View source for Prime Minister of Poland

{{Short description|Head of government of Poland}}
{{For|a list of holders of the office|List of prime ministers of Poland}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=January 2025}}
{{Infobox official post
| post = President
| body = the<br />Council of Ministers
| native_name = {{native name|pl|Prezes Rady Ministrów}}
| insignia = Znak podstawowy z administracji rządowej RP.svg
| insigniasize = 
| insigniacaption = Logo used by institutions of the<br />[[Government of Poland|Polish Government]]
| insigniaalt = 
| flag = Flag of Poland.svg
| flagsize = 
| flagalt =
| flagborder = yes
| flagcaption = State [[flag of Poland]]
| image = Donald Tusk KPRM HQ 2023.jpg
| imagesize = 220px
| alt = 
| imagecaption = 
| incumbent = [[Donald Tusk]]
| incumbentsince = 13 December 2023
| department = [[Council of Ministers (Poland)|Council of Ministers]]<br/>[[Chancellery of the Prime Minister of Poland|Chancellery of the Prime Minister]]
| style = Mr Prime Minister (informal)<br />[[Excellency|His Excellency]] (diplomatic)
| type = [[Head of government]]
| status = 
| abbreviation = 
| member_of = [[European Council]]
| reports_to = 
| residence = ''Hotel "Parkowa"'', Warsaw (official, rarely used)
| seat = [[Building of the Chancellery of the Prime Minister (Poland)|Building of the Chancellery of the Prime Minister]]
| nominator = 
| appointer = [[President of Poland|President]] or the [[Sejm]]
| appointer_qualified = with the [[Motion of no confidence|confidence]] in the Sejm
| termlength =
| termlength_qualified = 
| constituting_instrument = 
| precursor = [[List of prime ministers of Poland#Prime ministers of the Kingdom of Poland (1917–1918)|Prime minister of the Kingdom of Poland]]
| formation = {{start date and age|df=y|1918|11|6}}
| first = [[Ignacy Daszyński]]
| last = 
| abolished = 
| superseded_by = 
| succession = 
| unofficial_names = Prime minister
| deputy = [[Deputy Prime Minister of the Republic of Poland|Deputy Prime Minister]]
| salary = 389,516 [[Polish zloty]]/€81,772 annually<ref name="igcompaycheck">{{cite web|url=https://www.ig.com/uk/forex/research/pay-check|title=IG.com Pay Check|publisher=IG|access-date=2020-02-08|archive-date=2018-04-25|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180425045807/https://www.ig.com/uk/forex/research/pay-check|url-status=live}}</ref>
| website = {{URL|http://www.premier.gov.pl|Official website}}
| footnotes = 
}}
The '''president of the Council of Ministers''' ({{langx|pl|Prezes Rady Ministrów}} {{IPA|pl|ˈprɛzɛs ˈradɨ miˈɲistruf|}}), colloquially and commonly referred to as the '''prime minister''' ({{Langx|pl|premier|links=no}} {{IPA|pl|ˈprɛmjɛr||Pl-premier.ogg}}), is the head of the [[Council of Ministers (Poland)|cabinet]] and the [[head of government]] of [[Poland]].<ref>[[#Jagielski|Jagielski]], pp. 168–169</ref> The responsibilities and traditions of the office stem from the creation of the [[History of Poland (1989–present)|contemporary Polish state]], and the office is defined in the [[Constitution of Poland]]. According to the Constitution, the [[President of Poland|president]] nominates and appoints the prime minister, who will then propose the composition of the Cabinet.<ref>Article 154, para. 1</ref> Fourteen days following their appointment, the prime minister must submit a programme outlining the government's agenda to the [[Sejm]], requiring a [[Motion of no confidence|vote of confidence]].<ref name="Art154p2">Article 154, para. 2</ref> Conflicts stemming from both interest and powers have arisen between the offices of President and Prime Minister in the past.

The incumbent and eighteenth prime minister is [[Donald Tusk]] of the [[Civic Platform]] party who replaced [[Mateusz Morawiecki]] following the [[2023 Polish parliamentary election]], after [[Third Cabinet of Mateusz Morawiecki|Morawiecki's third government]] failed to receive a vote of confidence on 11 December 2023, which [[Third Cabinet of Donald Tusk|Tusk's third government]] subsequently received on the same day and was sworn in two days later.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Dymisja rządu Mateusza Morawieckiego przyjęta. Do środy gabinet będzie dalej sprawował obowiązki |url=https://polskieradio24.pl/5/1222/artykul/3298285,dymisja-rzadu-mateusza-morawieckiego-przyjeta-do-srody-gabinet-bedzie-dalej-sprawowal-obowiazki |access-date=2023-12-11 |website=Polskie Radio 24 |language=pl-PL}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last1=Osiecki |first1=Grzegorz |title=Kto dziś rządzi_ Kto jest premierem, a kto administruje_ - GazetaPrawna.pl |url=https://www.gazetaprawna.pl/wiadomosci/kraj/artykuly/9378972,kto-dzis-rzadzi-kto-jest-premierem-a-kto-administruje.html |access-date=12 December 2023 |work=[[Dziennik Gazeta Prawna]] |date=12 December 2023}}</ref> Tusk was also the fourteenth prime minister, between 2007 and 2014.

{{Politics of Poland}}

==Origin of the office==
===Second Republic===
{{Main|History of Poland (1918–1939)}}
Near the end of the [[World War I|First World War]], an assortment of groups contested to proclaim an independent Polish state. In early November 1918, a socialist provisional government under [[Ignacy Daszyński]] declared independence, while a separate committee in [[Kraków]] claimed to rule [[West Galicia]].<ref name="Kochanski, p. 7">[[#Kochanski|Kochanski]], p. 7</ref> In [[Warsaw]], the [[German Empire|German]]-[[Austria-Hungary|Austrian]] appointed [[Regency Council (Poland)|Regency Council]] agreed to transfer political responsibilities to Marshal [[Józef Piłsudski]], recently released from [[Magdeburg]] fortress, as [[Chief of State (Poland)|Chief of State]] of the new Polish nation.<ref>[[#Bernhard|Bernhard]], pp. 82–83</ref> Piłsudski summoned Daszyński to the capital to form a government, where Piłsudski agreed to appoint Daszyński as the republic's first prime minister.<ref name="Kochanski, p. 7" /> Daszyński's premiership, however, remained brief, after the politician failed to form a workable coalition. Piłsudski turned instead to [[Jędrzej Moraczewski]], who successfully crafted a workable government for the [[Second Polish Republic|Second Republic]]'s first months of existence.

[[File:Gabinet Skulskiego.jpg|thumb|left|The cabinet of Prime Minister [[Leopold Skulski]] in a session in 1920. Due to the deep political divides of the early Second Republic, governments were short-lived, frequently falling within months.]]

The [[Small Constitution of 1919]] outlined Poland's form of government, with a democratically elected [[Sejm]], a prime minister and cabinet, and an executive branch. Despite outlining a [[parliamentary system]], the Small Constitution vested many executive powers into Piłsudski's position as Chief of State.<ref>[[#Ludwikowski|Ludwikowski]], p. 14</ref> The executive branch could select and organise cabinets (with the Sejm's consent), be responsible to the ministries for their duties, and require the countersignature of ministers for all official acts.<ref>[[#Lerski|Lerski]], pp. 80–81</ref> By the early 1920s, rightist nationalists within parliament, particularly [[Roman Dmowski]] and other members of the [[Popular National Union]] party and the ''[[National Democracy (Poland)|Endecja]]'' movement, advocated reforms to the republic's structure to stem the authority of the chief of state (and ultimately Piłsudski) while increasing parliamentary powers.<ref>[[#Cole|Cole]], p.28</ref> The result was the Sejm's passage of the [[March Constitution (Poland)|March Constitution of 1921]]. Modeled after the [[French Third Republic]], the March Constitution entrusted decision-making exclusively within the lower-house Sejm.<ref>[[#Garlicki|Garlicki]], p. 1</ref> The newly created [[President of Poland|presidency]], on the other hand, became a symbolic office devoid of any major authority, stripped of veto and wartime powers.<ref>[[#Biskupski|Biskupski]], pp. 76–77</ref>

