View source for Taiwanese indigenous peoples

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{{Use dmy dates|date=July 2025}}
{{Infobox ethnic group
| group            = Taiwanese indigenous peoples
| image            = 08.15 總統出席「2016三地門鄉聯合收穫祭」 (28706865630).jpg
| caption          = [[Paiwan people|Paiwan]] and [[Rukai people]] in [[Pingtung County]]
| population       = ~600,303 or 3% of the population of Taiwan<br />(Non-status and unrecognized indigenous peoples excluded)<br />3,479 in the [[People's Republic of China]] <small> (2020 data)<ref>[http://www.stats.gov.cn/tjsj/pcsj/rkpc/6rp/indexch.htm 第七次全国人口普查成果] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121127080641/http://www.stats.gov.cn/tjsj/pcsj/rkpc/6rp/indexch.htm |date=27 November 2012 }}中华人民共和国国家统计局.</ref></small>
| popplace         = '''[[Taiwan]]'''<br/>[[Geography of Taiwan|Taiwan]] (island), [[Orchid Island]], [[Green Island, Taiwan|Green Island]], and [[Liuqiu Island]]
| languages        = [[Formosan languages]] ([[Atayal language|Atayal]], [[Bunun language|Bunun]], [[Amis language|Amis]], [[Paiwan language|Paiwan]], others) or [[Yami language]]<br />[[Chinese languages]] ([[Taiwanese Mandarin|Mandarin]], [[Taiwanese Hokkien|Hokkien]], [[Taiwanese Hakka|Hakka]])<br />[[Japanese language]] ([[Yilan Creole Japanese]])
| religions        = '''Predominantly'''<br/>[[Christianity in Taiwan|Christianity]]<br/>Minority: [[Animism]] and [[Buddhism in Taiwan|Buddhism]]{{ sfnp | Stainton | 2002 |pp=}}
| related_groups   = [[Taiwanese people]], other [[Austronesian peoples|Austronesians]]
}}
{{Infobox Chinese
| t = {{linktext|臺灣|原住民}}
| s = {{linktext|台湾|原住民}}
| p = Táiwān yuánzhùmín
| w = {{Tone superscript|T'ai2-wan1 yüan2-chu4-min2}}
| mi = {{IPAc-cmn|t|ai|2|.|wan|1|-|yuan|2|.|zh|u|4|.|m|in|2}}
| bpmf = ㄊㄞˊ ㄨㄢ ㄩㄢˊ ㄓㄨˋ ㄇㄧㄣˊ
| poj = Tâi-ôan gôan-chū-bîn
| tl = Tâi-uân guân-tsū-bîn
| phfs = Thòi-vân Ngièn-chhu-mìn
| h = {{Tone superscript|Toi2 van ngian2 cu4 min2}}
| l = Taiwanese original inhabitants
| tp = Táiwan yuán-jhù-mín
}}
{{Taiwanese indigenous peoples sidebar}}
'''Taiwanese indigenous peoples''', formerly called '''Taiwanese aborigines''',<ref>{{Cite web |date=26 January 2024 |title=A vibrant celebration of Taiwan's little-known original inhabitants |url=https://www.bbc.com/travel/article/20240125-a-vibrant-celebration-of-taiwans-little-known-original-inhabitants |access-date=25 January 2025 |author-first1=James|author-last1=Rogerson|website=BBC|language=en-GB}}</ref> are the [[indigenous peoples]] of [[Taiwan]], with the nationally recognized subgroups numbering about 600,303 or 3% of the [[Geography of Taiwan|island]]'s population. This total is increased to more than 800,000 if the [[Plains indigenous peoples|indigenous peoples of the plains]] in Taiwan are included, pending future official recognition. When including those of mixed ancestry, such a number is possibly more than a million. Academic research suggests that their ancestors have been living on Taiwan for approximately 15,000 years<!-- As per the section "history of.." below-->. A wide body of evidence suggests that the Taiwanese indigenous peoples had maintained regular trade networks with numerous regional cultures of [[Southeast Asia]] before [[Han Chinese]] [[History of Taiwan#Settler expansion (1684–1795)|settled on the island from the 17th century]], at the behest of the [[Dutch Formosa#Agriculture|Dutch colonial administration]] and later by successive governments towards the 20th century.{{sfnp|Blust|1999}}<ref>{{Cite journal|title=Ancient jades map 3,000 years of prehistoric exchange in Southeast Asia|first1=Hsiao-Chun|last1=Hung|first2=Yoshiyuki|last2=Iizuka|first3=Peter|last3=Bellwood|first4=Kim Dung|last4=Nguyen|first5=Bérénice|last5=Bellina|first6=Praon|last6=Silapanth|first7=Eusebio|last7=Dizon|first8=Rey|last8=Santiago|first9=Ipoi|last9=Datan|first10=Jonathan H.|last10=Manton|date=2007|journal=Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences|volume=104|issue=50|pages=19745–19750|doi=10.1073/pnas.0707304104|pmid=18048347|pmc=2148369|doi-access=free}}</ref>

