View source for Samuel Hoare, 1st Viscount Templewood

{{Short description|British politician (1880–1959)}}
{{use British English|date=November 2014}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=March 2021}}

{{infobox officeholder
| honorific-prefix = [[The Right Honourable]] 
| name = The Viscount Templewood
| honorific-suffix = {{post-nominals|country=GBR|size=100%|GCSI|GBE|CMG|PC|JP}}
| image = Sir Samuel Hoare GGBain.jpg
| imagesize = 
| order = [[Secretary of State for Air]]
| term_start = 3 April 1940
| term_end = 10 May 1940
| primeminister = [[Neville Chamberlain]]
| predecessor = [[Kingsley Wood]]
| successor = [[Archibald Sinclair]]
| term_start1 = 6 December 1924
| term_end1 = 4 June 1929
| primeminister1 = [[Stanley Baldwin]]
| predecessor1 = [[Christopher Thomson, 1st Baron Thomson|The Lord Thomson]]
| successor1 = [[Christopher Thomson, 1st Baron Thomson|The Lord Thomson]]
| term_start2 = 31 October 1922
| term_end2 = 22 January 1924
| primeminister2 = [[Stanley Baldwin]]
| predecessor2 = [[Frederick Guest]]
| successor2 = [[Christopher Thomson, 1st Baron Thomson|The Lord Thomson]]

| order3 = [[Lord Privy Seal]]
| term_start3 = 3 September 1939
| term_end3 = 3 April 1940
| primeminister3 = [[Neville Chamberlain]]
| predecessor3 = [[Sir John Anderson]]
| successor3 = [[Kingsley Wood]]
| order4 = [[Home Secretary]]
| term_start4 = 28 May 1937 
| term_end4 = 3 September 1939
| primeminister4 = [[Stanley Baldwin]] <br /> [[Neville Chamberlain]]
| predecessor4 = [[Sir John Simon]]
| successor4 = [[Sir John Anderson]]
| order5 = [[Foreign Secretary (United Kingdom)|Foreign Secretary]]
| term_start5 = 7 June 1935  
| term_end5 = 18 December 1935
| primeminister5 = [[Stanley Baldwin]]
| predecessor5 = [[Sir John Simon]]
| successor5 = [[Anthony Eden]]
| order6 = [[Secretary of State for India]]
| term_start6 = 25 August 1931
| term_end6 = 7 June 1935
| primeminister6 = [[Ramsay MacDonald]]
| predecessor6 = [[William Peel, 1st Earl Peel|The Viscount Peel]]
| successor6 = [[Lawrence Dundas, 2nd Marquess of Zetland|The Marquess of Zetland]]
| order7 = Member of the [[House of Lords]]
| status7 = [[Lord Temporal]]
| term_label7 = [[Hereditary peer]]age
| term_start7 = 14 July 1944
| term_end7 = 7 May 1959
| order8 = [[Member of Parliament (United Kingdom)|Member of Parliament]]<br>for [[Chelsea (UK Parliament constituency)|Chelsea]]
| term_start8 = 15 January 1910
| term_end8 = 14 July 1944
| predecessor8 = [[Emslie Horniman]]
| successor8 = [[William Sidney]]
| birth_name=Samuel John Gurney Hoare
| birth_date = {{birth date|df=yes|1880|02|24}} 
| birth_place = [[London]], England
| death_date = {{Death date|df=yes|1959|05|7}} (aged 79)
| death_place = [[London]], England
| nationality = [[British people|British]]
| party = [[Conservative Party (UK)|Conservative]]  
| alma_mater = [[New College, Oxford]]  
| spouse = [[Lady Maud Hoare|Lady Maud Lygon]]
| parents = [[Sir Samuel Hoare, 1st Baronet]] (father)
| allegiance       = {{flag|United Kingdom}}
| branch           = [[File:Flag of the British Army.svg|20px]] [[British Army]]
| unit             = [[Norfolk Yeomanry]]<br />[[Royal Army Service Corps]]
| serviceyears     = 1916–1918
| rank             = [[Lieutenant colonel (United Kingdom)|Lieutenant-Colonel]]
| battles          = [[World War I]]
| awards           = 
}}

'''Samuel John Gurney Hoare, 1st Viscount Templewood''' (24 February 1880 – 7 May 1959), more commonly known as '''Sir Samuel Hoare''', was a senior British [[Conservative Party (UK)|Conservative]] politician who served in various Cabinet posts in the Conservative and National governments of the 1920s and 1930s.<ref name="whowho">{{cite web|url=http://www.ukwhoswho.com/view/article/oupww/whowaswho/U243616|title=TEMPLEWOOD, 1st Viscount|date=December 2007|work=[[Who Was Who]]|publisher=[[Oxford University Press]]|access-date=2 January 2012}}</ref>  He was ambitious and his expedience and flexibility gave him a reputation for being unprincipled and two-faced, being nicknamed "Slippery Sam" or "Soapy Sam".<ref>{{citation |last=Ball |first=Stuart |page=429 |title=Portrait of a Party: The Conservative Party in Britain 1918-1945 |date=2013-04-25 |publisher=OUP Oxford |isbn=978-0-19-164483-2 |language=en}}</ref>  

Hoare was [[Secretary of State for Air]] during most of the 1920s. As [[Secretary of State for India]] in the early 1930s, he authored the [[Government of India Act 1935]], which granted self-government at a provincial level to India. He was most famous for serving as [[Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (UK)|Foreign Secretary]] in 1935, when he authored the [[Hoare–Laval Pact]] with [[French Prime Minister]] [[Pierre Laval]]. This partially recognised the [[Italian conquest of Abyssinia]] (modern [[Ethiopia]]) and Hoare was forced to resign by the ensuing public outcry. In 1936 he returned to the Cabinet as [[First Lord of the Admiralty]], then served as [[Home Secretary]] from 1937 to 1939 and was again briefly Secretary of State for Air in 1940. He was seen as a leading "[[appeaser]]" and his removal from office (along with that of Sir [[John Simon, 1st Viscount Simon|John Simon]] and of [[Neville Chamberlain]] as Prime Minister) was a condition of [[Labour Party (UK)|Labour]]'s agreement to serve in a coalition government in May 1940.<ref name="whowho"/>

Hoare also served as [[British ambassador to Spain]] from 1940 to 1944.<ref name="whowho"/>

==Youth==
Hoare was born in [[London]]<ref name=odnb1>{{cite book|title=[[Oxford Dictionary of National Biography|Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Volume 27]]|year=2004|publisher=Oxford University Press|page=364|isbn=0-19-861377-6}}Article by [[R. J. Q. Adams]].</ref> on 24 February 1880, the eldest son of [[Sir Samuel Hoare, 1st Baronet]], who was a Conservative MP from a by-election in 1886 until 1906, and to whose baronetcy he succeeded in 1915. His family were the [[Anglo-Irish]] branch of an old [[Quaker]] family, with a long history of involvement in banking. He was a descendant of [[Samuel Hoare Jr|Samuel Hoare]], but the family had abandoned Quakerism in the mid-18th century and Hoare was brought up an [[Anglo-Catholic]].<ref name=odnb2>{{cite book|title=Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Volume 27|page=365}}</ref><ref name="Matthew 2004, p364">Matthew 2004, p364</ref>

Hoare was educated at [[Harrow School]], where he was a classical scholar, and [[New College, Oxford]]. As an undergraduate he was awarded a [[Blue (university sport)|blue]] in [[racquets]] and was a member of the [[The Gridiron Club (Oxford University)|Gridiron]] and [[Bullingdon Club]]s. Initially he studied classics, taking a first in [[Literae Humaniores|Mods]] in 1901, before switching to Modern History, graduating with a [[British undergraduate degree classification#First-class honours|first]] class [[B.A.]] in 1903. He was awarded his [[Oxford MA|M.A.]] in 1910.<ref>Matthew 2004 p.364 An Oxford or Cambridge MA is essentially an "automatic upgrade" for which a student may apply a few years after graduation</ref> He later became an Honorary Fellow of New College.<ref name="Matthew 2004 p.368">Matthew 2004 p.368</ref>

Michael Bloch comments that Hoare was "indubitably homosexual", but being highly ambitious and discreet (his nickname amongst colleagues was 'Slippery Sam'), may not have acted much upon it.<ref>Michael Bloch,''Closet Queens'', Little Brown 2015, p153</ref>  On 17 October 1909, he married [[Lady Maud Hoare|Lady Maud Lygon]] (1882–1962), youngest daughter of [[Frederick Lygon, 6th Earl Beauchamp|The 6th Earl Beauchamp]]. Their marriage was childless.<ref name=burkes>{{cite book|title=Burke's Peerage, Baronetage and Knightage, 1959|publisher=Burke's Peerage Ltd|page=2207}}</ref> It was, in the words of [[R. J. Q. Adams]], "not at first a love match" but in time became "a devoted partnership".<ref name="Matthew 2004 p.364">Matthew 2004 p.364</ref> His biographer has stated, "it would probably be more appropriate to describe it as a ''mariage de convenance''".<ref>J.A. Cross, ''Sir Samuel Hoare: A Political Biography'', Cape 1977, p10.</ref> Hoare inherited Sidestrand Hall in 1915. His London home was 18 [[Cadogan Gardens]].<ref name="Matthew 2004, p364"/>

Hoare was short, slightly built and a dapper dresser. As a youth he took up games to bolster his physique, including figure skating. He became a tournament-level shot and tennis player. He was a poor speaker<ref name="Matthew 2004, p364"/> but a good writer.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p368">Matthew 2004, p368</ref> He was hard-working but cold.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p368"/>

==Early political career==
In 1905, Hoare's father arranged for him to be secretary to the [[Secretary of State for the Colonies|Colonial Secretary]] [[Alfred Lyttelton]] to gain political experience.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p365">Matthew 2004, p365</ref> Hoare stood unsuccessfully in [[1906 United Kingdom general election|the 1906 General Election]] for Parliament at [[Ipswich (UK Parliament constituency)|Ipswich]],<ref name=odnb2 /> but became a [[justice of the peace]] for the county of [[Norfolk]] that year.<ref name=kelly1>{{cite book|title=Kelly's Handbook of the Titled, Landed and Official Classes, 1920|publisher=Kelly's|page=829}}</ref>