Deriving authority from the powerful Sejm, the prime minister and the council of ministers, in theory, faced few constitutional barriers from the presidency to pass and proceed with legislation. In reality, however, the premiership remained extraordinarily insecure due to the harsh political climate of the early Second Republic, marked by constant fluctuating coalitions within parliament.<ref>[[#Lasok|Lasok]], pp. 19–20</ref> Fourteen governments and eleven prime ministers rose and fell between 1918 and 1926, with nine governments alone serving during the five-year March Constitution era.<ref>[[#Lesnodorski|Lesnodorski]], p. 119. During this era, two prime ministers entered the premiership more than once. [[Władysław Grabski]] served as premier first between June and July 1920 and second between December 1923 to November 1925, the longest term for any leader of the period. [[Wincenty Witos]] served as prime minister three times, between July 1920 to September 1921, May to December 1923, and May 1926. Witos' third and final government lasted only four days before being militarily deposed by Piłsudski in the [[May Coup (Poland)|May Coup]].</ref> Deeply frustrated with the republic's chaotic "sejmocracy" parliamentary structure, Piłsudski led rebellious [[Polish Land Forces|Polish Army]] units to overthrow the government in the [[May Coup (Poland)|May Coup]] of 1926, effectively ending the Second Republic's brief experiment with parliamentary democracy, as well as the prime minister's free and popular elected mandate for the next sixty years.

Distrustful of parliamentary democracy, Piłsudski and his [[Sanation]] movement assumed a semi-authoritarian [[power behind the throne]] presence over the premiership and presidency.<ref>[[#Cole|Cole]], p. 42</ref> Piłsudski's [[August Novelization|August Novelisation]] of the 1921 Constitution retained the prime minister's post and the parliamentary system, though modified the president's powers to rule by decree, dismiss the Sejm, and decide budgetary matters.<ref>[[#Lukowski and Zawadzki|Lukowski and Zawadzki]], p. 242</ref> By the mid-1930s, Piłsudski and fellow Sanationists further stripped parliament and the premier's powers by enacting a [[April Constitution of Poland|new constitution]], effectively establishing a strong "hyper-presidency" by 1935.<ref>[[#Prokrop|Prokrop]], p. 22</ref> The new constitution allowed for the president to dismiss parliament, the right to freely appoint and dismiss the prime minister, members of the cabinet and the judiciary at will, and promulgated the presidency as the supreme power of the state.<ref>[[#Fijałkowski|Fijałkowski]], pp. 41–43</ref> Until the outbreak of the [[World War II|Second World War]] and the resulting [[Polish government-in-exile|exiling of the Polish government]], the Sanation movement remained at the helm of a government dominated by the presidency with a weak, subordinate prime minister.

===People's Republic===
Under the communist [[Polish People's Republic]], the ruling [[Polish United Workers' Party]] (PZPR) dominated all sections of the government, as recognised under the [[Constitution of the Polish People's Republic|1952 Constitution]].<ref>[[#Fijałkowski|Fijałkowski]], p. 92</ref> Although the premiership continued to exist, the office's power and prestige relied more on the individual's stature within the governing communist party than the position's actual constitutional authority.<ref>[[#Zubek|Zubek]] pp. 83–128</ref> The office acted as an administrative agent for policies carried out by the PZPR's [[Politburo of the Polish United Workers' Party|Politburo]], rather than relying on the support of the [[Rubber stamp (politics)|rubber stamp]] Sejm.<ref>[[#Bernhard|Bernhard]] p. 190</ref> In face of growing protests from the [[Solidarity (Polish trade union)|Solidarity movement]] for much of the 1980s, the PZPR entered into the [[Polish Round Table Agreement|Round Table Talks]] in early 1989 with leading members of the anti-communist opposition.<ref>[[#Osiatynski|Osiatynski]] p. 30</ref> The conclusion of the talks, along with the resulting [[April Novelization|April Novelisation]] of the constitution, provided various powers to the Sejm, along with reinstating both the previously dissolved upper-house [[Senate of Poland|Senate]] and the presidency as legal governmental entities.

===Third Republic===
[[File:Tadeusz Mazowiecki - Europeana - Viewing Exhibition.jpg|thumb|[[Tadeusz Mazowiecki]], former prime minister of Poland browsing an exhibition at the [[Europeana]] 1989 roadshow in Warsaw.]]
Following the partially free [[1989 Polish parliamentary election|1989 parliamentary election]], the [[Solidarity Citizens' Committee|Solidarity]] government of [[Tadeusz Mazowiecki]] faced the monumental task of formally institutionalising the office in order to define its relatively vague legal powers. As the communist state was quickly dismantled, this impasse remained due to the series of unstable governments falling in quick succession in the first years of the Third Republic.<ref name="Zubek pp. 96-97">[[#Zubek|Zubek]] pp. 96–97</ref> Matters were not helped by the vagueness of the presidency, whose recreation during the Round Table Talks left a poorly defined yet potentially powerful office.<ref>[[#Linz and Stepan|Linz and Stepan]] p. 280</ref> After [[Lech Wałęsa]]'s direct [[1990 Polish presidential election|1990 election]] to the presidency, a tug of war between the offices of the premier and presidency regarding the powers of the two offices began, with Wałęsa arguing for increased presidential powers by drafting a new constitution, with the right to appoint and dismiss the prime minister and members of the cabinet.<ref name="Linz281">[[#Linz and Stepan|Linz and Stepan]], p. 281</ref> Although Wałęsa later recanted his attempts to create a [[presidential system]], the president continued to advocate for a [[Semi-presidential republic|semi-presidential]] model similar to that of the [[French Fifth Republic]].<ref name="Linz281" /> The passage of the [[Small Constitution of 1992|Small Constitution]] in 1992, which dispensed with the communist 1952 version, clarified several presidential prerogatives over the prime minister, including the president's right to be consulted on the ministers of [[Ministry of National Defence (Poland)|Defence]], [[Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Poland)|Foreign Affairs]], and [[Ministry of Interior (Poland)|Interior]].<ref name=Schwartz59-60>[[#Schwartz|Schwartz]] pp. 59–60</ref> Although Wałęsa enjoyed a conflict free relationship with Prime Minister [[Hanna Suchocka]], power rifts remained after the Small Constitution's passage, particularly with the Sejm, which Wałęsa repeatedly attempted to dissolve, influence its appointments, and shift its constitutional reform agenda towards the presidency's favour.<ref name="Schwartz59-60" />

However, by the [[1993 Polish parliamentary election|1993 parliamentary election]], which brought in a relatively stable left-of-centre coalition government between the [[Democratic Left Alliance (Poland)|Democratic Left Alliance]] (SLD) and the [[Polish People's Party]] (PSL), as well as Wałęsa's defeat in the [[1995 Polish presidential election|1995 presidential election]] by [[Social Democracy of the Republic of Poland|SdRP]] challenger [[Aleksander Kwaśniewski]], an impetus for greater constitutional reform began to proceed.<ref name="Zubek pp. 96-97" /> Between 1996 and 1997, a series of reform laws passed through parliament, strengthening and centralising the prime minister's prerogatives.<ref name="Zubek p. 97">[[#Zubek|Zubek]] p. 97</ref> These reforms would form the basis of the current [[Constitution of Poland|1997 Constitution]]. Significant changes included the ability for the prime minister to call a vote of confidence, the premier's exclusive right to allocate and [[cabinet reshuffle|reshuffle]] ministers, and also for the prime minister to solely determine the areas of competence for ministries.<ref>[[#Zubek|Zubek]] pp. 97, 100</ref> Many of the prime minister's new powers were gained at the expense of the presidency, which lost the rights to consult ministerial appointments, reject the prime minister's cabinet selection or reshuffles, chair the cabinet, and to veto the budget, although veto powers in other areas remained.<ref>[[#Zubek|Zubek]] p. 87. According to Zubek, Wałęsa's attempts in the early 1990s to swing constitutional reform towards a presidential system, taking advantage of legal loopholes over cabinet appointments and dissolving parliament, led lawmakers to greatly strengthen the role of the legislature by the 1997 Constitution.</ref> Additionally, the previous communist-era Office of the Council of Ministers (''Urząd Rady Ministrów'') was reformed into the [[Chancellery of the Prime Minister of Poland|Chancellery]] in 1997 to act as the premier's executive central office and support staff, assisting the facilitation and coordination of policy among members of the cabinet.<ref>[[#Zubek|Zubek]] pp. 107–110</ref> The reforms between 1996 and 1997, codified under the constitution, made the prime minister the centre of legal authority within the government.<ref name="Zubek p. 97" />