Taiwanese indigenous peoples are [[Austronesian people|Austronesians]], with linguistic, genetic and cultural ties to other Austronesian peoples.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Trejaut|first1=Jean A.|last2=Poloni|first2=Estella S.|last3=Yen|first3=Ju-Chen|last4=Lai|first4=Ying-Hui|last5=Loo|first5=Jun-Hun|last6=Lee|first6=Chien-Liang|last7=He|first7=Chun-Lin|last8=Lin|first8=Marie|date=1 January 2014|title=Taiwan Y-chromosomal DNA variation and its relationship with Island Southeast Asia|journal=BMC Genetics|volume=15|page=77|doi=10.1186/1471-2156-15-77|issn=1471-2156|pmc=4083334|pmid=24965575 |doi-access=free}}</ref> Taiwan is the origin and [[linguistic homeland]] of the oceanic [[Austronesian expansion]], whose descendant groups today include the majority of the ethnic groups throughout many parts of [[East Asia|East]] and [[Southeast Asia]] as well as [[Oceania]] and even [[Africa]] which includes [[Brunei]], [[East Timor]], [[Indonesia]], [[Malaysia]], [[Madagascar]], [[Philippines]], [[Micronesia]], [[Island Melanesia]] and [[Polynesia]].

For centuries, Taiwan's indigenous inhabitants experienced economic competition and military conflict with a series of colonizing newcomers. Centralized government policies designed to foster [[language shift]] and [[cultural assimilation]], as well as continued contact with the colonizers through trade, [[Interethnic marriage|inter-marriage]] and other intercultural processes, have resulted in varying degrees of [[language death]] and loss of original [[cultural identity]]. For example, of the approximately 26 known languages of the Taiwanese indigenous peoples – collectively referred to as the [[Formosan languages]] – at least ten are now [[Extinct language|extinct]], five are [[Moribund language|moribund]]{{sfnp|Zeitoun|Yu|2005|p=167}} and several are to some degree [[Endangered language|endangered]]. These languages are of unique historical significance since most [[Historical linguistics|historical linguists]] consider Taiwan to be the original homeland of the [[Austronesian languages]]{{sfnp|Blust|1999}} and all of its primary branches except for [[Malayo-Polynesian]] exist only on Taiwan.

Due to discrimination or repression throughout the centuries, the indigenous peoples of Taiwan have experienced economic and social inequality, including a high unemployment rate and substandard education. Some indigenous groups today continue to be unrecognized by the [[Government of the Republic of China|government]]. Since the early 1980s, many indigenous groups have been actively seeking a higher degree of political [[self-determination]] and [[economic development]].{{sfnp|Hsu|1991|pp=95–99}} The revival of ethnic pride is expressed in many ways by the indigenous peoples, including the incorporation of elements of their culture into cultural commodities such as [[cultural tourism]], [[pop music]] and sports. Taiwan's Austronesian speakers were formerly distributed over much of the Taiwan archipelago, including the [[Central Mountain Range]] villages along the [[alluvial plain]]s, as well as [[Orchid Island]], [[Green Island, Taiwan|Green Island]], and [[Liuqiu Island]].