Hoare entered local politics in March 1907, when he was elected to the [[London County Council]] as a member of the [[Municipal Reform Party]], the local government wing of the Conservative Party, representing [[Brixton (UK Parliament constituency)|Brixton]]. He served as Chairman of the [[London Fire Brigade]] Committee.<ref name="whowho" /><ref>''The London County Council Election, Great Municipal Reform Victory'', The Times, 4 March 1907, p. 6.</ref> He served on the LCC until 1910.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p365"/>

Hoare was elected to the [[House of Commons of the United Kingdom|House of Commons]] at the [[January 1910 general election]] as [[Member of Parliament (United Kingdom)|Member of Parliament]] (MP) for [[Chelsea (UK Parliament constituency)|Chelsea]].<ref name="Matthew 2004, p365"/> In the early years, he was a member of the [[Anti-Socialist Union]].<ref>Markku Ruotsila, ''British and American Anticommunism Before the Cold War'', Routledge, 2001, p. 8.</ref>

During the Conservative Party leadership contest of November 1911, Hoare wrote pledging support to both leading candidates, [[Austen Chamberlain]] and [[Walter Long, 1st Viscount Long|Walter Long]]. There is no evidence that he made such an offer to [[Bonar Law]], who became leader after the two front-runners withdrew to avoid a potential party split.<ref>Blake 1985, p.194</ref> Hoare showed little interest in the two largest issues of the day: [[Parliament Act 1911|House of Lords reform]] and [[Home Rule Crisis|Irish Home Rule]]. He supported [[tariff reform]], [[female suffrage]] and public education. He opposed [[Welsh disestablishment]] quite strongly. He encouraged colleagues to call him "Sam" at the time to soften his hard and detached image.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p365"/>

Hoare was on the left-wing of the Conservative party and once described himself as "a liberal amongst conservatives and a conservative amongst liberals".{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=146}} He joined the Unionist Social Reform Committee.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p365"/>  Hoare held markedly "progressive" views, outside the mainstream of the Conservative Party, on issues such as education and penal reform.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=147}} He was almost alone amongst the Conservatives in advocating the abolition of [[Capital punishment in the United Kingdom|the death penalty]].{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=147}}

==First World War==
Aged 34 at the time, Hoare joined the Army soon after the outbreak of the [[First World War]]. He was commissioned into the [[Norfolk Yeomanry]] as a temporary lieutenant on 17 October 1914.<ref>{{London Gazette |issue=28940 |date=16 October 1914 |page=8259 |supp= |nolink=y}}</ref> To his disappointment, he was initially only a recruiting officer<ref name="Matthew 2004, p365"/> and illness prevented him from serving at the front. He was promoted to temporary captain on 24 April 1915.<ref>{{London Gazette |issue=29151 |date=30 April 1915 |page=4254 |supp=y |nolink=y}}</ref>

While acting as a recruiting officer, he learnt Russian. In 1916, he was recruited by [[Mansfield Cumming]] to be the future [[MI6]]'s liaison officer with the Russian Intelligence service in [[Petrograd]] (now [[Saint Petersburg]]). He soon became head of the British Intelligence Mission to the Russian General Staff with the temporary rank of lieutenant-colonel.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p365"/><ref>{{London Gazette |issue=29699 |date=8 August 1916 |page=7862 |supp=y |nolink=y}}</ref> He was accompanied by Lady Maud and [[Winifred Spink]].<ref name="Hubbard-Hall2024">{{cite book |last1=Hubbard-Hall |first1=Claire |title=Her Secret Service: The Forgotten Women of British Intelligence |date=2024 |publisher=W&N |isbn=1399603434 |pages=352}}</ref>{{rp|56-72}}  In his post, he reported to the British government the death of [[Rasputin]] and apologised, because of the sensational nature of the event, for having written it in the style of the ''[[Daily Mail]]''.<ref>Jeffrey, Keith. ''MI6 The History of the Secret Intelligence Service 1909 - 1949'', pp. 103–106. {{ISBN|978-0-7475-9183-2}}.</ref>

In March 1917 he was posted to Rome, where he remained until the end of the war. His duties included helping to dissuade Italy from dropping out of the war.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p365"/> In Italy, he administered the subsidisation of the former socialist leader [[Benito Mussolini]]'s interventionist newspaper, {{lang|it|[[Il Popolo d'Italia]]}}, with a wage of £100 per week (equivalent to £{{Inflation|UK|100|1917}} in {{Year}}).<ref>{{cite book | last=Bosworth | first=R. J. B. | title=Mussolini | publisher=Bloomsbury USA | publication-place=London | date=2002 | isbn=978-0-340-73144-4 | page=90, n. 40}}</ref><ref>{{cite news| url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2009/oct/13/benito-mussolini-recruited-mi5-italy | work=The Guardian | first=Tom | last=Kington | title=Recruited by MI5: the name's Mussolini. Benito Mussolini | date=13 October 2009}}</ref>

For his services in the war, Hoare was twice [[mentioned in despatches]], appointed [[Order of St Michael and St George|Commander of the Order of St Michael and St George (CMG)]] in 1917, and awarded the Orders of [[Order of St. Anna|St Anne]] and [[Order of St Stanislas|St Stanislas]] of [[Russian Empire|Russia]], and of [[Order of St Maurice and St Lazarus|St Maurice and St Lazarus]] of [[Kingdom of Italy|Italy]].<ref name=burkes />

==Interwar period==
===Secretary of State for Air===
Hoare was re-elected to Parliament in [[1918 United Kingdom general election|1918]] as a Conservative; his party were then in Coalition with the Lloyd George Liberals. During the Russian Civil War, he strongly supported the call by the War Secretary [[Winston Churchill]] (by all accounts the most anti-Communist member of Lloyd George's cabinet) for British intervention in the Russian Civil War on the side of Whites.{{sfn|Neilson|2005|p=145}} On 31 May 1919, he wrote to Churchill to say: "For the last six months, I have been convinced that the whole future of Europe and indeed of the whole world depends upon the Russian settlement and the destruction of Bolshevism".{{sfn|Neilson|2005|p=145}} In late 1921-early 1922, Hoare served as the deputy League of Nations commissioner for Russian refugees in Asia Minor, and was charged with finding a country willing to accept them.{{sfn|Neilson|2005|p=145}} By October 1922, he had become disillusioned with [[David Lloyd George]] after the [[honours scandal]] and the [[Chanak Crisis]]. He helped organise the backbench revolt at the [[Carlton Club meeting]] (19 October 1922), which brought down the Lloyd George Coalition. In [[Bonar Law]]'s new Conservative government he was made a [[Privy Councillor]] and [[Secretary of State for Air]], but he was not made a member of the Cabinet until [[Stanley Baldwin]] succeeded Law as Prime Minister in May 1923.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p365"/>

In 1923, Hoare presided over the merger (with £1 million state subsidy) of the four principal private air carriers to form [[Imperial Airways]], an ancestor of today's [[British Airways]].<ref name="Matthew 2004, p365"/> The Conservatives fell from power in January 1924, but Hoare was once again Secretary of State for Air in Baldwin's Second Government (1924-1929). As Secretary of State for Air he sided with [[Hugh Trenchard, 1st Viscount Trenchard|Trenchard]] on the importance of the [[Royal Air Force]] remaining an independent service.  Hoare often quarrelled with the First Sea Lord, Admiral [[David Beatty, 1st Earl Beatty|David Beatty]], over where to allocate defence expenditure, leading Beatty to label Hoare "an intriguing little brute" who was intent upon starving the Royal Navy of funds in order to build up the Royal Air Force.{{sfn|Cross|1977|p=112}} He established air squadrons at [[Oxford University]] and [[Cambridge University]] to train students as potential RAF officers and re-established a permanent air cadet college at Cranwell.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p365"/>

Lady Maud was awarded the DBE in February 1927, and Hoare was awarded the [[Order of the British Empire|Knight Grand Cross of the British Empire (GBE)]] in June 1927.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p365"/><ref name=burkes /> Hoare and Lady Maud travelled by air whenever possible, including the first civilian flight to India in 1927.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p365"/> In 1927 he published a book, ''India by Air''.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p368"/> By 1929 there were regular scheduled routes to India and [[Cape Town]].<ref name="Matthew 2004, p365"/>

Hoare continued his interest in aviation affairs as Honorary Air Commodore of [[No. 601 Squadron RAF|No 601 (County of London)]] (1930–32) and [[No. 604 Squadron RAF|No 604 (County of Middlesex)]] (1932–57) Bomber Squadrons of the [[Auxiliary Air Force]].<ref name=kellys2>{{cite book|title=Kelly's Handbook of the Titled, Landed and Official Classes, 1959|publisher=Kelly's|page=2063}}</ref>

===In opposition===
Hoare was treasurer of the Conservative Party in opposition in 1929–1931.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p365"/>

In 1930, he published ''The Fourth Seal'' on World War I Russia.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p368"/>

Hoare was a delegate to the [[Round Table Conferences (India)|First Round Table Conference]] on India's constitutional future in 1930–1931. He also helped to mediate between Baldwin and the press barons Lords [[Harold Harmsworth, 1st Viscount Rothermere|Rothermere]] and [[Max Aitken, 1st Baron Beaverbrook|Beaverbrook]], who were intriguing for his removal as Conservative leader.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p365"/>

===Secretary of State for India===
Hoare was one of the Conservative negotiators in talks with [[Ramsay MacDonald]] in August 1931 over the formation of the [[First National ministry|National Government]]. On 26 August 1931 Hoare was appointed [[Secretary of State for India]].<ref name="Matthew 2004, p365"/>