==Selection and responsibilities==
===Appointment===
[[File:Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz i Aleksander Kwasniewski.jpg|thumb|left|Prime Minister [[Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz]] (left) being sworn in by President [[Aleksander Kwaśniewski]] (right) in October 2005]]
According to Article 154 of the Constitution of Poland, the prime minister is nominated by the president. However, the nomination process is not solely dictated by presidential preference. By convention, the president nominates the leader of the party which obtained the most seats in the previous parliamentary election, or the leader of the senior partner in a coalition.<ref>[[#Prokop|Prokop]] p. 126</ref> The president is neither entitled to dismiss the prime minister, appoint nor dismiss individual members of the cabinet, or the council of ministers as a whole at will.<ref>[[#Brodecki and Jankowski|Brodecki and Jankowski]] p. 26</ref> Upon selection, the prime minister will propose members of the cabinet, and within fourteen days, must submit a programme outlining the new government's agenda to the Sejm, requiring a vote of confidence from its deputies.<ref name="Art154p2" /> In the event that a vote of confidence fails, the process of government formation passes to the Sejm, which will then nominate a prime minister within fourteen days, who will again propose the composition of the cabinet.<ref>Article 154, para. 3</ref> An absolute majority of votes in the presence of at least half of all Sejm deputies is required to approve the cabinet, and the president is required to accept and swear in the Sejm's nominee. If the vote of confidence fails again, the process of nomination is handed back to the presidency, who will appoint a prime minister, who will then nominate other members of the cabinet.<ref>Article 155, para. 1</ref> If the vote of confidence fails a third time, the president is obliged to dissolve the Sejm and call new elections.<ref>Article 155, para. 2</ref>

As part of political tradition, the prime minister and the ministers take the oath of office inside the Column Hall at the [[Presidential Palace, Warsaw|Presidential Palace]], in a ceremony administered by the president.<ref>{{cite web |title=Presidential Palace in Warsaw |date=13 August 2009 |url=http://www.president.pl/en/presidential-residences/presidential-palace |publisher=[[President of Poland]] |access-date=27 April 2013 |archive-date=17 April 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130417010544/http://www.president.pl/en/presidential-residences/presidential-palace/ |url-status=live }}</ref> Upon their inauguration, the prime minister and the ministers must take the following pledge before the head of state:

{{Blockquote|"Assuming this office of prime minister [deputy prime minister, minister] I do solemnly swear to be faithful to the provisions of the constitution and other laws of the Republic of Poland, and that the good of the Homeland and the prosperity of its citizens shall forever remain my supreme obligation."<ref name="Art151">Article 151</ref>|}} The oath may also be finished with the additional sentence, "So help me God."<ref name="Art151" />

===Role in the cabinet and powers===
Article 148 of the constitution stipulates that the prime minister shall act as the representative of the cabinet as a whole, delegate its agendas, coordinate the work of ministers, ensure the implementation of policy adopted by the cabinet, and issue regulations. Additionally, the prime minister acts as the superior of all civil servants.<ref>Article 153, para. 2</ref> The prime minister is further assisted by a [[Deputy Prime Minister of Poland|deputy prime minister]] (or ministers), who will act as a vice-president within the council of ministers.<ref>Article 147, para. 2</ref> The make-up of the cabinet, its distributed portfolios and its governing style, however, very much depends on the premier's personality.<ref name=Brodecki28>[[#Brodecki and Jankowski|Brodecki and Jankowski]] p. 28</ref> The prime minister cannot, however, hold the presidency nor any other high state office, such as the chairmanships of the [[Supreme Audit Office (Poland)|Supreme Chamber of Control]], the [[National Bank of Poland]], or the [[Polish Ombudsman|Ombudsman for Citizens Rights]], simultaneously. With the power to distribute and reshuffle cabinet members, the prime minister can also discharge the functions of a minister.<ref>Article 147, para. 3</ref> Similarly, the prime minister can call upon the cabinet to repeal a regulation or order from any minister.<ref>Article 149, para. 2</ref>

The prime minister must answer questions from deputies during each sitting of the Sejm.<ref>Article 115, para. 1</ref> The premier and other ministers are also constitutionally mandated to answer [[Interpellation (politics)|interpellations]] from deputies within 21 days of their submission.<ref>Article 115, para. 2</ref>

In accordance to Poland's semi-presidential system, most official acts of the presidency require the prime minister's [[Countersign (legal)|countersignature]] in order to become valid.<ref name="Garlicki25">[[#Garlicki|Garlicki]], p. 25</ref> Through this, the prime minister acts as a gatekeeper to the president to certain acts, while also accepting responsibility to the Sejm for the president's actions.<ref name="Garlicki25" /> This legal relationship, established under the constitution, attaches a significant presidential dependence on the prime minister's signature, arguably enlarging the premier's responsibilities and legal standing.<ref name="Garlicki25" /> The President, however, does not need the prime minister's countersignature for a limited selection of other acts, including the appointment of judges, conferring orders and decorations, appointing a president to the [[Supreme Court of Poland]], exercising [[pardon]]s, making a referral to the [[Constitutional Tribunal (Poland)|Constitutional Tribunal]], or appointing members to the [[National Broadcasting Council]].<ref>Article 144, para. 3</ref> The presidency's most significant power over the prime minister is the right to [[veto]] the government's legislation, but this procedure may be overruled by a three-fifths voting majority in the Sejm.<ref name=Prokop95>[[#Prokop|Prokop]] p. 95</ref>

The prime minister can also submit a vote of confidence of their cabinet to the Sejm.<ref>Article 160</ref> A vote of confidence in the cabinet can be granted by at least half of all of the Sejm's deputies.<ref name="Prokop95" /> Similarly, if the council of ministers loses its majority support within the Sejm, the cabinet can be forced to resign in a [[constructive vote of no confidence]].<ref name="Brodecki28" /> The motion must be approved by at least 46 deputies, and then passed by a majority vote.<ref>Article 158, para. 1</ref> In such an event, a new prime minister must be simultaneously appointed.<ref name="Brodecki28" /> Additionally, the premier must submit the resignation of their cabinet at the first sitting of a newly elected parliament, as well as after a vote of no confidence has been successfully passed against the council of ministers or upon their own individual resignation.<ref>Article 162, paras. 2–3</ref> In the event of the prime minister's resignation or death, the president can either accept or refuse the cabinet's resignation of office.<ref>[[#Prokop|Prokop]], p. 127</ref>

For the regional governments of the [[Voivodeships of Poland|voivodeships]], the prime minister is empowered to appoint a ''voivode'' for each of the republic's sixteen provinces, who supervises the central government's administration in the regions, as well as the functions of local government.<ref>[[#Enyedi and Tózsa|Enyedi and Tózsa]] pp. 290–291</ref> The Sejm, upon a motion of the prime minister, can dissolve a local or regional government if it is flagrantly violating the constitution or legal statutes.<ref>Article 171, para. 3</ref>

Among the office's emergency and security powers, the prime minister can request to the president a military [[commander-in-chief]] of the [[Polish Armed Forces]] during a time of war, or order a partial or general mobilisation in the event of a direct threat to national security.<ref>Articles 134, para. 4; Article 136</ref> The prime minister also retains the right to appoint and dismiss the heads of the special services, including the ''[[Police of Poland|Policja]]'', [[Border Guard (Poland)|Border Guard]], [[Internal Security Agency|ABW]], [[Foreign Intelligence Agency|AW]], and the [[State Protection Service]].<ref name="UW">{{cite web |url=http://www.ipsir.uw.edu.pl/informacje_o_instytucie/katedry_i_zaklady/katedra_kryminologii_i_polityki_kryminalnej/referaty_i_artykuly/law_enforcement__security_services_and_agencies_in_poland__a__rzeplinski__a__kremplewski |publisher=[[University of Warsaw]] |title=Law enforcement, security services and agencies in Poland. Their accountability and transparency |access-date=11 April 2013 |archive-date=14 June 2010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100614043048/http://ipsir.uw.edu.pl/informacje_o_instytucie/katedry_i_zaklady/katedra_kryminologii_i_polityki_kryminalnej/referaty_i_artykuly/law_enforcement__security_services_and_agencies_in_poland__a__rzeplinski__a__kremplewski |url-status=dead }}</ref> The heads of both the ABW and AW are entitled to directly report to the premier.<ref name="UW" /><ref group="note">The [[Policja]], the [[Border Guard (Poland)|Border Guard]] and the [[State Protection Service]] are directly subordinate to the [[Ministry of Interior (Poland)|minister of the interior]].</ref> In the event of public disorder, the prime minister can, upon a motion by the interior minister, authorise special armed units of the ''Policja'' to restore order.<ref name="UW" /> If such units prove ineffective in such a situation, the prime minister is authorised to call upon the president to deploy the Polish Armed Forces to bring law and order.<ref name="UW" />

==Relationship with the presidency==
Throughout the history of the Third Republic, the relationship between the prime minister and the president has ebbed and flowed. In the early to mid-1990s, the relationship largely depended on different interpretations of the vague, legal prerogatives of each office at the time, though since the passage of the Constitution of 1997, political preferences and individual personalities have characterised the relationship. Conflicts between the two offices, however, have generated party splits and political paralysis in the past.