The bulk of contemporary Taiwanese indigenous peoples mostly reside both in their traditional mountain villages as well as increasingly in Taiwan's urban areas. There are also the [[plains indigenous peoples]], which have always lived in the lowland areas of the island. Ever since the end of the [[White Terror (Taiwan)|White Terror]], some efforts have been under way in indigenous communities to revive traditional cultural practices and preserve their distinct traditional languages on the now Han Chinese majority island and for the latter to better understand more about them.<ref name="LKU">{{cite news |last1=Kuo |first1=Lily |last2=Chen |first2=Alicia |title=Taiwan's Han Chinese seek a new identity among the island's tribes |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2022/04/04/taiwan-indigenous-china-tribes/ |access-date=24 April 2022 |newspaper=Washington Post |date=4 April 2022}} Republished as: {{cite news |last1=Kuo |first1=Lily |last2=Chen |first2=Alicia |title='Indigenous in spirit, even if not by blood': Han Chinese seek a new identity among Taiwan's tribes |url=https://www.independent.co.uk/asia/china/taiwan-han-chinese-identity-indigenous-island-b2050503.html |access-date=24 April 2022 |work=The Independent |date=9 April 2022}}</ref>

== Terminology ==

=== Collective ===
[[File:A Baksa woman and child, Formosa 1871. Wellcome L0056719 (cropped).jpg|thumb|249x249px|A Taiwanese indigenous woman and infant, by [[John Thomson (photographer)|John Thomson]], 1871]]

The Ming Dynasty sailor [[Chen Di]], in his ''Record of the Eastern Seas'' (1603), identifies the indigenous people of Taiwan as simply "Eastern Savages" ({{lang-zh|t=東番|p=Dongfan|labels=no}}), while the Dutch referred to Taiwan's original inhabitants as "Indians" or "blacks", based on their prior colonial experience in what is currently Indonesia.{{sfnp|Teng|2004|pp=61–65}}

Beginning nearly a century later, as the rule of the [[Qing dynasty|Qing Empire]] expanded over wider groups of people, writers and gazetteers recast their descriptions away from reflecting degree of [[acculturation]], and toward a system that defined the indigenous relative to their submission or hostility to Qing rule. Qing used the term "raw/wild/uncivilized" ({{lang-zh|c={{linktext|生番}}|labels=no}}) to define those people who had not submitted to Qing rule, and "cooked/tamed/civilized" ({{lang-zh|c={{linktext|熟番}}|labels=no}}) for those who had pledged their allegiance through their payment of a head tax.{{NoteTag|In the case of travel writings, the Qing literati use of "raw" and "cooked" are closer in meaning to "unfamiliar" and "familiar", on the basis of culture/language and interaction with Han settlers.<ref>{{harvp|Teng|2004|pp=126–127}}.</ref>}} According to the standards of the [[Qianlong Emperor]] and successive regimes, the epithet "cooked" was synonymous with having assimilated to Han cultural norms, and living as a subject of the Empire, but it retained a pejorative designation to signify the perceived cultural lacking of the non-Han people.{{sfnp|Diamond|1995|p=100}} This designation reflected the prevailing idea that anyone could be civilized/tamed by adopting Confucian social norms.{{sfnp|Crossley|1999|pp=281–295}}{{sfnp|Dikotter|1992|pp=8–9}}