At the Second Round Table Conference, Hoare enjoyed good relations with [[Mahatma Gandhi]]. As India Secretary, Hoare was mostly concerned with the [[Indian Communist Party]], which led him to favour the Congress Party as the best alternative.{{sfn|Neilson|2005|p=146}} He committed Britain to eventual self-government for India, but that was not enough for Gandhi, who wanted full independence. [[Lord Lothian]]'s report on the extension of the Indian franchise was considered.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p365"/> A major issue that derailed the Round Table talks was the demand that the Indian Muslims along with the ''Dalits'' (untouchable caste) be awarded separate electorates, a demand that Gandhi rejected.{{sfn|Wolpert|2007|p=7}} When Gandhi told Hoare in September 1932 that he would "fast unto death" rather than accept a separate electorate for the untouchable caste, Hoare replied: "The dogs bark, the caravan moves on".{{sfn|Wolpert|2007|p=7}}  A [[White Paper]] containing the government's legislative proposals for India's constitution was drawn up in March 1933.<ref name="Butler 1971, p. 57">Butler 1971, p. 57.</ref> A Select Committee of Both Houses began to meet for over a year and half in April 1933 to consider the government's plans.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p365"/> In January 1934, Hoare was appointed [[Order of the Star of India|Knight Grand Cross of the Star of India (GCSI)]] in the New Year Honours.<ref name=burkes /><ref name="Matthew 2004, p366">Matthew 2004, p366</ref> At his meeting with [[Ivan Maisky]], the new Soviet ambassador, in 1932, Hoare told him: "It would be extremely difficult to persuade the Conservatives in this country [to adopt] a pro-Russian policy if the Soviet government failed to eliminate the source of the trouble which has often poisoned relations in the past", by which he meant the Comintern support for the British Communist Party.{{sfn|Neilson|2005|p=146}}

Hoare's Indian policy faced much opposition from the "die hard" right-wing of the Conservative Party, with whom Winston Churchill allied himself.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=154}} Ill feeling between Hoare and Churchill reached its peak in April 1934. The British government proposed for the Indian government to retain the power to impose tariffs on British textiles. The Manchester Chamber of Commerce, representing the Lancashire cotton trade, initially opposed that since it wanted Lancashire goods to be exported freely to India. Churchill accused Hoare of having, with the aid of the [[Edward Stanley, 17th Earl of Derby|Earl of Derby]], breached [[parliamentary privilege]] by improperly influencing the Manchester Chamber of Commerce to drop its opposition.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p366"/> Churchill was refused the right to question some witnesses, some documents which he requested were not produced and some of his written evidence was suppressed as contrary to the public interest. It was ruled that Churchill was correct that Hoare and Derby had pressured the Manchester Chamber of Commerce to withdraw their paper objecting to the White Paper, but as the Joint Select Committee was not a judicial committee it was not a breach of privilege to pressure witnesses. Hoare complained that “I do not know which is the more offensive or mischievous, Winston or his son ([[Randolph Churchill]], who was then a journalist)."<ref>Ireland 2021, p.112</ref> After Hoare's exoneration by the Committee on Privileges, Churchill gave a powerful speech in the Commons Chamber that attacked the committee's findings. On 13 June 1934, [[Leo Amery]] spoke, arguing that Churchill's true aim was to bring down the government under the cover of the doctrine ''fiat justicia ruat caelum'' ("may justice be done, though the heavens fall"). Churchill, who was neither a lawyer nor a classicist, growled "translate it!" Amery replied that it meant "If I can trip up Sam, the Government's bust". The ensuing laughter made Churchill look ridiculous.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p366"/><ref>Amery wrote in his diary that “I had hardly expected my fish to swallow the fly so greedily” ... “And so to bed, having given Winston the best ducking he has had since he first pushed me into Ducker”. He was referring to an incident when, at [[Harrow School]] over forty years earlier, Churchill had pushed him into the school swimming pool. [Olson 2007, p.117]</ref>

The Select Committee of Both Houses finished its deliberations in November 1934. The result was one of the most complicated pieces of legislation in British parliamentary history, a bill that spent the first half of 1935 passing through Parliament before becoming the [[Government of India Act 1935]].<ref name="Matthew 2004, p365"/> The Bill contained 473 clauses and 16 schedules, and the debates took up 4,000 pages of [[Hansard]]. Hoare had to answer 15,000 questions and make 600 speeches and completely dominated the committee stage of the bill, just as he had during the Round Table Conferences, by his mastery of detail and his skill at dealing tactfully with deputations.<ref>Butler 1971, pp. 55-6.</ref> [[Alec Douglas-Home]], later to be Prime Minister, commented in his autobiography, "The most noteworthy performance of that Parliament was without question the piloting of the India Independence Bill through the House of Commons by the Secretary of State, Sir Samuel Hoare, ably assisted by Mr. [[R. A. Butler]] (later Lord Butler)".<ref>''The Way the Wind Blows, An Autobiography by Lord Home,'' (1976), {{ISBN|0 00 211997-8}}, pp. 56–58.</ref> Butler, who, as Under-Secretary, had helped to steer the bill through the Commons, later wrote of Hoare that he saw life as "a chapter in a great Napoleonic biography" and added "I was amazed by his ambition; I admired his imagination; I shared his ideals; I stood in awe of his intellectual capacity. But I was never touched by his humanity. He was the coldest fish with whom I ever had to deal".<ref name="Butler 1971, p. 57"/>

Hoare was widely praised for his conduct as India Secretary but was close to exhaustion after the difficult passage of the Bill, which was opposed by Churchill and by many rank-and-file Conservatives. The Act became law in August 1935, when Hoare had moved on to his next position.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p366"/>

Although provincial governments were elected in [[Indian Provincial Elections, 1937|1937]], the planned federation of Indian States was never set up; the Act was never fully implemented because of the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p366"/>

===Foreign Secretary===
In June 1935, Baldwin became prime minister for the third time. He offered Hoare a choice of the job of [[Viceroy of India]] or [[Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (UK)|Foreign Secretary]]. Hoare, who was ambitious to become Prime Minister, chose the latter to enable him to remain active in domestic politics. The position would later make him notorious.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p366"/> Hoare's exhausting time as India Secretary had given him little chance to study foreign affairs, and as Foreign Secretary he tended to follow the advice given to him by [[Robert Vansittart, 1st Baron Vansittart|Robert Vansittart]], the Permanent Undersecretary at the Foreign Office who saw Italy as a potential ally against Germany.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=154-155}} Vansittart argued to Hoare that Italy could threaten British control of the [[Mediterranean Sea]] and hence the sea-lanes running through the Mediterranean to the Suez Canal, Egypt and the Red Sea to the Indian Ocean that linked Britain to its colonies in Asia.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=155}} Although the bombast of the Italian dictator [[Benito Mussolini]] was not taken very seriously in Britain, Italy, which also [[Italian Libya|controlled Libya]], straddled Britain's sea route across the Mediterranean.<ref name="Roberts 1991, pp78-9">Roberts 1991, pp78-9</ref> In particular, Vansittart stressed that deployment of naval forces to deter Japan (the [[Singapore strategy]]) depended upon a friendly Italy not challenging Britain in the Mediterranean.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=155}} Finally, Vansittart argued that Italy was the chief supporter of Austria against German ambitions for an Anschluss (e.g. in 1934 when Italy had deployed troops to the [[Brenner Pass]] to deter Germany) and that a friendly Italy would allow France to concentrate its forces on the Rhineland.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=154-155}} For all reasons, Vansittart argued that Ethiopia would have to be sacrificed to win the friendship of Italy.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=155}} The historian John Charmley argued it was no accident that Hoare along with other "appeasers" such as Lord Halifax and Sir John Simon had devoted significant parts of their careers to India, which he stated influenced their conduct of foreign affairs, writing: "In both case, nationalists were to be negotiated with until their lowest demands could be discovered and provided they were low enough granted. Nehru, Gandhi, and Hitler, however much the contemporary mind rejects the equation, had much in common to British ministers between the wars".{{sfn|Charmley|2011|p=174}}

Hoare took office against a backdrop of what [[R.J.Q. Adams]] described as "much idle talk" of "mutual security". In March 1935, MacDonald's White Paper had committed Britain to limited rearmament.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p366"/> Hoare expressed much distrust of the Soviet Foreign Commissar [[Maxim Litvinov]], who under the guise of collective security via the League of Nations, had been attempting to build up a bloc against aggression.{{sfn|Neilson|2005|p=141}} Hoare believed that Litvinov was engaged in an "intrigue" intended to wreck the possibility of Anglo-German understanding and an arms control pact as he felt that the real aim behind Litvinov's foreign policy was to manipulate the Western nations into going to war with each other to allow the Soviet Union to dominate Europe.{{sfn|Neilson|2005|p=141}}

In April 1935, the then Prime Minister [[Ramsay MacDonald]] and Foreign Secretary [[Sir John Simon]] had signed the [[Stresa Front]] on 14 April 1935, an alliance with France and Italy (which had joined the Allies in World War One). However, the Stresa Front did not last.<ref name="Roberts 1991, pp78-9"/><ref name="Matthew 2004, p366"/> It came to nothing after Britain, without consulting the other members, signed the [[Anglo-German Naval Agreement]]. That dismayed France, which soon signed a [[Franco-Soviet Treaty of Mutual Assistance]].<ref name="Matthew 2004, p366"/> On 19 June 1935, Hoare suggested to the cabinet in a prototype of the Hoare-Laval pact that the Ethiopian emperor [[Haile Selassie]] be offered the port city of [[Zeila]] in the colony of [[British Somaliland]] (modern northern Somalia) in exchange for him ceding most of his empire to Italy.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=155}} At this state, Hoare told the cabinet that he wanted a resolution to the crisis that "would not destroy Abyssinian independence but gave Italy some satisfaction".{{sfn|Henig|2011|p=46}} Besides the gathering Abyssinia crisis, Hoare was concerned with pushing through over the opposition of some of his civil servants a loan to China, arguing that building up China's strength was crucial to restraining Japan, which had been aggressive in trying to claim all of Asia as being in the Japanese sphere of influence.{{sfn|Neilson|2005|p=146-147}} Hoare was also well aware that the Soviet Union tended despite the Chinese civil war to support the Kuomintang government in Nanking against the Japanese claims that China belonged in the Japanese sphere of influence, and he had been arguing since 1932 that Britain needed to do more to support China in order to prevent China from falling into an alliance with Moscow.{{sfn|Neilson|2005|p=75}}