Both before and after his 1990 election to the presidency, Lech Wałęsa had a deeply strained relationship with Prime Minister Tadeusz Mazowiecki, stemming from Wałęsa's belief that Mazowiecki was not aggressive enough in the dismissal of former Polish United Workers' Party members from senior government and economic positions.<ref name="VanHoorn205">[[#Van Hoorn|Van Hoorn]] p. 205</ref> Mazowiecki's famous 1989 [[Thick line|Thick Line]] speech (''gruba kreska'') further exacerbated the splintering. The split between the two men fractured the original uniting [[Solidarity Citizens' Committee]] by 1990, with intellectuals supporting Mazowiecki's new [[Citizens' Movement for Democratic Action]], while workers supported the [[Centre Agreement]], a political movement based around Wałęsa.<ref name="VanHoorn205" />

Similarly, Prime Minister [[Jan Olszewski]] also retained a notoriously strained relationship with Wałęsa during Olszewski's brief government between 1991 and 1992. Olszewski proceeded with a cautious approach to economic reform instead of implementing [[shock therapy (economics)|shock therapy]], putting him at odds with the president.<ref name="Goldman p. 233">[[#Goldman|Goldman]] p. 233</ref> While Wałęsa advocated for constitutional reform to enlarge presidential prerogatives over the prime minister, Olszewski launched a campaign to deliberately embarrass the president and undermine Wałęsa's stature, releasing a list of alleged ex-communist collaborators within the Sejm, with some conspirators linked to the president.<ref>[[#Linz and Stepan|Linz and Stepan]] p. 282</ref> Wałęsa was further infuriated by Olszewski's attempts to gain influence within the Polish Armed Forces by appointing [[Radosław Sikorski]] as deputy defence minister without consultation.<ref name="Goldman p. 233" /> Wałęsa repeatedly called for the Olszewski government's dismissal, which the Sejm obliged, forcing the collapse of Olszewski's coalition in June 1992.<ref>[[#Simon|Simon]] pp. 65–66</ref> Prime Minister Hanna Suchocka, who succeeded in forming a government after [[Waldemar Pawlak]]'s failure to gather a workable coalition, enjoyed a far more amicable relationship with the president.<ref>[[#Goldman|Goldman]] p. 244-245 When Prime Minister Suchocka fought against a vote of confidence against her premiership in May 1993, the ''[[New York Times]]'' quoted Wałęsa as saying Suchocka was "[T]he best premier we have had, and she still gives rise to hope."</ref>

[[File:Tusk L Kaczynski 2007.jpg|thumb|left|President [[Lech Kaczyński]] (left) and Prime Minister [[Donald Tusk]] (right), seen during Tusk's oath of office in November 2007. Frequent disputes between the two leaders characterised Polish politics between 2007 and 2010.]]

The implementation of a new constitution in 1997 profoundly affected the relationship between the premiership and the presidency. Uncertainties over presidential and prime ministerial power that marked the Third Republic's first years were removed, eliminating the ability of the president to fully disrupt the government, and further strengthening the prime minister's position.<ref name="Bernhard242">[[#Bernhard|Bernhard]] p. 242</ref> Under President Aleksander Kwaśniewski, Prime Minister [[Jerzy Buzek]]'s government became the first administration to be elected under the new constitution.<ref name="Bernhard242" /> Despite being from opposite parties (Kwaśniewski's centre-left [[Social Democracy of the Republic of Poland]] and Buzek's centre-right [[Solidarity Electoral Action]]), the relationship between both offices was smooth, partly due to Kwaśniewski's non-confrontational personality.<ref name="Bernhard242" /> Kwaśniewski sparingly used his veto powers in legislation the president did not agree with, choosing to let the government's [[concordat]] with the [[Holy See]], a new [[Lustration in Poland|lustration]] act and new electoral statutes to proceed without hindrance, though Kwaśniewski vetoed Buzek's privatisation plan.<ref name="Bernhard242" /> Kwaśniewski's relationships with the like-minded social democratic premierships of [[Leszek Miller]] and [[Marek Belka]] were virtually free of conflict.

Relations between the two executive organs, however, returned to animosity under the presidency of [[Lech Kaczyński]] and Prime Minister [[Donald Tusk]]. Political rivals for years, fueled by the [[2005 Polish presidential election|2005 presidential poll]] which saw both men as the main challengers, Tusk's centre-right [[Civic Platform]] toppled Kaczyński's twin brother [[Jarosław Kaczyński|Jarosław's]] government in the [[2007 Polish parliamentary election|2007 parliamentary election]]. Tusk's support for stronger integration into the [[European Union]], including the signing of the [[Treaty of Lisbon|Lisbon Treaty]], and a rapprochement with [[Russia]], put Kaczyński directly at odds with the prime minister.<ref name="Szczerbiak21-22">[[#Szczerbiak|Szczerbiak]] pp. 21–22</ref> From 2007 until Kaczyński's death in the [[Smolensk air disaster]] in 2010, policy differences between the two offices were a constant source of division, with the president employing his limited veto powers numerous times over the government's legislation; Tusk's government lacked a 60 percent threshold to overturn such vetoes.<ref name="Szczerbiak21-22"/> In response, Tusk made no secret his party's desire to replace Kaczyński in the [[2010 Polish presidential election|2010 presidential election]].<ref name="Szczerbiak21-22"/> Although Tusk and Kaczyński found several areas of compromise, clashes between the Chancellery and the Presidential Palace became a regular feature in both the domestic and international political scenes for the next two and a half years.<ref name="Szczerbiak21-22" /> Frustrated by Kaczyński's veto, Tusk argued for a constitutional amendment in November 2009 to strip the presidency of its veto powers, declaring: "The president should not have veto power. People make their decision in elections and then state institutions should not be in conflict...Let us change some provisions so we can have fewer conflicts and more cooperation. We propose changes to the constitution so that the centre of power lies with the government... The presidential veto brings more harm than good.".<ref>{{cite web |date=21 November 2009 |url=http://www.buenosairesherald.com/BreakingNews/View/17934 |publisher=[[Buenos Aires Herald]] |title=Polish PM says president should lose veto power |access-date=4 April 2010 |archive-date=24 May 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130524125303/http://www.buenosairesherald.com/BreakingNews/View/17934 |url-status=live }}</ref>

In 2015 in a short period of time relations between President [[Andrzej Duda]] and Prime Minister [[Ewa Kopacz]] were tense too. On 31 May 2015 Duda announced the resolution electing him president during the ceremony. He appealed for no major political changes to be made before his swearing-in, as well as no changes "that may arouse unnecessary emotions and create conflicts." The prime minister noted that the government's relations with the president are defined in the Constitution: "This is indeed a surprising appeal. Please remember that the constitution regulates even friendly relations between the head of state and the government. The government has its duties, but also obligations towards Poles." She assured that her government had already fulfilled 90 percent of its announcements made in the expose and would continue to implement its programme. "The government should work until the end. That's what Poles pay it for," said Kopacz. The dispute between the president and the prime minister continues. Neither during the ceremony at Westerplatte nor immediately after did the politicians decide to talk. Even though Duda and Kopacz were standing next to each other, they did not shake hands.".<ref>{{cite web |date=31 May 2015 |url=https://www.gazetaprawna.pl/wiadomosci/artykuly/874678,duda-prosi-rzad-o-niepodejmowanie-powaznych-decyzji-kopacz-to-zaskakujacy-apel.html|publisher=[[Dziennik Gazeta Prawna]] |title=Duda prosi rząd o niepodejmowanie poważnych decyzji. Kopacz: To zaskakujący apel |access-date=31 May 2015}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |date=1 September 2015 |url=https://wiadomosci.wp.pl/ewa-kopacz-i-andrzej-duda-nie-podali-sobie-rak-na-westerplatte-6027700451021953a|publisher=[[Wirtualna Polska]]|title=Ewa Kopacz i Andrzej Duda nie podali sobie rąk na Westerplatte |access-date=1 September 2015}}</ref>

