groups. Most Unionists maintain that the loyalist refusal is less of a stumbling block to the restoration of the [[Northern Ireland Assembly|assembly]] because, unlike the [[Provisional Irish Republican Army]], parties with formal links to loyalist paramilitary groups do not have significant elected representation within the Assembly, despite their high levels of support. Throughout their existence, loyalist paramilitaries have been described by some (including [[Taoiseach]] [[Albert Reynolds]]) as "reactionary", i.e., that they respond to the attacks of republican groups, and some commentators claim that if there were no violent republican activity, loyalist violence would cease to exist. Others contend that these claims of solely "reactionary" loyalist attacks are hard to square with the emergence of militant loyalism in the [[Northern Ireland civil rights movement|civil rights era]] (i.e., when the IRA was dormant), and their preference for attacks on Catholics with no paramilitary connections, rather than attacking the more dangerous members of republican organisations. In the event that full transparent decommissioning by republican paramilitaries is completed, then it is widely expected by political commentators that loyalist paramilitary organisations would be put under heavy pressure to follow suit.
*While killings and bombings have been ''almost'' eliminated, "lower level" violence and crime, including "punishment" beatings, extortion and drug dealing continue, particularly in loyalist areas. Paramilitary organisations are still perceived to have considerable control in some areas, particularly the less affluent. Details of the perceived current level of activity by paramilitary organisations were published in a 2005 report by the Independent Monitoring Commission.<ref>{{usurped|1=[https://web.archive.org/web/20050928182452/http://www.independentmonitoringcommission.org/documents/uploads/IMC_Report.pdf The Independent Monitoring Commission]}}</ref>

On '''28 July 2005''', the IRA announced the end of its armed campaign, and committed to the complete decommissioning of all its weapons, which was to be witnessed by both Catholic and Protestant clergymen. The statement was first read by veteran IRA militant [[Séanna Walsh]] in a video released to the public and contained the following text:<ref name="vid">{{cite web |date=28 July 2005 |title=Irish Republican Army Disarmament |url=https://www.c-span.org/video/?188115-1/irish-republican-army-disarmament |access-date=4 April 2022 |website=[[C-Span]]}}</ref>

{{poemquote|
The leadership of [[Óglaigh na hÉireann]] has formally ordered an end to the armed campaign. This will take effect from 4pm this afternoon.
All IRA units have been ordered to dump arms. All Volunteers have been instructed to assist the development of purely political and democratic programmes through exclusively peaceful means. Volunteers must not engage in any other activities whatsoever.
The IRA leadership has also authorised our representative to engage with the IICD to complete the process to verifiably put its arms beyond use in a way which will further enhance public confidence and to conclude this as quickly as possible.
We have invited two independent witnesses, from the Protestant and Catholic churches, to testify to this.
The [[IRA Army Council|Army Council]] took these decisions following an unprecedented internal discussion and consultation process with IRA units and Volunteers.
We appreciate the honest and forthright way in which the consultation process was carried out and the depth and content of the submissions. We are proud of the comradely way in which this truly historic discussion was conducted.
The outcome of our consultations show very strong support among IRA Volunteers for the Sinn Féin peace strategy.
There is also widespread concern about the failure of the two governments and the unionists to fully engage in the peace process. This has created real difficulties.
The overwhelming majority of people in Ireland fully support this process.
They and friends of Irish unity throughout the world want to see the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement.
Notwithstanding these difficulties our decisions have been taken to advance our republican and democratic objectives, including our goal of a united Ireland. We believe there is now an alternative way to achieve this and to end British rule in our country.
It is the responsibility of all Volunteers to show leadership, determination and courage. We are very mindful of the sacrifices of our patriot dead, those who went to jail, Volunteers, their families and the wider republican base. We reiterate our view that the armed struggle was entirely legitimate.
We are conscious that many people suffered in the conflict. There is a compelling imperative on all sides to build a just and lasting peace.
The issue of the defence of nationalist and republican communities has been raised with us. There is a responsibility on society to ensure that there is no re-occurrence of the [[pogrom]]s of 1969 and the early 1970s.
There is also a universal responsibility to tackle sectarianism in all its forms.
The IRA is fully committed to the goals of Irish unity and independence and to building the Republic outlined in the [[Proclamation of the Irish Republic|1916 Proclamation]].
We call for maximum unity and effort by Irish republicans everywhere.
We are confident that by working together Irish republicans can achieve our objectives.
Every Volunteer is aware of the import of the decisions we have taken and all Óglaigh are compelled to fully comply with these orders.
There is now an unprecedented opportunity to utilise the considerable energy and goodwill which there is for the peace process. This comprehensive series of unparalleled initiatives is our contribution to this and to the continued endeavours to bring about independence and unity for the people of Ireland.}}