In English, these peoples have also been called '''Formosans''', '''Native Taiwanese''', and '''Austronesian Taiwanese'''.<ref>{{cite book |last=Rigger |first=Shelley |author1-link=Shelley Rigger |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=7QZ1AQAAQBAJ |title=Why Taiwan Matters: Small Island, Global Powerhouse |publisher=Rowman & Littlefield |year=2013 |isbn=978-1-4422-3002-6}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |date=3 May 2017 |title=One Island, Twenty Tongues |url=http://www.ketagalanmedia.com/2017/05/03/one-island-twenty-tongues/ |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170504070224/http://www.ketagalanmedia.com/2017/05/03/one-island-twenty-tongues/ |archive-date=4 May 2017 |access-date=6 May 2017 |website=Ketagalan Media}}</ref> The name '''Gaoshan''' is also the official label for all indigenous Taiwanese in the People's Republic of China, though indigenous Taiwanese people dislike this label as Gaoshan means high mountain and it disregards plains indigenous.{{sfnp|Hattaway|2003|pp=39, 93, 425}}<ref>GB 3304－91 [http://mz.china.com.cn/?action-viewnews-itemid-4643 Names of nationalities of China in romanization with codes] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20091101182121/http://mz.china.com.cn/?action-viewnews-itemid-4643|date=1 November 2009}}.</ref><ref>{{Cite web |title=台灣並不存在一個叫「高山族」的少數民族 – 新華澳報 |url=https://www.waou.com.mo/2009/10/29/%E5%8F%B0%E7%81%A3%E4%B8%A6%E4%B8%8D%E5%AD%98%E5%9C%A8%E4%B8%80%E5%80%8B%E5%8F%AB%E3%80%8C%E9%AB%98%E5%B1%B1%E6%97%8F%E3%80%8D%E7%9A%84%E5%B0%91%E6%95%B8%E6%B0%91%E6%97%8F/ |access-date=8 July 2025 |website=www.waou.com.mo}}</ref>

=== Tribes ===
As the Qing consolidated their power over the plains and struggled to enter the mountains in the late 19th century, the terms ''[[Plains Indigenous peoples|Pingpu]]'' ({{lang-zh|c={{linktext|平埔族}} |p=Píngpǔzú |l=Plains peoples |labels=no}}) and ''Gaoshan'' ({{lang-zh|c={{linktext|高山族}} |p=Gāoshānzú |l=High Mountain peoples |labels=no}}) were used interchangeably with the epithets "civilized" and "uncivilized".{{sfnp|Teng|2004|pp=125–127}} During [[Taiwan under Japanese rule|Japanese rule]] (1895–1945), anthropologists from Japan maintained the binary classification. In 1900 they incorporated it into their own colonial project by employing the term {{nihongo||{{linktext|平埔}}|Peipo}} for the "civilized tribes", and creating a category of "recognized tribes" for the indigenous who had formerly been called "uncivilized". The [[Musha Incident]] of 1930 led to many changes in indigenous policy, and the Japanese government began referring to them as {{nihongo|'''Takasago people'''|{{linktext|高砂|族}}|Takasago-zoku}}.{{sfnp|Tai|1999|p=294}}

''Gaoshan'' peoples included the [[Atayal people|Atayal]], [[Bunun people|Bunun]], [[Tsou people|Tsou]], [[Saisiat people|Saisiat]], [[Paiwan people|Paiwan]], [[Puyuma people|Puyuma]], and [[Amis people|Amis]] peoples. The [[Tao people|Tao]] (Yami) and [[Rukai people|Rukai]] were added later, for a total of nine recognized peoples.{{sfnp|Harrison|2001|pp=54–55}} During the early period of Chinese Nationalist [[Kuomintang]] (KMT) rule the terms ''Shandi Tongbao'' ({{lang-zh|c={{linktext|山地|同胞}}|labels=no}}) "mountain compatriots" and ''Pingdi Tongbao'' ({{lang-zh|c={{linktext|平地|同胞}}|labels=no}}) "plains compatriots" were invented, to remove the presumed taint of Japanese influence and reflect the place of Taiwan's indigenous people in the Chinese Nationalist state.{{sfnp|Harrison|2001|p=60}} The KMT later adopted the use of all the earlier Japanese groupings except ''Peipo''.