[[File:Premier Morawiecki z prezydentem Dudą o planie odbudowy Europy po pandemii COVID-19 (4).jpg|thumb|left|President [[Andrzej Duda]] (right) and Prime Minister [[Mateusz Morawiecki]] (left), seen during conference]]

Duda's relationships with the conservative prime ministers [[Beata Szydło]] and [[Mateusz Morawiecki]] were virtually free of conflict. Duda sparingly used his veto powers in legislation the president did not agree with. The most known were [[Lex TVN]] and [[Przemysław Czarnek|Lex Czarnek]].<ref>{{cite web |date=2 March 2022 |url=https://tvn24.pl/tvn24-news-in-english/polands-president-vetoes-controversial-education-law-amendment-known-as-lex-czarnek-5620073|publisher=[[TVN24]]|title=President Duda vetoes education law amendment known as lex Czarnek |access-date=2 March 2022}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |date=27 December 2021 |url=https://tvn24.pl/tvn24-news-in-english/polands-president-vetoes-contested-media-reform-bill-targeting-tvn-5540476|publisher=[[TVN24]]|title=President Duda vetoes contested media reform bill targeting TVN |access-date=27 December 2021}}</ref>

[[File:Donald Tusk, Andrzej Duda nominacja.jpg|thumb|right|President [[Andrzej Duda]] (left) and Prime Minister [[Donald Tusk]] (right), seen during Tusk's oath of office in December 2023.]]

Relations between the two executive organs, however, returned to animosity under the presidency of Duda and Prime Minister Tusk. [[United Right (Poland)|United Right]] would be unable to govern on its own, and Duda stated his intention to re-appoint incumbent Morawiecki as Prime Minister due to the existing albeit unofficial convention of nominating a member of the winning party.<ref name=":4">{{Cite web |last=Cienski |first=Jan |date=2023-11-27 |title=Poland's zombie government shuffles into being |url=https://www.politico.eu/article/poland-government-election-donald-tusk-mateusz-morawiecki-andrzej-duda/ |access-date=2023-12-11 |website=POLITICO |language=en}}</ref> The four opposition parties criticised Duda's decision as a delay tactic. The opposition parties subsequently signed a coalition agreement on 10 November, ''de facto'' taking over control of the Sejm, and agreed to nominate former Prime Minister and [[President of the European Council|European Council President]] Donald Tusk as their candidate.<ref>{{cite web |author=Easton, Adam |date=10 November 2023 |title=Poland's Tusk-led pro-EU opposition signs deal and waits to govern |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-67381267.amp |access-date=10 November 2023 |work=[[BBC]]}}</ref> [[Third Cabinet of Mateusz Morawiecki|Morawiecki's new cabinet]], dubbed the "two-week government" and "zombie government" by the media due to its anticipated short-livedness, was sworn in on 27 November 2023.<ref name=":4" /><ref>{{Cite web |title=Prezydent powoła "rząd dwutygodniowy" |url=https://wyborcza.pl/7,75398,30444513,prezydent-powola-rzad-dwutygodniowy.html |access-date=2023-11-27 |website=wyborcza.pl |language=pl}}</ref> Duda said he would veto the government’s amended 2024 spending bill and propose his own, in a challenge to Tusk. In a post on the social media platform [[Twitter|X]], Duda cited the bill’s funding of public media, and said blocking it was appropriate “in view of the flagrant violation of the constitution.” Tusk himself tweeted that “the president’s veto takes away money from teachers”, to which Duda responded that if “you convene [parliament] after Christmas and pass by bill, which will included raises for teachers”, then they would not lose out.<ref>{{cite web |date=23 December 2023 |url=https://www.politico.eu/article/poland-andrzej-duda-vow-veto-budget-propose-his-own/|publisher=[[Politico]]|title=Polish president vows to veto spending bill in massive clash with new government |access-date=23 December 2023}}</ref> On 31 January 2024, Duda signed the national budget, agreed by the government, but sent it swiftly to the constitutional court citing doubts over its adoption. Although the budget was passed with a large majority, the absence of the two MPS, whose parliamentary mandates were annulled over criminal convictions, meant the National Assembly was not at full capacity when the vote took place. Tusk warned on Tuesday of a snap election if the budget is blocked by Duda. After Duda signed the budget, Tusk said sending the signed bill to the Constitutional Tribunal wouldn't change anything. "The budget is approved and that was the goal. The rest doesn't matter. People will get the money, nothing will stop it now.".<ref>{{cite web |date=1 February 2024 |url=https://www.jurist.org/news/2024/02/poland-president-sends-2024-budget-to-the-constitutional-court-for-assessment/|publisher=[[Jurist]]|title=Poland president sends 2024 budget to the Constitutional Court for assessment |access-date=1 February 2024}}</ref> On 29 March 2024 Polish President vetoes bill restoring access to emergency contraception. In a statement, Duda’s office outlined that his motivation in rejecting the legislation was to “protect the health of children”. He is opposed to the fact that the law would have allowed anyone aged 15 and above (Poland’s age of sexual consent) to buy the morning-after pill without the involvement of a doctor. The bill to restore prescription-free access to the 'morning-after pill' came from Prime Minister Donald Tusk's [[Third Cabinet of Donald Tusk|government]], Tusk wrote on platform X  "The president did not take advantage of the opportunity to stand on the side of women. We are implementing plan B".<ref>{{cite web |date=29 March 2024 |url=https://www.channelstv.com/2024/03/29/polish-president-vetoes-move-to-restore-access-to-emergency-contraception/|publisher=[[channelstv]]|title=Polish President Vetoes Move To Restore Access To Emergency Contraception |access-date=29 March 2024}}</ref>  In April 2024, the Polish [[Sejm]] took a significant step by approving a [[Bill (law)|bill]] that recognizes Silesian as an official regional language in Poland. This recognition was accepted by the [[Senate of Poland|Senate]],<ref>{{cite web |date=26 April 2024 |url=https://notesfrompoland.com/2024/04/26/law-to-recognise-silesian-as-regional-language-in-poland-approved-by-parliament/|publisher=[[NotesFromPoland]]|title=Law to recognise Silesian as regional language in Poland approved by parliament|access-date=26 April 2024}}</ref> however on 29 May 2024 The President has vetoed the bill. The president’s decision, which had been widely expected, was criticised by figures from the ruling coalition, it would allow the inclusion of Silesian in school curricula and its use within local administration in municipalities. Tusk responded on platform X "I would tell you in Silesian, Mr. President, what I think about your veto, but it is not appropriate in public".<ref>{{cite web |date=29 May 2024 |url=https://notesfrompoland.com/2024/05/29/president-vetoes-law-recognising-silesian-as-regional-language-in-poland/|publisher=[[NotesFromPoland]]|title=President vetoes law recognising Silesian as regional language in Poland |access-date=29 May 2024}}</ref> On 16 August 2024 Duda vetoed a bill that would have disbanded a commission investigating Russian influence on Poland’s internal security from 2007 to 2022.<ref>{{cite web |date=16 August 2024 |url=https://notesfrompoland.com/2024/08/16/president-vetoes-polish-governments-move-to-abolish-predecessors-russian-influence-commission/|publisher=[[NotesFromPoland]]|title=President vetoes Polish government's move to abolish predecessor's Russian influence commission |access-date=16 August 2024}}</ref> On 11 March 2025 President Andrzej Duda has vetoed a bill passed by the Polish government’s majority in parliament that would have changed the way the results of this year’s presidential election are validated by the Supreme Court.<ref>{{cite web |date=11 March 2025 |url=https://notesfrompoland.com/2025/03/11/president-vetoes-polish-ruling-coalitions-bill-changing-how-presidential-election-would-be-validated/|publisher=[[NotesFromPoland]]|title=President vetoes Polish ruling coalition's bill changing how presidential election would be validated |access-date=11 March 2025}}</ref> On 17 April 2025 President sent a bill that would expand Poland’s hate crime laws to include sexual orientation, sex/gender, age and disability as protected categories to  the Constitutional Tribunal (TK).<ref>{{cite web |date=17 April 2025 |url=https://www.polskieradio.pl/395/7784/Artykul/3512133,polish-president-refers-hate-speech-law-to-constitutional-court-over-legal-concerns|publisher=PolskieRadio|title=Polish president refers hate speech law to constitutional court over legal concerns|access-date=17 April 2025}}</ref> On May 6, 2025, President Duda vetoed a bill that would have reduced health insurance contributions for around 2.5 million business owners, citing risks to NFZ funding, lack of social consensus, and threats to social justice. Meanwhile, Prime Minister Tusk commented: “PiS increased the health insurance contribution for business owners. I proposed lowering it. President Duda vetoed the reduction. They are doing harm because they still can. There are 91 days, 9 hours and 2 minutes left of Duda’s presidency.”.<ref>{{cite web |date=7 May 2025 |url=https://notesfrompoland.com/2025/05/07/polish-president-vetoes-governments-reduction-in-health-contributions-by-business-owners|publisher=NotesfromPoland|title=Polish president vetoes government's reduction in health contributions by business owners|access-date=7 May 2025}}</ref> On his last day in office August 5, 2025, President Andrzej Duda blocked two government initiatives and questioned a third. He refused to sign legislation that would have shut down certain academic institutions created under the previous PiS (Law and Justice) administration, and he also rejected proposed changes to a justice-sector training body. In addition, he referred a separate law to the Constitutional Tribunal, arguing it raised constitutional concerns because this legislation would have allowed individuals aged 13 and up to access psychological healthcare without requiring parental consent. He cited concerns that it would undermine parents’ constitutional rights.<ref>{{cite web |date=5 August 2025 |url=https://notesfrompoland.com/2025/08/05/polish-president-vetoes-two-laws-on-final-day-in-office|publisher=NotesfromPoland|title=Polish president vetoes two government bills on final day in office|access-date=5 August 2025}}</ref>