The [[Independent International Commission on Decommissioning|IICD]] confirmed in its final report of September 2005 that the IRA had decommissioned all of its weapons.
[[Image:W. Bush and Martin McGuinness.jpg|thumb|300x300px|[[Ian Paisley]], [[George W. Bush]] and [[Martin McGuinness]] in December 2007]]
The definitive end of [[The Troubles]] and thus of the Peace Process came in 2007.<ref>{{cite news|author=Rowley, Tom|url=https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/northernireland/11610345/Timeline-of-Northern-Ireland-Troubles-from-conflict-to-peace-process.html|title=Timeline of Northern Ireland Troubles: from conflict to peace process|work=[[The Daily Telegraph]]|date=19 May 2015|access-date=22 October 2019|archive-date=22 October 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191022160213/https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/northernireland/11610345/Timeline-of-Northern-Ireland-Troubles-from-conflict-to-peace-process.html|url-status=live}}</ref> Following the [[St Andrews Agreement]] of October 2006, and [[2007 Northern Ireland Assembly election|March 2007 elections]], the [[Democratic Unionist Party]] and Sinn Féin formed a government in May 2007. In July 2007, the [[British Army]] formally ended [[Operation Banner]], their mission in Northern Ireland which began 38 years earlier, in 1969.<ref>{{cite news|author=Weaver, Matthew|author2=Sturcke, James|url=https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2007/jul/31/northernireland.military|title=British army ends Northern Ireland operation|work=The Guardian|date=31 July 2007|access-date=22 October 2019|archive-date=26 August 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190826085642/https://www.theguardian.com/uk/2007/jul/31/northernireland.military|url-status=live}}</ref>

On 8 December 2007, while visiting President Bush in the [[White House]] with the Northern Ireland First Minister Ian Paisley, Martin McGuinness, the Deputy First Minister, said to the press "Up until the 26 March this year, Ian Paisley and I never had a conversation about anything – not even about the weather – and now we have worked very closely together over the last seven months and there's been no angry words between us. ... This shows we are set for a new course."<ref>{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/7123939.stm|title=Paisley and McGuinness in US trip|publisher=BBC News|date=3 December 2007|access-date=22 October 2019}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|author=Purdy, Martina|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/7134094.stm|title='Charming' ministers woo president|publisher=BBC News|date=8 December 2007|access-date=22 October 2019|archive-date=31 December 2007|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071231210655/http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/7134094.stm|url-status=live}}</ref>

===Consultative Group on the Past===
The Consultative Group on the Past was an independent group established to consult across the community in Northern Ireland on the best way to deal with the legacy of the Troubles.

The Group stated its terms of reference as:
{{blockquote|To consult across the community on how Northern Ireland society can best approach the legacy of the events of the past 40 years; and to make recommendations, as appropriate, on any steps that might be taken to support Northern Ireland society in building a shared future that is not overshadowed by the events of the past.|Consultative Group on the Past [http://www.cgpni.org/about-us/ About Us, 28 January 2000]}}

The Group was co-chaired by the Most Rev. Dr. [[Robin Eames]] (Lord Eames), the former [[Archbishop of Armagh (Church of Ireland)|Church of Ireland Archbishop of Armagh]], and [[Denis Bradley]], and published its report in January 2009.<ref name="BBC7847479">{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/northern_ireland/7847479.stm|title=Troubles victims' payment planned|date=23 January 2009|access-date=22 October 2019|publisher=BBC News|author=Kearney, Vincent|archive-date=22 October 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191022161253/http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/northern_ireland/7847479.stm|url-status=live}}</ref>

Whilst the group met [[MI5]] and the [[Ulster Volunteer Force|UVF]], the [[Provisional Irish Republican Army|Provisional IRA]] refused to meet with the group.<ref name="BBC7263688">{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/7263688.stm|title=IRA rules out meeting with group|date=25 February 2008|access-date=22 October 2019|publisher=BBC News|archive-date=29 February 2008|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080229021642/http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/7263688.stm|url-status=live}}</ref>