Despite recent changes in the field of anthropology and a shift in government objectives, the ''Pingpu'' and ''Gaoshan'' labels in use today maintain the form given by the Qing to reflect indigenous' acculturation to Han culture.{{Citation needed|date=March 2023}} The current recognized indigenous are all regarded as ''Gaoshan'', though the divisions are not and have never been based strictly on geographical location. The Amis, Saisiat, Tao and Kavalan are all traditionally Eastern Plains cultures.{{sfnp|Brown|2001|p=163 ''n6''}} The distinction between ''Pingpu'' and ''Gaoshan'' people continues to affect Taiwan's policies regarding indigenous peoples, and their ability to participate effectively in government.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://taiwanjournal.nat.gov.tw/site/Tj/ct.asp?xItem=21802&CtNode=122 |title=Saisiyat people launch referendum initiative |website=National Affairs |date=28 April 2006 |access-date=22 August 2010}}{{Dead link|date=May 2023 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes}}</ref>

Although the ROC's [[Government Information Office]] officially lists 16 major groupings as "tribes", the consensus among scholars maintains that these 16 groupings do not reflect any social entities, political collectives, or self-identified alliances dating from pre-modern Taiwan.{{sfnp|Teng|2004|pp=104–105}} These divisions did not always correspond to distinctions drawn by the indigenous themselves.{{Citation needed|date=March 2023}} The earliest detailed records, dating from the Dutch arrival in 1624, describe the indigenous as living in independent villages of varying size. Between these villages there was frequent trade, intermarriage, warfare and alliances against common enemies. Using contemporary ethnographic and linguistic criteria, these villages have been classed by anthropologists into more than 20 broad (and widely debated) ethnic groupings,{{sfnp|Tsuchida|1983|p=62}}{{sfnp|Li|1992|pp=22–23}} which were never united under a common polity, kingdom or "tribe".{{sfnp|Shepherd|1993|pp=51–61}} However, the categories have become so firmly established in government and popular discourse over time that they have become [[de facto]] distinctions, serving to shape in part today's political discourse within the [[Taiwan|Republic of China]] (ROC), and affecting Taiwan's policies regarding indigenous peoples.{{Citation needed|date=March 2023}}

{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center"
|+Population of officially recognized Taiwanese indigenous peoples in 1911<ref>{{cite book |script-title=ja:臺灣總督府第十五統計書 |trans-title=Governor-General of Taiwan Statistic Yearbook 1911 |publisher=Governor-General of Taiwan |year=1913 |url=http://kindai.ndl.go.jp/info:ndljp/pid/974276 |page=46 |language=ja |oclc=674052936 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160422001420/http://kindai.ndl.go.jp/info:ndljp/pid/974276 |archive-date=22 April 2016 |title=NDL-dl-DSS-front}}</ref>
|-  style="background:#ececec; vertical-align:top;"
!Atayal!! Saisiyat!!Bunun!!Tsou!!Rukai!! Paiwan!! Puyuma!!Amis!!Yami!!Total
|-
|27,871||770||16,007||2,325||13,242||21,067||6,407||32,783||1,487||121,950
|}
Since 2005, some local governments, including [[Tainan]] City in 2005, [[Fuli, Hualien]] in 2013, and [[Pingtung County]] in 2016, have begun to recognize [[Taiwanese Plains Indigenous Peoples|Taiwanese Plain Indigenous peoples]]. The numbers of people who have successfully registered, including Kaohsiung City Government that has opened to register but not yet recognized, as of 2017 are:<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://web.tainan.gov.tw//nation/page.asp?nsub=H2A2A0|title=The latest figures of registration of Siraya people|date=2 December 2016|website=Ethnic Affairs Commission of Tainan City Government|access-date=29 May 2018|archive-date=30 May 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180530034707/http://web.tainan.gov.tw//nation/page.asp?nsub=H2A2A0}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.matataiwan.com/2016/08/25/tevorangh-taivoan-taiwan-indigenous-in-hualian-makatao/|title=呼應蔡英文平埔政策！花蓮富里首開「鄉定原民」先例，2年過去卻不滿百人登記是發生啥事呢？|date=25 August 2016|work=Mata Taiwan|access-date=29 May 2018}}</ref><ref>{{Cite news|url=http://titv.ipcf.org.tw/news-34348|title=部落大小聲節目 加蚋埔部落錄製平埔議題|date=10 November 2017|publisher=TITV|access-date=29 May 2018|archive-date=5 December 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171205042027/http://titv.ipcf.org.tw/news-34348}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=https://household.kcg.gov.tw/household/NewsDetailC001510.aspx?Cond=656ae9d9-4310-4bd9-8af6-352962e17212|title=西拉雅平埔族註記、高市熟男266人.熟女207人|date=13 September 2016|website=Kaohsiung City Government|access-date=29 May 2018|archive-date=29 May 2018|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180529203940/https://household.kcg.gov.tw/household/NewsDetailC001510.aspx?Cond=656ae9d9-4310-4bd9-8af6-352962e17212}}</ref>
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center"
|+
|- style="background:#ececec; vertical-align:top;"
!
!Siraya!! Taivoan!!Makatao
!Not Specific
!Total
|-
|Tainan
|11,830||–||–
| –
|11,830
|-
|Kaohsiung
|107
|129
| –
|237
|473
|-
|Pingtung
| –
| –
|1,803
|205
|2,008
|-
|Fuli, Hualien
| –
| –
| –
|100
|100
|-
|'''Total'''
|11,937
|129
|1,803
|542
|14,411
|}