The 2025 presidential elections in Poland were a pivotal moment, occurring amid escalating tensions between the presidency and the government. After Andrzej Duda’s second term ended on August 6, 2025, [[Karol Nawrocki]], former head of the Institute of National Remembrance and a conservative-nationalist figure, was elected president, defeating the government-backed candidate, [[Rafał Trzaskowski]]. Nawrocki’s victory deepened political divisions and further strained relations with Donald Tusk’s pro-European government. Soon after taking office, Nawrocki used his presidential powers to block key government proposals.
On August 21, 2025, Polish President Karol Nawrocki used his veto for the first time since assuming office earlier that month, rejecting a bill that sought to relax rules on building onshore wind turbines and prolong the freeze on household electricity prices through the end of 2025. The veto drew sharp criticism from the ruling coalition, economists, and climate activists. Prime Minister Donald Tusk accused Nawrocki of bad faith or mismanagement, warning that the decision could push electricity prices higher for all Polish households, both immediately and in the long term...<ref>{{cite web |date=21 August 2025 |url=https://notesfrompoland.com/2025/08/21/polands-new-president-vetoes-bill-loosening-wind-turbine-law-freezing-energy-prices|publisher=NotesfromPoland|title=Poland's new president vetoes bill loosening wind turbine law, freezing energy prices|access-date=21 August 2025}}</ref> On August 25, 2025, Polish President rejected a bill that sought to prolong state financial support for Ukrainian refugees in Poland. His office explained that he opposes what it described as the “preferential treatment of foreign nationals” and plans to introduce his own legislative proposals on the issue. The bill that was vetoed sought to extend aid for around one million Ukrainian refugees in Poland, many of whom fled the ongoing war. It also included funding for Ukraine’s Starlink internet access.<ref>{{cite web |date=25 August 2025 |url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/aug/25/polands-president-vetoes-legislation-to-prolong-benefits-for-ukrainian-refugees|publisher=[[The Guardian]]|title=Poland's president vetoes legislation to prolong benefits for Ukrainian refugees |access-date=25 August 2025}}</ref> Nawrocki also vetoed two bills included in the government’s economic “deregulation” package, which would have, among other changes, reduced penalties for tax offenses that do not directly cause financial losses. Despite presidential opposition, Tusk’s government continued pursuing its agenda, including renewable energy development and support for Ukraine, such as maintaining Starlink internet access, even after corresponding laws were vetoed. On 27 August 2025 President Nawrocki has vetoed two additional bills, one concerning reforms to Poland’s oil and gas reserves law and the other amending legislation on plant protection measures.
On 29 August 2025 President vetoed a government amendment to Poland’s child-protection law – commonly referred to as “Lex Kamilek,” which was introduced after the tragic death of an eight-year-old named Kamil (alias "Kamilek") by his stepfather. The proposed changes would have removed the requirement for double criminal record checks, allowing—for instance—a school to skip re-verifying a coach already screened by a sports club, and exempting professionals like police officers, lawyers, judges, as well as volunteers, parents helping in school activities, and visitors, from obtaining criminal-clearance certificates.<ref>{{cite web |date=29 August 2025 |url=https://www.pap.pl/en/news/nawrocki-vetoes-amended-bill-aimed-protecting-minors|publisher=PAP|title=Nawrocki vetoes amended bill aimed at protecting minors |access-date=29 August 2025}}</ref>

==Support staff and residence==
[[File:Gmach Kancelarii Prezesa Rady Ministrów 2022.jpg|thumb|The [[Building of the Chancellery of the Prime Minister (Poland)|Building of the Chancellery of the Prime Minister]], the location of the [[Chancellery of the Prime Minister of Poland|Chancellery]], is home to the premier's executive office and support staff.]]
The prime minister's executive office is the Chancellery. Located in the [[Building of the Chancellery of the Prime Minister (Poland)|Building of the Chancellery of the Prime Minister]] along [[Ujazdów Avenue, Warsaw|Ujazdów Avenue]] in Warsaw, the Chancellery houses the central meeting location of the cabinet. As an office, the Chancellery acts to facilitate government policy between the prime minister and the ministers, serves as the premier's support staff, and distributes the administration's information. Additionally in supporting the cabinet, the Chancellery also houses various executive departments answerable directly to the prime minister outside of the council of ministers, including the Economic Council, the Protection Office, and the Civil Service Department.

The official residence of the prime minister is Willa Parkowa, located several minutes' walk from the Chancellery next to [[Łazienki Park]]. However, the previous Prime Minister Donald Tusk chose to reside in the coastal city of [[Sopot]], near his native [[Gdańsk]] in [[Pomeranian Voivodeship]].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.mowimyjak.pl/fakty/kto-jest-kim/gdzie-w-warszawie-mieszka-premier-donald-tusk,49_50567.html|publisher=Mowimyjak.pl|title=Gdzie w Warszawie mieszka premier Donald Tusk? Gdzie mieszka Tusk w Warszawie?|access-date=2 April 2010|date=19 December 2012|archive-date=12 February 2013|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130212021041/http://www.mowimyjak.pl/fakty/kto-jest-kim/gdzie-w-warszawie-mieszka-premier-donald-tusk,49_50567.html|url-status=live}}</ref>

The prime minister receives security from the Government Protection Bureau (''Biuro Ochrony Rządu'') while in office, as well as for six months after departing from the Chancellery.