By mid-1935, Mussolini was clearly preparing to attack [[Abyssinia]]. For purely self-interested reasons, Baldwin-a prime minister not noted for his interest in foreign affairs-decided to make support for the League of Nations and its policy of collective security the centerpiece of the coming general election.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=154}} The Labour Party had a platform that somewhat contradictorily called for both disarmament and support for collective security, and Baldwin intended to win the general election by quite ruthlessly exposing that contradiction. Hence as the Abyssinia crisis gathered steam, both Baldwin and Hoare gave speeches stressing that Britain was committed to a policy of collective security via the League of Nations up to and including war.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=154}}  On 12 September 1935 Hoare gave what Adams calls "the greatest speech of his career" to the League of Nations General Assembly at [[Geneva]]. He declared: "The League stands and my country stands with it, for the collective maintenance of the Covenant in its entirety and particularly for steady and collective resistance to all acts of unprovoked aggression".{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=156}} His speech was very well received and promoted much cheering from those who heard it. Hoare did not believe in the contents of his speech, saying afterwards in private that the Baldwin government would take a different position on the Abyssinia crisis after the general election was won.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=156}} In a dispatch to Sir [[George Clerk (diplomat)|George Clerk]], the ambassador in Paris, Hoare stated: "It is essential that we should play out the League hand in September. If it is then found that there is no collective basis for sanctions, that is to say in particular that the French are not prepared to give their full co-operation...the world will have to face the fact that sanctions are impracticable...it must be the League not the British government that declares that sanctions are impracticable and the British government must on no account lay itself open to the charge we have not done our utmost to make them practical".{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=156}} His speech was widely praised in the world press but did not deter the [[Second Italo-Abyssinian War|full-scale Italian invasion of Abyssinia]] on 3 October. The League Council (the executive body of the League that played a role analogous to the Security Council in the United Nations) ruled that Italy had committed aggression against a fellow member of the League and that sanctions were to be imposed on Italy.{{sfn|Henig|2011|p=46}} Limited sanctions were imposed on Italy but excluded oil.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p366"/> A [[1935 United Kingdom general election|general election on 14 November 1935]]<ref name="Matthew 2004, p366"/> had over 90% of the candidates support the League of Nations, and there was much support for sanctions against Italy although they were not necessarily in Britain's interests.<ref name="Roberts 1991, pp78-9"/>

With the election out of the way, the government, with the agreement of the League Council, authorised Hoare to find a solution. The French premier [[Pierre Laval]] was not keen on sanctions on Italy while Hoare used the threat of Britain's veto power as a permanent member of the League Council to prevent oil from being added to the sanctions list.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=156}} Laval's instincts were to stick with the alliance he had struck with Mussolini earlier that year, but General [[Maurice Gamelin]] advised him that an alliance with Italy would be "valuable" to France, but the help of Britain would be "essential", as France very badly needed the "continental commitment" (i.e. Britain to send a large expeditionary force to France) to win another war against Germany.{{sfn|Alexander|1992|p=53}} As such, Gamelin argued that the Abyssinia crisis should be settled in a manner that did not estrange Britain.{{sfn|Alexander|1992|p=53}} Under pressure from Gamelin, Laval attempted to "square the circle" by working out a deal that would allow France to be on good terms with both Britain and Italy.{{sfn|Alexander|1992|p=53}} Hoare sent Sir [[Maurice Peterson]], the head of the Foreign Office Abyssinia Department, to Paris to negotiate a compromise offer to Mussolini. An agreement was reached by the end of November: Italy was to gain territory in the north, with the rump of Abyssinia to be an Italian client state and its army under Italian control. Abyssinia had not been consulted.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p366"/> By December 1935, Hoare was still in poor health and suffering from fainting spells since the stressful period of passing the Government of India Act. Suffering from a serious infection, he stopped off in Paris on his way to a skating holiday in [[Switzerland]]. On the guise of stopping off for rest, Hoare secretly met with Laval to finish off the talks.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=156}} His orders from the cabinet written in the third person were that it was hoped that "the Foreign Secretary would take a generous view of the Italian attitude".{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=156}} Hoare recalled that he was enchanted with Laval's "cunning peasant mind", saying that Laval very much lived up to his "horse trader" image, of a "fixer" who knew how to get what he wanted and to drive a hard bargain.{{sfn|Young|2011|p=248}} Hoare was gratified that Laval was not committed to an all-out anti-German foreign policy, and he wanted an alliance with Italy to improve France's bargaining power in his talks with [[Adolf Hitler]] for a Franco-German settlement.{{sfn|Young|2011|p=248}} The only issue Hoare had with Laval was that he reminded him very much of Lloyd George "with his incessant desire to deal behind everyone's back".{{sfn|Young|2011|p=248}} The ensuing [[Hoare–Laval Pact]] with French Prime Minister [[Pierre Laval]] was unanimously approved by the Cabinet on 9–10 December.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p367">Matthew 2004, p367</ref>

It was leaked to the French and then to the British press, causing a public outcry, not least because of memories of Hoare's recent Geneva speech. Hoare, who had been injured in a skating accident, returned to Britain on 16 December.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p367"/> In the House of Commons, [[Hugh Dalton]], the Labour shadow foreign secretary, called the Hoare-Laval Pact an attempt to "reward the declared aggressor at the expense of the victim, destroy collective security and conflict with the expressed will of the country and the Covenant".{{sfn|Henig|2011|p=46}} Faced with massive criticism both outside Parliament and from within as a group of Conservative backbenchers led by [[Austen Chamberlain]] denounced the Hoare-Laval Pact, Baldwin decided to sacrifice Hoare.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=157}} The Cabinet met on the morning of 18 December. [[Lord Halifax]], who was due to make a statement in the Lords that afternoon, insisted that Hoare resign to save the government's position, causing [[J. H. Thomas]], [[William Ormsby-Gore, 4th Baron Harlech|William Ormsby-Gore]] and [[Walter Elliot (Scottish politician)|Walter Elliott]] to come out for Hoare's resignation as well. Privately, however, Halifax was puzzled by the moral outrage as the Hoare-Laval Pact was little different from proposals that had been put forward by the League Committee of Five.{{clarify|date=March 2023}}<ref name="Roberts 1991, pp78-9"/>

Hoare resigned on 18 December.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p367"/> His successor was [[Anthony Eden]]. When Eden had his first audience with King [[George V]], the King is said to have remarked humorously, "No more [[coals to Newcastle]], no more Hoares to Paris." The Chancellor of the Exchequer, [[Neville Chamberlain]], wrote to Lady Hoare to assure her that her husband would soon back into the cabinet and "in a short time his reputation will begin to rise again".{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=157}}

In his memoirs, Hoare admitted that his negotiations in Paris with Laval had caught him at a disadvantage. He noted that in the absence of the Hoare–Laval Pact, the Italians seized all of Abyssinia and drew closer to Germany, which eventually led to the destabilisation of [[Austria]] and the indefensibility of [[Czechoslovakia]]. The British historian David Dutton wrote that Hoare's reputation has never recovered from the Hoare-Laval Pact, which left him to this day with the image of an abject appeaser whose actions belied his noble words in support of collective security.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=157}} Dutton argued some of the abuse directed against Hoare was unfair as [[Winston Churchill]] also supported sacrificing Ethiopia to win an alliance with Italy, and Churchill only criticised Hoare for the pact with Laval because of their prior disputes over the Government of India Act.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=157}} Dutton noted that the Hoare-Laval Pact is something of a misnomer as the official who pushed it most strongly on the British side was Vansittart, a man generally considered to be an anti-appeaser whose main objective with the pact was to secure Italy as an ally against Germany.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=155}} Likewise, Dutton noted that Eden as Foreign Secretary was willing to accept the German remilitarisation of the Rhineland in March 1936, which was of far greater importance than the Abyssinia crisis, but because Eden resigned as Foreign Secretary in 1938 and later served as Churchill's Foreign Secretary, he has a largely undeserved reputation as an anti-appeaser.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=156}} Dutton wrote that much of the anger and abuse directed at Hoare was because of the contrast between a Foreign Secretary who promised to stop aggression in his speech in September 1935 versus the plan he devised with Laval in December 1935.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=156}}

===First Lord of the Admiralty===
It was widely recognised that Hoare had been a scapegoat for Cabinet policy. His return to Baldwin's Cabinet as [[First Lord of the Admiralty]] in June 1936 was widely praised in the press.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p367"/> It was too quick for Halifax. Eden later wrote in his memoirs that Halifax "criticised Baldwin sharply for yielding to Hoare's importunity".<ref name="Roberts 1991, pp78-9"/> Hoare vigorously endorsed Britain's naval rearmament, including ordering the first three [[King George V-class battleship (1939)|''King George V''-class battleships]], and worked to reverse the subordination of the [[Fleet Air Arm|British naval aviation]] to the [[Royal Air Force]].{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=157-158}} As First Lord of the Admiralty, Hoare frequently fought with Eden over the policy to pursue towards the [[Spanish Civil War]].{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=157-158}} Hoare still subscribed to the viewpoint that Italy was worth having as an ally and favoured paying lip service to the principle of non-intervention in Spain.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=157-158}} Eden by contrast was more concerned about the prospect of Germany and/or Italy having bases in Spain, and he favoured a more vigorous approach to enforcing non-intervention.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=158}} As Italy was the nation that intervened in Spain on the largest scale, Eden suggested several times imposing a blockade to prevent the Italians from landing more troops in Spain, a proposal that Hoare stoutly resisted.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=158}} Mussolini sent 80, 000 troops to Spain, by far the largest contingent of any power that intervened in Spain; Germany by contrast only sent 19, 000 troops to Spain.{{sfn|Moradiellos|2011|p=316}} As First Lord of the Admiralty, Hoare was greatly influenced by the First Sea Lord, Admiral [[Ernle Chatfield, 1st Baron Chatfield|Ernle Chatfield]], whose sympathies were with the Spanish Nationalists.{{sfn|Edwards|1979|p=102}}