The Group published its recommendations on 28 January 2009 in a 190-page report, containing more than 30 recommendations, expected to cost in total £300m.<ref name="BBC7855035">{{cite news|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/7855035.stm|title=NI Troubles legacy to cost £300m|date=28 February 2008|access-date=22 October 2019|publisher=BBC News|archive-date=15 February 2009|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090215055843/http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/7855035.stm|url-status=live}}</ref> The report recommended setting up a 5-year Legacy Commission, a Reconciliation Forum to aid the existing commission for victims and survivors, and a new historical case review body. The report concluded the Legacy Commission should make proposals on how "a line might be drawn", but omitted proposals for an amnesty. Additionally, it was proposed that no new Public Inquiries be held, and an annual Day of Reflection and Reconciliation and a shared memorial to the conflict.<ref name="BBC7855035"/> A controversial proposal to pay the relatives of all victims killed in the Troubles, including the families of paramilitary members, £12,000, as a "recognition payment", caused disruption to the report's launch by protesters.<ref name="BBC7855035"/> This estimated cost of this part of the proposal was £40m.<ref name="BBC7847479"/>

==See also==
*[[Reconciliation theology in Northern Ireland]]
*[[Republic of Ireland]]
*[[Timeline of the Troubles]]

==References==
{{Reflist|colwidth=30em}}

==Further reading==
* Brewer, John D., Gareth I. Higgins, and Francis Teeney, eds. ''Religion, civil society, and peace in Northern Ireland'' (Oxford UP, 2011).
* Cochrane, Feargal. "The Ulster Unionist Party during the peace process." ''Études irlandaises'' 22.2 (1997): 99-116 [https://www.persee.fr/doc/irlan_0183-973x_1997_num_22_2_1406 online].
* Curran, Daniel, and James Sebenius. "The mediator as coalition builder: George Mitchell in Northern Ireland." ''International Negotiation'' 8.1 (2003): 111-147 [https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/c891/03288e6ca529c9c29a4e5c2f5614f4139f5d.pdf online].
* Curran, Daniel, James K. Sebenius, and Michael Watkins. "Two Paths to Peace: Contrasting George Mitchell in Northern Ireland with Richard Holbrooke in Bosnia–Herzegovina." ''Negotiation Journal'' 20.4 (2004): 513-537 [http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.420.4675&rep=rep1&type=pdf online].
* Gilligan, Chris, and Jonathan Tonge, ess. ''Peace or war?: understanding the peace process in Northern Ireland'' (Routledge, 2019).
* Hennessey, Thomas. ''The Northern Ireland Peace Process: Ending the Troubles'' (2001)
* Irwin, Colin. ''The people’s peace process in Northern Ireland'' (Springer, 2002).
* McLaughlin, Greg, and Stephen Baker, eds. ''The propaganda of peace: The role of media and culture in the Northern Ireland peace process'' (Intellect Books, 2010).
* Sanders, Andrew. ''The Long Peace Process: The United States of America and Northern Ireland, 1960-2008'' (2019) [https://www.amazon.com/Long-Peace-Process-Northern-1960-2008/dp/1786940442/ excerpt]
* White, Timothy J. and Martin Mansergh, eds. ''Lessons from the Northern Ireland Peace Process'' (2014) [https://www.amazon.com/Lessons-Northern-Ireland-Process-Diaspora/dp/0299297047/ excerpt]

==External links==
*[https://web.archive.org/web/20110717003156/http://www.thehist.com/index.php?option=com_docman&task=cat_view&gid=41&Itemid=388&limit=5&limitstart=0&order=date&dir=ASC Recordings] of [[College Historical Society]] debate on the Peace Process featuring [[John Hume]], [[Jeffrey Donaldson]], [[David Burnside]] and [[Ken Maginnis]]
*http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/events/peace/index.html – the Conflict Archive on the Internet
*https://www.cbc.ca/news2/background/northernireland/index.html - CBC News InDepth: Northern Ireland
*https://web.archive.org/web/20100602193801/http://www.ecmi.de/emap/noirl.html – The current situation and international response
*[https://web.archive.org/web/20060712170545/http://www.usip.org/fellows/reports/2006/0706_farry.html Inside Out: An Integrative Critique of the Northern Ireland Peace Process] [[US Institute of Peace]] June 2006
*[http://www.peacepolls.org/cgi-bin/generic?instanceID=10 Peace Polls, Northern Ireland - Polls and Public Diplomacy]
*[http://www.peacepolls.org/cgi-bin/generic?instanceID=31 Peace Polls, Northern Ireland - Peace Building]

{{NIPP}}
{{Northern Ireland topics}}
{{Ireland topics}}
{{PIRA}}
{{Peace}}

[[Category:1990s in Northern Ireland]]
[[Category:Northern Ireland peace process| ]]
[[Category:Premiership of Tony Blair]]
[[Category:George J. Mitchell]]