==List of Polish prime ministers==
{{Main|List of prime ministers of Poland}}
Since the inception of the Third Republic, sixteen individuals have occupied the post. The shortest-serving government was the [[Third Cabinet of Mateusz Morawiecki|third government]] of [[Mateusz Morawiecki]], lasting for 16 days between November and December 2023. The longest-serving prime minister has been Donald Tusk, who held the premiership continuously from 16 November 2007 to 22 September 2014, and again since 13 December 2023. To date, three women, Hanna Suchocka, Ewa Kopacz, and Beata Szydło, have served as prime ministers. Suchocka, along with Tadeusz Mazowiecki and Jerzy Buzek, are the only Polish prime ministers, as of yet, to be invited into the [[Club of Madrid]].<ref>{{cite web|title=The Club of Madrid offers condolences to Polish Government, People and Members Suchocka and Mazowiecki|url=http://www.clubmadrid.org/en/noticia/the_club_of_madrid_offers_condolences_to_polish_government_people_and_members_suchocka_and_mazowieck|publisher=[[Club of Madrid]]|access-date=12 April 2010|archive-date=6 March 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160306184852/http://www.clubmadrid.org/en/noticia/the_club_of_madrid_offers_condolences_to_polish_government_people_and_members_suchocka_and_mazowieck|url-status=live}}</ref>

{{legend2|#FFDF00|[[Democratic Union (Poland)|Democratic Union (UD)]] |border=1px solid #AAAAAA}}
{{legend2|#F0F8FF|[[Liberal Democratic Congress|Liberal Democratic Congress (KLD)]] |border=1px solid #AAAAAA}}
{{legend2|#CCCCFF|[[Centre Agreement|Centre Agreement (PC)]] |border=1px solid #AAAAAA}}
{{legend2|#CCFF00|[[Polish People's Party|Polish People's Party (PSL)]] |border=1px solid #AAAAAA}} 
{{legend2|#ff6347|[[Social Democracy of the Republic of Poland|Social Democracy (SdRP)]] / [[Democratic Left Alliance (Poland)|Democratic Left Alliance (SLD)]] |border=1px solid #AAAAAA}}
{{legend2|#ffffdd|[[Solidarity Electoral Action|Solidarity Electoral Action (AWS)]] |border=1px solid #AAAAAA}}
{{legend2|#A1CAF1|[[Law and Justice (Poland)|Law and Justice (PiS)]] / [[United Right (Poland)|United Right (ZP)]] |border=1px solid #AAAAAA}}
{{legend2|{{party color|Civic Platform}}|[[Civic Platform (Poland)|Civic Platform (PO)]] |border=1px solid #AAAAAA}}
{{legend2|{{party color|Civic Coalition (party)}}|[[Civic Coalition (Poland)|Civic Coalition (KO)]]|border=1px solid #AAAAAA}}
{| class="wikitable sortable"
! No. !! Name !! Took office !! Left office !! Party !! Coalition partner(s) !! Term in office 
|- bgcolor=#FFDF00
|align=center| 1 || [[Tadeusz Mazowiecki]]  || {{dts|format=dmy|1989|August|24}} || {{dts|format=dmy|1991|January|04}}
|| [[Solidarity Citizens' Committee|Solidarity Citizens' Committee (KO‘S’)]]/<br/>[[Democratic Union (Poland)|Democratic Union (UD)]] || [[United People's Party (Poland)|ZSL]]–[[Polish United Workers' Party|PZPR]]
||{{ayd|1989|08|24|1991|01|04}}
|- bgcolor=#F0F8FF
|align=center| 2 || [[Jan Krzysztof Bielecki]] || {{dts|format=dmy|1991|January|04}} || {{dts|format=dmy|1991|December|06}} 
|| [[Liberal Democratic Congress|Liberal Democratic Congress (KLD)]] || [[Christian National Union|ZChN]]–[[Centre Agreement|PC]]–[[Alliance of Democrats (Poland)|SD]]
||{{ayd|1991|01|04|1991|12|06}}
|- bgcolor=#CCCCFF
|align=center| 3 || [[Jan Olszewski]] || {{dts|format=dmy|1991|December|06}} || {{dts|format=dmy|1992|June|05}} 
|| [[Centre Agreement|Centre Agreement (PC)]] || ZChN–PSL.PL-PChD
|| {{ayd|1991|12|06|1992|06|05}}
|- bgcolor=#CCFF00
|align=center| 4 || [[Waldemar Pawlak]] || {{dts|format=dmy|1992|June|05}} || {{dts|format=dmy|1992|July|10}} || [[Polish People's Party|Polish People's Party (PSL)]] || None
|| {{ayd|1992|06|05|1992|07|10}}
|- bgcolor=#FFDF00
|align=center| 5 || [[Hanna Suchocka]] || {{dts|format=dmy|1992|July|11}} || {{dts|format=dmy|1993|October|26}}
|| Democratic Union (UD) || [[Liberal Democratic Congress|KLD]]–ZChN–PChD–[[Polish Beer-Lovers' Party|PPPP]]–PSL.PL-PPG-SLCh
|| {{ayd|1992|07|11|1993|10|26}}
|- bgcolor=#CCFF00
|align=center| 6 || [[Waldemar Pawlak]] || {{dts|format=dmy|1993|October|26}} || {{dts|format=dmy|1995|March|7}}
|| Polish People's Party (PSL)
|| [[Democratic Left Alliance (Poland)|SLD]]–[[Labour Union (Poland)|UP]]–[[Nonpartisan Bloc for Support of Reforms|BBWR]]
|| {{ayd|1993|10|26|1995|03|07}}
|- bgcolor=#ff6347
|align=center| 7 || [[Józef Oleksy]] || {{dts|format=dmy|1995|March|7}} || {{dts|format=dmy|1996|February|07}}
|| [[Social Democracy of the Republic of Poland|Social Democracy (SdRP)]] || [[Polish People's Party|PSL]]
|| {{ayd|1995|03|07|1996|02|07}}
|- bgcolor=#ff6347
|align=center| 8|| [[Włodzimierz Cimoszewicz]] || {{dts|format=dmy|1996|February|07}} || {{dts|format=dmy|1997|October|31}}
|| Social Democracy (SdRP) || PSL
|| {{ayd|1996|02|07|1997|10|31}}
|- bgcolor=#ffffdd
|align=center| 9 || [[Jerzy Buzek]] || {{dts|format=dmy|1997|October|31}} || {{dts|format=dmy|2001|October|19}}
|| [[Solidarity Electoral Action|Solidarity Electoral Action (AWS)]] || [[Freedom Union (Poland)|UW–]][[Conservative People's Party (Poland)|SKL]]–ZChN–PPChD
|| {{ayd|1997|10|31|2001|10|19}}
|- bgcolor=#ff6347
|align=center| 10 || [[Leszek Miller]] || {{dts|format=dmy|2001|October|19}} || {{dts|format=dmy|2004|May|2}}
|| [[Democratic Left Alliance (Poland)|Democratic Left Alliance (SLD)]] || UP–[[Polish People's Party|PSL]]
|| {{ayd|2001|10|19|2004|05|02}}
|- bgcolor=#ff6347
|align=center| 11 || [[Marek Belka]] || {{dts|format=dmy|2004|May|2}} || {{dts|format=dmy|2005|October|31}}
|| Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) || UP
|| {{ayd|2004|05|02|2005|10|31}}
|- bgcolor=#A1CAF1
|align=center| 12 || [[Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz]] || {{dts|format=dmy|2005|October|31}} || {{dts|format=dmy|2006|July|14}}
|| [[Law and Justice (Poland)|Law and Justice (PiS)]] || [[Self-Defence of the Republic of Poland|SRP]]–[[League of Polish Families|LPR]]
|| {{ayd|2005|10|31|2006|07|14}}
|- bgcolor=#A1CAF1
|align=center| 13 || [[Jarosław Kaczyński]] || {{dts|format=dmy|2006|July|14}} || {{dts|format=dmy|2007|November|16}}
|| Law and Justice (PiS) || SRP–LPR
|| {{ayd|2006|07|14|2007|11|16}}
|- bgcolor={{party color|Civic Platform}}
|align=center| 14 || [[Donald Tusk]] || {{dts|format=dmy|2007|November|16}} || {{dts|format=dmy|2014|September|22}}
|| [[Civic Platform|Civic Platform (PO)]] || PSL
|| {{ayd|2007|11|16|2014|9|22}}
|- bgcolor={{party color|Civic Platform}}
|align=center| 15 || [[Ewa Kopacz]] || {{dts|format=dmy|2014|September|22}} || {{dts|format=dmy|2015|November|16}}
|| Civic Platform (PO) || PSL
|| {{ayd|2014|9|22|2015|11|16}}
|- bgcolor=#A1CAF1
|align=center| 16 || [[Beata Szydło]] || {{dts|format=dmy|2015|November|16}} || {{dts|format=dmy|2017|December|11}}
|| United Right (ZP) || [[Agreement (political party)|Agreement]]–[[Sovereign Poland|United Poland]]
|| {{ayd|2015|11|16|2017|12|11}}
|- bgcolor=#A1CAF1
|align=center| 17 || [[Mateusz Morawiecki]] || {{dts|format=dmy|2017|December|11}} || {{dts|format=dmy|2023|December|13}}
|| United Right (ZP)  || United Poland
|| {{ayd|2017|12|11|2023|12|13}}
|- bgcolor={{party color|Civic Coalition (party)}}
|align=center| 18 || Donald Tusk || {{dts|format=dmy|2023|December|13}} || ''Incumbent''
|| Civic Coalition (KO) || PSL-[[Poland 2050|PL2050]]-[[New Left (Poland)|NL]]
|| {{ayd|2023|12|13}}
|}