Hoare tended to share Chatfield's dislike of the Spanish Republic, writing: "For the present it seems clear that we should continue our existing policy of neutrality-When I speak of 'neutrality' I mean strict neutrality, that is to say a situation in which the Russians neither officially nor unofficially give help to the Communists. On no account must we do anything to bolster up Communism in Spain, particularly when it is remembered that Communism in Portugal, to which it would probably spread and particularly to Lisbon, would be a great danger to the British Empire".{{sfn|Moradiellos|2011|p=317}} In contrast to [[Léon Blum]] in France, British leaders such as Hoare felt that the power to impose a naval blockade on Spain (a nation whose population exceeded its agricultural capacity, making Spain very dependent on food imported from abroad) would deter Franco from going too far with his alliance with Axis powers.{{sfn|Moradiellos|2011|p=317}} Furthermore, the civil war devastated Spain and as Britain had the world's third largest economy at the time, it was felt that the appeal of the pound sterling would counter any pro-Axis tendencies in Nationalist Spain as it was believed Franco would not want to be too dependent economically on Germany and Italy for post-war reconstruction.{{sfn|Moradiellos|2011|p=317}} Blum and other French leaders tended to feel that the prospect of a pro-Axis Spain as a neighbour would be a threat to France and were especially worried about the prospect of German and/or Italian bases in Spain as over one-third of the French Army was recruited in France's North African colonies, making control of the western [[Mediterranean Sea]] a crucial concern for France.{{sfn|Moradiellos|2011|p=316-317}}

Much like Chatfield, Hoare saw the defense of Britain's Asian colonies as second only to the defense of the United Kingdom itself and he was a strong supporter of the Singapore Strategy.{{sfn|Louis|1983|p=369}} He believed that the loss of a colony such as Hong Kong would have such a disastrous effect on British prestige that it would lead to the rapid dissolution of the British empire.{{sfn|Louis|1983|p=369}} At the Imperial Conference in London in May–June 1937 held to honour the coronation of King George VI that was attended by all the Dominion prime ministers, Hoare starkly warned the Australian and New Zealand delegations if the Singapore strategy failed, it was guaranteed that both Australia and New Zealand would be conquered by Japan and turned into Japanese colonies.{{sfn|Louis|1983|p=369-370}} Hoare engaged in a thought experiment, asking what happen if Japan went to war and there was no British fleet in Singapore, leading him to answer his question that the result would be a Japanese invasion of Australia backed by the "full strength of her naval and her naval air forces",{{sfn|Louis|1983|p=370}} Hoare went on to say: "I am convinced that, if this act of aggression took place, no Army and no Air Force which the Commonwealth of Australia could conceivably maintain could save her from invasion and defeat at the hands of the Japanese. The Dominion of New Zealand would be exposed to exactly the same danger and every word I have said about Australia is applicable to New Zealand".{{sfn|Louis|1983|p=370}} Hoare also told the South African and Canadian delegations that if Australia and New Zealand were conquered, they would be next as Hoare stated if Australia was turned into a Japanese colony, the Japanese would dominate the Indian Ocean and would then invade South Africa.{{sfn|Louis|1983|p=370}} Likewise, Hoare stated if the Japan dominated the Pacific Ocean, it would invade Canada.{{sfn|Louis|1983|p=370}} He concluded that the Singapore strategy was the key to maintaining the Commonwealth and that without it, all of the Dominions would be added to the Japanese empire.{{sfn|Louis|1983|p=370}}

===Home Secretary===
On Baldwin's retirement, the new Prime Minister, [[Neville Chamberlain]], offered Hoare any office that he liked except the Exchequer, which Hoare would have liked but had been promised to Sir John Simon. Hoare chose the Home Office (28 May 1937).<ref name="Matthew 2004, p367"/> Hoare was still seen as a possible successor to Chamberlain.<ref name="gunther1940">{{cite book | url=https://archive.org/stream/in.ernet.dli.2015.149663/2015.149663.Inside-Europe#page/n363/mode/2up | title=Inside Europe | publisher=Harper & Brothers | author=Gunther, John | author-link=John Gunther | location=New York | year=1940 | page=341}}</ref> The French ambassador [[Charles Corbin]] stated in his reports to Paris that British politics in the late 1930s were dominated by a "big four" that consisted of [[Neville Chamberlain]], [[Edward Wood, 1st Earl of Halifax|Lord Halifax]], Sir [[John Simon, 1st Viscount Simon|John Simon]] and Hoare, whom he described as being the most powerful men in the cabinet and all of whom he clearly disliked.{{sfn|Duroselle|2004|p=222}} Hoare was widely viewed as being too ambitious to be prime minister one day and as a sycophant to Chamberlain.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=154}} The future prime minister [[Harold Macmillan]], then a rebellious backbencher, called Hoare "one of the worst and most sycophantic of Neville Chamberlain's advisers".{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=154}} Despite his position as Home Secretary, Chamberlain used Hoare as a minister for "general policy" as he served as of Chamberlain's most closest and trusted advisers.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=158}} Much of Chamberlain's "personal diplomacy" towards [[Adolf Hitler]] was due to advice from Hoare that the Foreign Office was too "anti-German" to properly execute the prime minister's policies, and that Chamberlain should by-pass the Foreign Office as much as possible.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=158}} Hoare later stated about Chamberlain's leadership: "If nines times out of ten he had his way, it was because it also the Cabinet's way".{{sfn|McDonough|2011|p=191}} The "big four" of the Chamberlain cabinet were a part of a wider "inner group" in the Chamberlain government that also included Sir [[Horace Wilson (civil servant)|Horace Wilson]], the Chief Industrial Adviser to the government and one of Chamberlain's closest friends; [[Rab Butler]], the Parliamentary Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs; Sir [[Joseph Ball (British public servant)|Joseph Ball]] who ran the prime minister's press office; and Sir [[Warren Fisher (civil servant)|Warren Fisher]], the Permanent Undersecretary of the Treasury.{{sfn|McDonough|2011|p=191}}

Hoare had a long family interest in judicial and penal reform.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p367"/> The [[Quaker]] prison reformer [[Elizabeth Fry]] was his great-great aunt.<ref name=odnb3>{{cite book|title=Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Volume 27|page=367}}</ref><ref name="Matthew 2004, p367"/> RJQ Adams wrote highly of his time as Home Secretary.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p367"/> [[Roy Jenkins]] wrote that Hoare was the most liberal Home Secretary between [[H. H. Asquith]] (1892–1895) and [[Rab Butler]] (1957–1962).<ref>Jenkins 1999, p385</ref>

In 1938, Hoare was instrumental in obtaining approval for the British rescue effort on behalf of endangered Jewish children in Europe, which was known as the [[Kindertransport]].{{citation needed|date=March 2023}}

In September 1938, Hoare was part of the informal inner Cabinet, along with Simon and Halifax, and was one of the few consulted by Chamberlain about "Plan Z" to fly to meet Hitler for a summit meeting about Czechoslovakia, a decision that was then popular.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p367"/> Plan Z was a bold bid to solve the Sudetenland crisis under which Chamberlain was to fly to Germany for a summit intended to resolve the crisis once and for all, through Hoare did warn Chamberlain that "Plan Z" carried "great political risk".{{sfn|McDonough|2011|p=194}} Hoare along with Simon, Halifax, Wilson and Cadogan were the only ones aware of "Plan Z" and the rest of the cabinet was not informed in advance nor were the French and Czechoslovak governments.{{sfn|McDonough|2011|p=194}} Hoare's later account of the [[Munich Agreement]] was anguished. Hoare had close links to the Czechoslovak government.<ref>J. A. Cross, ''Sir Samuel Hoare, A Political Biography'' 1997, {{ISBN|0-224-01350-5}}, pp. 56–58.</ref> In retirement, he stood strongly by Chamberlain's essential judgements but regretted Chamberlain's lack of sensitivity in foreign affairs and his tendency for personal intervention that led to his failure to retain Eden and to override his Foreign Office advisers. However, Hoare repeatedly pointed out that public opinion was vociferously pacifist and that Chamberlain's actions were widely endorsed at the time, not least by US President [[Franklin Roosevelt]].{{citation needed|date=March 2013}} Also, the [[Labour Party (UK)|Labour]] opposition strongly opposed rearmament and the introduction of conscription, even after Munich.

In late October 1938, Hoare made an extended trip to the English countryside with [[Herbert von Dirksen]], the German ambassador, for informal talks about an Anglo-German settlement.{{sfn|Watt|1989|p=86-87}} Hoare told Dirksen that he  wanted an end to the arms race between Germany and Britain; another treaty to "humanise" aerial war that would ban the bombing of cities and the use of chemical weapons; a deal under which Britain would return the former German colonies in Africa in exchanges for promises of no war in Europe; and a British "guarantee" to protect Germany from the Soviet Union.{{sfn|Watt|1989|p=87}} The British historian  D.C. Watt wrote: "This last is often cited by Soviet historians as proof of their thesis that the Cabinet was obsessed with the urge to provoke a German-Soviet war. Taken in its proper context, Hoare's ill-chosen remarks make it clear that the offer of a guarantee was intended to disarm any German arguments that Soviet strength in the air necessitated the maintenance of a large German Luftwaffe".{{sfn|Watt|1989|p=87}} The fact that Hoare's offer to Dirksen made no impression in Germany was to disillusion him, and led to Hoare taking a stronger line against Germany in 1939.{{sfn|Watt|1989|p=87}} In January 1939, Hoare urged an increase in defence spending and during the "Dutch War Scare" (a rumoured German attack on the Netherlands, possibly concocted by anti-Nazi elements in German intelligence) that same month advocated closer ties to France.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=158}}

In spring 1939, Hoare aligned himself very firmly with Chamberlain's upbeat belief that war was now unlikely, rather than with Halifax's increasing focus on shoring up alliances and rearming for a conflict that to seemed imminent to Halifax.

<div class="center">{{cquote|''These five men, working together in Europe and blessed in their efforts by the President of the United States of America, might make themselves eternal benefactors of the human race.''}}
<small>Samuel Hoare speaking of a possible future disarmament conference between [[Adolf Hitler]], [[Benito Mussolini]], [[Edouard Daladier]], [[Joseph Stalin]] and [[Neville Chamberlain]], March 1939</small><ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20081214212333/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,789498,00.html INTERNATIONAL: Peace Week], ''[[TIME Magazine]]'', 20 March 1939.</ref></div>

In a speech given on 10 March 1939 to his local Conservative constituency association in his seat in Chelsea, Hoare predicated a coming "golden age" as he foresaw a bright future full of peace and prosperity for all about to dawn.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=158}} In the speech Hoare denounced those who called for greater rearmament as “[[jitterbug]]s”, commenting that “these timid panic-mongers are doing the greatest harm”.{{sfn|Ireland|2021|p=166}} Just days after the "golden age" speech, Germany violated the Munich Agreement on 15 March 1939 by occupying the Czech half of Czecho-Slovakia, which became the [[Protectorate of Bohemia-Moravia]].{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=158}} Hoare's "golden age" speech gave him the reputation as a someone with a blindly, almost Panglossian naïve faith in an optimistic future, and Dutton noted that next to Chamberlain's "peace in our time" speech of 1938, the "golden age" speech is one of the most mocked speeches in British history.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=158}} Hoare had not actually wanted to deliver the "golden age" speech, which had been imposed on him by Chamberlain who complained that several of his ministers seemed reluctant to talk about foreign affairs.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=158}}

In 1939, Hoare almost carried the most comprehensive Criminal Justice Reform Bill in British history: he had intended to abolish [[corporal punishment]] in prisons and had been keen to work towards the abolition of the [[death penalty]] of whose risks he was very aware. The Bill was cancelled because of the outbreak of war.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p367"/> Most of its provisions were successfully reintroduced by [[James Chuter Ede]] as Home Secretary in 1948, with support from Hoare, who by then was in the [[House of Lords]].<ref>{{cite book |last=Hart |first=Stephen |title=James Chuter Ede: Humane Reformer and Politician |year= 2021 |publisher=Pen & Sword |isbn=9781526783721}} pp. 199-201</ref>

During the [[Danzig crisis]], Hoare spoke several times in the cabinet about the advantages of having the Soviet Union join a "peace front" meant to deter Germany from invading Poland.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=158}} In cabinet debates Hoare along with Halifax, Chatfield (now serving as minister for the co-ordination of defence) and the War Secretary [[Leslie Hore-Belisha]] favoured broadening the "peace front" to include the Soviet Union as all expressed serious doubts about the ability of Poland to stand alone against Germany in opposition to Chamberlain and Simon.{{sfn|Watt|1989|p=221}} His change in stance from being opposed to any sort of co-operation with the Soviet Union to being an advocate of an alliance with the Soviet Union surprised many.{{sfn|Shaw|2013|p=108}} Hoare's change in views was dictated by strategical considerations as the Chiefs of Staff stated that the Soviet Union was the only nation that could send forces directly to Romania and Poland (the two nations in Eastern Europe that most concerned British decision-makers in the Danzig crisis) and supply them with arms.{{sfn|Shaw|2013|p=107-108}} In addition, the Chiefs of Staff stated that the submarines of the Soviet Baltic fleet could cut the shipping lanes that linked Sweden to Germany and in this way supplied the ''Reich'' with the high-grade iron used to make steel in the blast furnaces of the Ruhr.{{sfn|Shaw|2013|p=107}} The Chiefs of Staff argued that having the Soviet Union as an ally would deny Germany the use of its immense natural resources as the Soviet Union was self-sufficient in virtually all of the raw materials needed to sustain a modern industrial economy.{{sfn|Shaw|2013|p=107}} Finally, the Chiefs of Staff predicated that the Soviet Union as an ally might deter Japan from aggression.{{sfn|Shaw|2013|p=107}} The Chiefs of Staff predicated if war broke out in Europe, it was almost certain that Japan would try to take advantage of the conflict to seize Britain's Asian colonies and the Japanese would almost certainly invade Australia if they took Singapore.{{sfn|Shaw|2013|p=107}} The Chiefs of Staff stated that Hong Kong was too exposed and was certain to be taken by the Japanese in the event of war, and furthermore predicated the Singapore strategy might be rendered inoperative by the Japanese capturing Singapore first before the British fleet could arrive.{{sfn|Shaw|2013|p=107}} For all these reasons, the Chiefs of Staff argued that the Soviet Union would be an "invaluable" ally in helping to achieve the aims of British deterrence diplomacy in both Europe and Asia.{{sfn|Shaw|2013|p=107}} Hoare seems to have been impressed by this argument that the Soviet Union would be a most helpful ally in both Europe and Asia, which inspired his ''volte-face''.{{sfn|Shaw|2013|p=107}} In March 1939, Hoare told the cabinet that he "held no predilections" in the favor of the Soviet Union, but he argued that argued that the current policy of reaching out to the Soviets in a half-hearted manner was self-defeating as it was bound to excite the suspicions of Joseph Stalin.{{sfn|Shaw|2013|p=109}} He stated on the basis of information from the British embassy in Moscow that Stalin was moody, sullen and paranoid and was bound to see British policy in the worse possible light.{{sfn|Shaw|2013|p=109}} He argued that the main concern at present should be to prevent "Stalin from throwing the weight of Russian power onto the enemy's side".{{sfn|Shaw|2013|p=109}} Hoare pumped energy into the Air Raid Precautions Department and the Women's Voluntary Service Organisation.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p367"/>

==Second World War==
On the outbreak of war, Hoare became [[Lord Privy Seal]] in the nine-man [[War Cabinet]] (3 September 1939), with a wide-ranging brief. On 5 April 1940, Hoare briefly returned to the Air Ministry, swapping places with Sir [[Kingsley Wood]], and later that month came under fire during the [[Norway Debate]] which brought down the [[Chamberlain war ministry|Chamberlain government]]. Then, the resignations of himself, Chamberlain and [[Sir John Simon]] were essential preconditions for Labour to join a coalition government. Hoare was one of the foremost Chamberlain loyalists and was shocked at the apparent disloyalty of others, such as Halifax.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p367"/>

Following [[Winston Churchill]]'s appointment as Prime Minister on 10 May 1940, Hoare was dropped from the government altogether unlike Chamberlain, Halifax and even Simon.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p367"/> He still hoped in vain to be Viceroy of India.<ref>Jago, p.146</ref> Of the "big four" of the Chamberlain government, Hoare was the only one excluded from the government that Churchill formed on 10 May 1940 as Chamberlain became the Lord Privy Seal, Halifax continued as Foreign Secretary and Simon became the Lord Chancellor.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=158}}

[[Alexander Cadogan]] saw Hoare as a potential [[quisling]] in 1940, but [[Leo Amery]] and [[Lord Beaverbrook]] thought highly of him. Another Foreign Office mandarin, [[Robert Vansittart, 1st Baron Vansittart|Robert Vansittart]], thought him prim and precise but not a resilient figure in political struggle.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p368"/> Hoare was named as one of the fifteen "[[Guilty Men]]" in the influential July 1940 book of the same name.<ref>{{cite ODNB | url=https://www.oxforddnb.com/display/10.1093/ref:odnb/9780198614128.001.0001/odnb-9780198614128-e-70401 | doi=10.1093/ref:odnb/70401 | title=The Oxford Dictionary of National Biography | date=2004 }}</ref> ''Guilty Men'' inflicted another blow on Hoare's reputation, which still lasts to this day.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=146-147}}

After a brief period of unemployment<ref>In his memoirs (''Nine Troubled Years'' p.433), Hoare stated that his appointment came a fortnight after he was dropped from the government.</ref> Hoare was sent as [[List of ambassadors from the United Kingdom to Spain|Ambassador to Spain]], with his wife, [[Lady Maud Hoare]]. In that demanding and critical role he helped to arrange the return of thousands of Allied prisoners from Spanish gaols and successfully helped to dissuade [[Francisco Franco]] from formally joining the Axis.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p367"/> The decision to appoint Hoare as ambassador to Spain was widely seen as an insult, likened by Dutton to being "made a manager of a Siberian power station" (the demeaning job given to former Soviet leader [[Georgy Malenkov]] in the late 1950s).{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=158}} Cadogan thought that instead of being made ambassador to Spain Hoare should have been sent to a penal settlement.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=154}}

Hoare loathed Franco and found him a puzzling and obtuse interlocutor. (Hoare found Franco's Portuguese counterpart, [[António de Oliveira Salazar]], much more pleasant to deal with.) His fluent memoir of the period, ''Ambassador on Special Mission'', is an excellent insight into the day-to-day life of a demanding diplomatic job, his primary challenges being to dissuade Franco from his preferred drift to the [[Axis powers]] and to prevent the Allies from reacting with undue haste to repeated Spanish provocations. Hoare's memoir is not completely frank about his deployment of an array of bluff, leaks, bribery and subterfuge to disrupt unfriendly elements in Franco's regime and the operations of the German embassy, but those methods were remembered fondly by his team.{{citation needed|date=March 2023}}