==See also==
* [[Council of Ministers (Poland)|Cabinet of Poland]]
* [[Deputy Prime Minister of Poland]]
* [[List of Polish monarchs]]
* [[President of Poland]]
* ''[[Sejm]]''
* [[Senate of Poland|''Senat'']]

==Notes==
{{Reflist|group=note|1}}

==References==
{{Reflist}}

==Works cited==
* {{cite book| last =Bernhard| first =Michael| title =Institutions and the Fate of Democracy: Germany and Poland in the Twentieth Century| publisher =University of Pittsburgh Press| year =2005| location =Pittsburgh| isbn=9780822958703}}
* {{cite book|last1=Brodecki|first1=Zdzisław|last2=Jankowski|first2=Bartlomiej|editor=Zdzisław Brodecki |title=Polish Business Law|year=2003|publisher=Kluwer Law International|location=The Hague|isbn=978-90-411-1992-6|chapter=The Political System of the Republic of Poland}}
* {{cite web|url=http://indylaw.indiana.edu/instructors/cole/web%20page/polconst.pdf |archive-url=https://ghostarchive.org/archive/20221009/http://indylaw.indiana.edu/instructors/cole/web%20page/polconst.pdf |archive-date=2022-10-09 |url-status=live|author=Cole, Daniel H.|publisher=[[Indiana University Robert H. McKinney School of Law|Indiana University School of Law]]|title=Poland's 1997 Constitution in its Historical Context|access-date=1 April 2013|date=22 September 1998}}
* {{cite book|last1=Enyedi|first1=György|last2=Tózsa|first2=István|title=The Region: Regional Development, Policy, Administration, E-government|year=2004|publisher=Akadémiai Kiadó|location=Budapest|isbn=978-963-05-8037-3}}
* {{cite book|last=Fijałkowski|first=Agata|title=The New Europe: The Polish Struggle for Democracy and Constitutionalism|year=2010|publisher=Ashgate Publishing, Ltd.|location=Farnham, England|isbn=978-1-4094-9708-0}}
* {{cite book|last=Garlicki|first=Lech|editor=Stanisław Frankowski |title=Introduction to Polish law|year=2005|publisher=Kluwer Law International|location=The Hague|isbn=978-90-411-2331-2|chapter=Constitutional Law}}
* {{cite book|last=Goldman|first=Minton F.|title=Revolution and Change in Central and Eastern Europe: Political, Economic and Social Challenges|year=1997|publisher=M.E. Sharpe|location=Armonk, NY|isbn=978-0-7656-3901-1}}
* {{cite book|last=Kochanski|first=Halik|title=The Eagle Unbowed: Poland and the Poles in the Second World War|year=2012|publisher=Harvard University Press|location=Cambridge, MA|isbn=978-0-674-06816-2}}
* {{cite web|url=http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/112/1/Lasok_The_Polish_Constitutions_of_1947_and_1952.pdf |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141026115330/http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/112/1/Lasok_The_Polish_Constitutions_of_1947_and_1952.pdf |archive-date=2014-10-26 |url-status=live|author=Lasok, Dominik|publisher=[[London School of Economics]]|title=The Polish Constitutions of 1947 and 1952: A Historical Study of Constitutional Law|access-date=29 March 2013}}
* {{cite book|last=Lerski|first=Halina|title=Historical Dictionary of Poland, 966–1945|date=30 January 1996|publisher=ABC-CLIO|location=Santa Barbara, CA|isbn=978-0-313-03456-5}}
* {{cite book|last=Leśnodorski|first=Bogusław|title=Parlamentaryzm w Polsce|year=1947|publisher=M. Kot|location=Kraków|language=pl}}
* {{cite book|last1=Linz|first1=Juan J|last2=Stepan|first2=Alfred|title=Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe|year=2011|publisher=Johns Hopkins University Press|location=Baltimore|isbn=978-1-4214-0492-9}}
* {{cite book|last=Ludwikowski|first=Rett R.|title=Constitution-Making in the Region of the former Soviet Dominance|year=1996|publisher=Duke University Press|location=Durham, NC|isbn=978-0-8223-1802-6}}
* {{cite book|last1=Lukowski|first1=Jerzy |last2=Zawadzki|first2=Hubert|title=A Concise History of Poland|year=2006|publisher=Cambridge University Press|location=Cambridge, England|isbn=978-0-521-85332-3}}
* {{cite book|last=Osiatyński|first=Wiktor|editor=Jon Elster|title=The Roundtable Talks and the Breakdown of Communism|year=1996|publisher=University of Chicago Press|location=Chicago|isbn=978-0-226-20628-8|url=https://archive.org/details/roundtabletalksb0000unse}}
* {{cite book|last=Prokop|first=Krzysztof|editor=Jarosław Matwiejuk |editor2=Krzysztof Prokop |title=Evolution of Constitutionalism in the Selected States of Central and Eastern Europe|year=2010|publisher=Wydawnictwo Temida 2|location=Białystok|isbn=978-83-89620-87-3|chapter=The Institution of the President in the Visegrad Group States}}
* {{cite book|last=Prokop|first=Krzysztof|title=Białystok Law Books 7, Polish Constitutional Law|year=2011|publisher=Wydawnictwo Temida 2|location=Białystok|isbn=978-83-62813-13-1}}
* {{cite book|last=Schwartz|first=Herman|title=The Struggle for Constitutional Justice in Post-Communist Europe|year=2002|publisher=University of Chicago Press|location=Chicago|isbn=978-0-226-74196-3}}
* {{cite book|last=Simon|first=Maurice D.|editor=David M. Olson|editor2=Philip Norton|title=The New Parliaments of Central and Eastern Europe|year=1996|publisher=Frank Cass|location=London|isbn=978-0-7146-4261-1|chapter=Institutional Development of Poland's Post-Communist Sejm: A Comparative Analysis|url=https://archive.org/details/newparliamentsof0000unse}}
* {{cite book|last=Szczerbiak|first=Alek |title=Poland Within the European Union|year=2011|publisher=Routledge|location=London|isbn=978-0-415-38073-7}}
* {{cite book|last=Van Hoorn|first=Judith L.|editor=Judith L. Van Hoorn |editor2=Ákos Komlósi |editor3=Elzbieta Suchar |editor4=Doreen A. Samelson |title=Adolescent Development and Rapid Social Change: Perspectives from Eastern Europe|year=2000|publisher=SUNY Press|location=Albany, NY|isbn=978-0-7914-9312-0|chapter=An Introduction to Poland}}
* {{cite book|last=Zubek|first=Radosław|editor=Vesselin Dimitrov |editor2=Klaus H. Goetz |editor3=Hellmut Wollmann |title=Governing After Communism: Institutions And Policymaking|year=2006|publisher=Rowman & Littlefield|location=Lanham, MD|isbn=978-0-7425-4009-5|chapter=Poland: A Core Ascendant?}}

==Further reading==
* [http://www.sejm.gov.pl/prawo/konst/angielski/kon1.htm Constitution of the Republic of Poland (in English)]

==External links==
{{Commons|Polish prime ministers}}
{{Commons category|Prime ministers of Poland}}
* [https://www.gov.pl/web/primeminister The Chancellery of the Prime Minister]

{{Prime Ministers of Poland}}
{{Europe heads of state and government}}
{{European Council}}
{{Prime Minister}}
{{Authority control}}

[[Category:Prime ministers of Poland| ]]
[[Category:1918 establishments in Poland]]