In June 1941, Spain, ostensibly remaining [[non-belligerent]], was preparing to send a division of volunteers to fight on the side of Germany against the Soviet Union, the so-called "[[División Azul]]" Blue Division. On 24 June, a big demonstration of students was organised by the regime in support of the expedition. The demonstration ended in front of the [[FET y de las JONS|Falange Party]]'s headquarters, where [[Ramón Serrano Suñer]] was present and gave a speech. There was much anti-British sentiment in Spain, and some students went to the nearby British embassy and started throwing stones and to attack the embassy building. Hoare called Serrano Suñer on the telephone, and they had a heated exchange. Serrano Suñer asked him if he wanted him to send more police to protect the embassy to which Hoare famously responded, "Don't send more police, just send fewer students".<ref>https://www.libertaddigital.com/opinion/historia/rusia-es-culpable-1276239379.html El embajador, Samuel Hoare, llamó a Serrano Súñer. Discutieron acaloradamente, y tuvo entonces lugar una anécdota muy conocida. Serrano le preguntó si le enviaba más guardias para asegurar la embajada, a lo que Hoare contestó: No, no me mande más guardias; mándeme menos estudiantes</ref>

Hoare also helped to prevent Spanish interference with [[Operation Torch]] in November 1942.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p367"/>

On 14 July 1944, he was created [[Viscount Templewood]] (the name was that of [[Templewood]], a country house at Sidestrand) of [[Chelsea, London|Chelsea]] in the County of [[Middlesex]]. With the issue of Spanish neutrality no longer in doubt, his ambassadorship ended in December 1944, and he returned to Britain.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p367"/>

==Later life==
In the [[House of Lords]], Viscount Templewood served on the Political Honours Scrutiny Committee from 1950 and chaired it from 1954.<ref name=odnb4>{{cite book|title=Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Volume 27|page=368}}</ref> He gave energetic support to penal reform, the [[Criminal Justice Act 1948]] and the abolition of capital punishment. Templewood was the only Conservative peer who advocated the abolition of the death penalty in the 1950s.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=147}} He took up many company directorships.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p367"/> In 1948, volume one of [[The Second World War (book series)|Churchill's memoirs/History of World War Two]], ''The Gathering Storm'', was published.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=147}} In ''The Gathering Storm'', Churchill finished off the assault on Templewood's reputation that ''Guilty Men'' had begun, by portraying the interwar period as a struggle between good vs. evil, and the "appeasers" were portrayed as almost as malevolent as [[Adolf Hitler]].{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=147}} Churchill made the claim that Second World War was the "unnecessary war" that would have been avoided if only he had been prime minister in the 1930s.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=147}} Churchill indicted the appeasers such as Templewood on two counts. The first count was a moral one, namely that Hitler was a deeply "wicked" man and the appeasers were variously cowardly and/or stupid not to have realised this.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=147}} The second count was a practical one that they failed to prepare the country for the coming war by not spending money on defence and making the necessary alliances.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=147}} Churchill's immense popularity made ''The Gathering Storm'' a bestseller in 1948, and the indictment that Churchill presented is still widely accepted today.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=147}}

Hoare was President of the Lawn Tennis Association (1932–56), an elder brother of [[Trinity House]] (1936–1950),<ref name="Matthew 2004, p367"/> Chancellor of the [[University of Reading]] (1937 until his death in 1959),<ref>J. C. Holt, 'The University of Reading: The First Fifty Years', Reading: University of Reading Press, 1976, p. 331.</ref><ref name="Matthew 2004, p367"/> Chairman of the Council of the [[Howard League for Penal Reform]] (1947–59),<ref name=burkes /><ref name="Matthew 2004, p367"/> President of the Magistrates' Association (1947–52),<ref name="Matthew 2004, p367"/> President of the [[Air League]] of the British Empire (1953-1956),<ref name=burkes /><ref name="Matthew 2004, p367"/> and President of the National Skating Association (1945–57).<ref name="Matthew 2004, p367"/>

Templewood published a number of books after the war, including ''Ambassador on Special Mission'' (1946) about his time in Spain, ''The Unbroken Thread'' (1949), a family memoir, ''The Shadow of the Gallows'' (1951) on capital punishment, and ''Nine Troubled Years'' (1954), a memoir of the 1930s.<ref name="Matthew 2004, p368"/> Dutton described ''Nine Troubled Years'' as a "reasonable apologia for Chamberlain and appeasement", through he noted Templewood had to work within the highly restrictive rules imposed by [[Maurice Hankey, 1st Baron Hankey|Maurice Hankey]] about what he could and could not write about concerning cabinet debates, which gave a highly misleading picture of what actually happened.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=164}} Furthermore, Dutton noted that Templewood displayed much loyalty to the memory of Chamberlain even when he was allowed to mention debates in the cabinet.{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=164}} For example, Templewood was completely silent in ''Nine Troubled Years'' about his disagreements with Chamberlain about his preference in 1939 for having the Soviet Union serve as the eastern pivot of the proposed "peace front" instead of Poland as Chamberlain wanted. Dutton noted that had he mentioned this it might had done something to dispel his image as Chamberlain's "yes man".{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=164}} Instead, Templewood just made a reference to an assessment by the Chiefs of Staff in 1939 that calculated the Polish Army was superior to the Red Army by a factor of three to one, which gave the impression that Chamberlain was quite rational in choosing Poland instead of the Soviet Union as the eastern pivot of the "peace front".{{sfn|Dutton|2011|p=164}}

In addition to those awarded for his services in the First World War, he held the following foreign honours:<ref name=burkes />

*Grand Cross of the [[Order of the White Lion]] of Czechoslovakia.
*Grand Cross of the [[Order of the Polar Star]] of Sweden.
*Grand Cross of the [[Order of the Dannebrog]] of Denmark.
*Grand Cross of the [[Order of Orange-Nassau]] of the Netherlands.

He died aged 79 of a [[heart attack]], at his home, 12a Eaton Mansions, [[Chelsea, London|Chelsea]], London, on 7 May 1959. He was buried at [[Sidestrand]] parish churchyard in Norfolk.  As his marriage was childless, and his brother had pre-deceased him, the baronetcy and peerage became extinct upon his death.<ref name=odnb4 />

Templewood's estate was valued for probate at £186,944 3s 6d (just over £4.5m at 2016 prices).<ref name="Matthew 2004 p.368"/><ref>[http://www.measuringworth.com/ukcompare/result.php Compute the Relative Value of a U.K. Pound] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160331194822/https://measuringworth.com/ukcompare/result.php |date=31 March 2016 }}</ref> His residence, Templewood House, in [[Frogshall]], [[Northrepps]], Norfolk, was inherited by his nephew, the architect [[Paul Edward Paget]].

Hoare's widow Viscountess Templewood died in 1962.<ref name="Matthew 2004 p.364"/>

==Arms==
{{Infobox COA wide
|image = [[File:Coronet of a British Viscount.svg|centre|150px]] [[File:Hoare (of Sidestrand Hall) Escutcheon.png|centre|200px]]
|escutcheon = Sable an eagle displayed with two heads between three crosses couped within a bordure indented all Argent.<ref>{{cite book|title=Burke's Peerage |year=1914}}</ref>
|crest = In front of a stag's head erased Argent three crosses couped fesswise Sable.
|motto = Venit Hora 
|supporters = (After viscountcy) On either side a stag Or charged on the neck with a cross couped Sable.<ref>{{cite book|title=Burke's Peerage |year=1949}}</ref>
}}
{{notelist}}

==In media==
In the 1981 TV serial ''[[Winston Churchill: The Wilderness Years]]'', Hoare is portrayed by [[Edward Woodward]]. 

Hoare, in his later role as Ambassador to Spain, appears in [[C.J. Sansom]]'s WWII spy thriller ''[[Winter in Madrid]]''.

The [[Apple TV (device)|Apple TV]] streaming miniseries ''[[The New Look (TV series)|The New Look]]'' also depicts Hoare's time in Spain, featuring him meeting [[Coco Chanel]] during the latter's attempt to serve as an intermediary between Germany and the United Kingdom.<ref>{{cite news| url=https://www.vulture.com/article/the-new-look-premiere-recap-episodes-1-3.html |website=[[Vulture (website)|Vulture]] | first=Carrie | last=Wittmer | title=The New Look Series-Premiere Recap: Longing for Survival | date=14 February 2024 |access-date= 19 February 2024}}</ref>

==References==
{{Reflist}}

==Bibliography==
*{{cite book|author=Adams, R. J. Q.|author-link=R. J. Q. Adams|title=British Politics and Foreign Policy in the Age of Appeasement, 1935–1939|publisher=Stanford University Press|year=1993|isbn=978-0-8047-2101-1}}
*{{Cite book |last=Alexander |first=Martin S. |title=The Republic in Danger: General Maurice Gamelin and the Politics of French Defence, 1933–1940 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |year=1992 |isbn=0-521-37234-8 |location=New York }}
*{{cite book|last=Blake|first=Robert| authorlink = Robert Blake, Baron Blake | title=The Conservative Party From Peel To Thatcher|publisher=HarperCollins|year=1985|isbn=0-0068-6003-6}}
* Braddick, H. B. (1962) "The Hoare-Laval Plan: A Study in International Politics" ''Review of Politics'' 24#3 (1962), pp.&nbsp;342–364. [https://www.jstor.org/stable/1405298 in JSTOR]
*{{cite book|first=Charles B.|last= Burdick|title=Germany's Military strategy and Spain in World War II|url=https://archive.org/details/germanysmilitary00burd|url-access=registration|publisher=Syracuse Univ. Press|year=1968|isbn=978-0-608-18105-9}}
* {{cite book|last=Charmley|first=John|chapter=Neville Chamberlain and the Consequences of the Churchillian Hegemony|pages=168–185|title=Origins of the Second World War An International Perspective |url=https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/origins-of-the-second-world-war-an-international-perspective-9781441164438/ |editor=Frank McDonough|location=London|date=2011|publisher=Continuum}}
* Coutts, Matthew Dean. (2011). "The Political Career of Sir Samuel Hoare during the National Government 1931–40" (PhD dissertation University of Leicester, 2011). [https://lra.le.ac.uk/bitstream/2381/10078/1/2011couttsmphd.pdf online] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181103104258/https://lra.le.ac.uk/bitstream/2381/10078/1/2011couttsmphd.pdf |date=3 November 2018 }} bibliography on pp 271–92.
* {{cite book|first=J. A.|last=Cross|title= Sir Samuel Hoare: A Political Biography|place=London|publisher=Jonathan Cape|year= 1977|isbn=0-224-01350-5}}
* {{cite book|last=Dutton|first=David|pages=144–167|chapter=Guilty Men? Three British Foreign Secretaries of the 1930s|title=Origins of the Second World War An International Perspective |url=https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/origins-of-the-second-world-war-an-international-perspective-9781441164438/ |editor=Frank McDonough|location=London|date=2011|publisher=Continuum}}
* {{cite book | last=Duroselle | first=Jean-Baptiste | title=France and the Nazi threat : the collapse of French diplomacy 1932-1939 | publication-place=New York | publisher = Enigma Books | date=2004 | isbn=1-929631-15-4 | oclc=55589798}}
* {{cite book |last1=Edwards |first1=Jill |title=The British Government and the Spanish Civil War, 1936–1939 |date=1979 |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan |location=London |isbn=9781349040032}}
* {{cite book|last=Henig|first=Ruth|chapter=The League Of Nations: An Idea Before It's Time?|pages=34–49|title=Origins of the Second World War An International Perspective |url=https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/origins-of-the-second-world-war-an-international-perspective-9781441164438/ |editor=Frank McDonough|location=London|date=2011|publisher=Continuum}}
* Holt, Andrew. "'No more Hoares to Paris': British foreign policymaking and the Abyssinian Crisis, 1935." ''Review of International Studies'' 37.3 (2011): 1383–1401.
* {{cite book | last = Ireland | first = Josh | title = Churchill & Son | publisher = John Murray | date = 2021 |isbn = 978-1529337754}}
* Jago, Michael ''Rab Butler: The Best Prime Minister We Never Had?'', Biteback Publishing 2015 {{ISBN|978-1849549202}}
*{{cite book |last=Jenkins |first=Roy |title=The Chancellors |place=London |publisher=Papermac |year=1999 |isbn=0333730585 |url-access=registration |url=https://archive.org/details/chancellors0000jenk }} (essay on Simon, pp365–92)
*{{cite book|first=Cristian|last= Leitz|title=Economic Relations between Nazi Germany and Franco's Spain, 1936 – 1945|publisher=Oxford Historical Monographs, Clarendon Press|place= Oxford|year=1995|isbn=0-19-820645-3}}
* {{cite book|last=Louis|first=William Roger|pages=352–389|chapter=The Road To Singapore: British Imperialism in the Far East, 1932-1942|title=The Fascist Challenge and the Policy of Appleasement|date=1983|editor=Wolfgang Mommsen & Lothar Kettenacker|publisher=George Unwin|location=London}}
* {{cite book|last=McDonough|first=Frank|chapter=When Instinct Clouds Judgement: Neville Chamberlain and the Pursuit of Appeasement with Nazi Germany, 1937-1939|pages=205–222|title=Origins of the Second World War An International Perspective|editor=Frank McDonough|location=London|date=2011|publisher=Continuum}}
*{{cite book|last = Matthew|first = Colin| author-link = Colin Matthew| year = 2004| title = Dictionary of National Biography|volume = 27| location = Oxford| publisher = Oxford University Press| isbn = 978-0198614111}} (pp.&nbsp;364–8), essay on Hoare written by R. J. Q. Adams.
* {{cite book|last=Moradiellos|first=Enrique|chapter=The International Dimensions of the Spanish Civil War|pages=311–326|title=Origins of the Second World War An International Perspective|editor=Frank McDonough|location=London|date=2011|publisher=Continuum}}
* {{cite book |last1=Neilson |first1=Keith |title=Britain, Soviet Russia and the Collapse of the Versailles Order, 1919–1939 |date=2005 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |location=Cambridge |isbn=9781139448864}}
* {{cite book |last1=Olson |first1=Lynn |title=Troublesome Young Men: The Rebels Who Brought Churchill to Power and Helped Save England |date=2007 |publisher=Farrar Straus & Giroux|isbn=9780374179540}}
* Roberts, Andrew, ''The Holy Fox'' The Life of Lord Halifax. London, 1991.
* Robertson, J. C. (1975) "The Hoare-Laval Plan", ''Journal of Contemporary History'' 10#3 (1975), pp.&nbsp;433–464. [https://www.jstor.org/stable/260156 in JSTOR]
* {{cite book |last1=Shaw |first1=Louise |title=The British Political Elite and the Soviet Union |date=2013 |publisher=Taylor & Francis |location=London |isbn=9781135761264}}
* {{cite book|last=Young|first=Robert|chapter=A Very English Channel: Britain and French Appeasement|pages=238–261|title=Origins of the Second World War An International Perspective|editor=Frank McDonough|location=London|date=2011|publisher=Continuum}}
* {{cite book |last1=Watt |first1=D.C. |title=How War Came |date=1989 |publisher=Pantheon |location=New York |isbn=9780394579160}}
* {{cite book |last1=Wolpert |first1=Stanley |title=Shameful Flight The Last Years of the British Empire in India |date=2007 |publisher=Oxford University Press |location=Oxford |isbn=9780199745043}}

===Primary sources===
* {{cite book|last = Butler|first = Rab| year = 1971| title = The Art of the Possible| location = London| publisher = Hamish Hamilton| isbn = 978-0241020074}}
* {{cite book |last1= Hayes|first1=Carlton J. H. |author-link1=Carlton J. H. Hayes|year=1945 |title=Wartime Mission in Spain, 1942–1945|url= https://archive.org/details/wartimemissionin0000haye|url-access= registration|place=London|publisher= Macmillan|isbn= 9781121497245}}
* {{cite book|first=Sir Samuel|last= Hoare|title=A Flying Visit to the Middle East|publisher=Cambridge University Press|year=1925}}
*{{cite book|first=Sir Samuel|last= Hoare, Viscount Templewood|title=Ambassador on Special Mission|publisher=Collins|orig-year=1946|editor=Sedmay|place=Madrid|year=1977}}
*{{cite book |last=Hoare, Viscount Templewood |first=Sir Samuel |year=1947 |title= Complacent Dictator|url=https://archive.org/details/complacentdictat0000temp |url-access=registration |publisher=A.A. Knopf|asin=B0007F2ZVU}}
*{{cite book|title=The Way the Wind Blows: An Autobiography|author=Lord Home|year=1976|publisher=Collins |isbn=0 00 211997-8|url-access=registration|url=https://archive.org/details/waywindblows00home}}

== External links ==
{{Commons category|Samuel Hoare, Viscount Templewood (1880-1959)}}
{{wikiquote}}
* {{Hansard-contribs | mr-samuel-hoare-1 | Samuel Hoare }}
* {{PM20|FID=pe/032605}}

{{s-start}}
{{s-par|uk}}
{{succession box
  | title  = [[Member of Parliament (United Kingdom)|Member of Parliament]] for [[Chelsea (UK Parliament constituency)|Chelsea]]
  | years  = [[January 1910 United Kingdom general election|1910]]–[[1944 Chelsea by-election|1944]]
  | before = [[Emslie Horniman|Emslie John Horniman]]
  | after  = [[William Sidney]]
}} 
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{{succession box | title=[[Secretary of State for Air]] | before=[[Frederick Guest]] | after=[[Christopher Birdwood Thomson, 1st Baron Thomson|The Lord Thomson]] | years=1922–1924}}
{{succession box | title=[[Secretary of State for Air]] | before=[[Christopher Birdwood Thomson, 1st Baron Thomson|The Lord Thomson]] | after=[[Christopher Birdwood Thomson, 1st Baron Thomson|The Lord Thomson]] | years=1924–1929}}
{{succession box | title=[[Secretary of State for India]] | before=[[William Wedgwood Benn]] | after=[[Lawrence Dundas, 2nd Marquess of Zetland|The Marquess of Zetland]] | years=1931–1935}}
{{succession box | title=[[Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (UK)|Foreign Secretary]] | before=[[Sir John Simon]] | after=[[Anthony Eden]] | years=1935}}
{{succession box | title=[[First Lord of the Admiralty]] | before=[[Bolton Eyres-Monsell, 1st Viscount Monsell|The Viscount Monsell]] | after=[[Duff Cooper]] | years=1936–1937}}
{{succession box | title=[[Home Secretary]] | before=[[Sir John Simon]] | after=[[Sir John Anderson]] | years=1937–1939}}
{{succession box | title=[[Lord Privy Seal]] | before=[[Sir John Anderson]] | after=[[Sir Kingsley Wood]] | years=1939–1940}}
{{succession box | title=[[Secretary of State for Air]] | before=[[Sir Kingsley Wood]] | after=[[Sir Archibald Sinclair]] | years=1940}}
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{{succession box|title=[[British ambassador to Spain]]|before=[[Henry Chilton|Sir Henry Chilton]]|after=[[Victor Mallet|Sir Victor Mallet]]|years=1940–1944}}
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{{s-bef | before=[[Sir Samuel Hoare, 1st Baronet|Samuel Hoare]] }}
{{s-ttl
 | title = [[Viscount Templewood|Baronet]]<br />'''(of Sidestrand Hall)'''
 | years = 1915–1959
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 | title = [[Viscount Templewood]]
 | years = 1944–1959
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{{succession box|title=[[University of Reading|Chancellor of the University of Reading]]|years=1937–1959|before=[[Sir Austen Chamberlain]]|after=[[Edward Bridges, 1st Baron Bridges|Lord Bridges]]}}
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{{Foreign Secretary}}
{{Home Secretaries}}
{{First Lords of the Admiralty}}
{{Chamberlain War Ministry}}

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{{DEFAULTSORT:Templewood, Samuel Hoare, 1st Viscount}}
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