== Recognized peoples ==

=== Indigenous ethnic groups recognized by Taiwan ===
{{See also|Demographics of Taiwan|List of Indigenous peoples of Taiwan}}
<imagemap>
File:General distribution of indigenous people in Taiwan.svg|thumb|upright|right|Clickable imagemap of highland peoples according to traditional geographical distribution. Alternate spellings or names: Pazih (Pazeh); Taroko (Truku, Seediq); Yami (Tao)

circle 427 887 20 [[Yami people]]
poly 268 905 221 867 196 685 231 681 229 713 262 738 296 726 [[Paiwan people]]
poly 203 690 227 638 255 641 263 684 288 694 260 733 229 710 231 677 [[Rukai people]]
poly 262 735 301 733 345 695 322 676 283 690 [[Puyuma people]]
poly 214 587 255 586 286 527 260 487 237 491 219 548 [[Tsou people]]
poly 224 640 216 592 286 550 290 519 257 486 275 455 303 432 290 416 301 401 350 416 389 452 358 579 327 604 314 666 321 677 288 694 258 684 [[Bunun people]]
poly 345 697 316 672 327 600 358 584 399 430 430 438 393 607 [[Amis people]]
poly 401 458 388 484 388 512 407 487 [[Kavalan people]]
poly 236 460 276 453 301 434 283 409 255 420 [[Thao people]]
poly 255 420 281 409 288 414 298 399 263 355 244 355 237 391 [[Sediq people]]
poly 391 450 357 419 301 399 263 357 283 265 350 252 348 211 363 172 448 162 429 200 483 239 478 304 447 350 425 360 [[Atayal people]]
poly 414 398 440 402 452 378 442 353 429 358 [[Truku people]]
poly 401 429 416 401 440 402 432 435 [[Sakizaya people]]
poly 280 265 350 257 348 211 283 237 [[Saisiyat people]]

desc bottom-left
</imagemap>

[[Taiwan]] officially recognizes distinct people groups among the indigenous community based upon the qualifications drawn up by the [[Council of Indigenous Peoples]] (CIP).{{sfnp|Ericsson|2004}} To gain this recognition, communities must gather a number of signatures and a body of supporting evidence with which to successfully petition the CIP. Formal recognition confers certain legal benefits and rights upon a group, as well as providing them with the satisfaction of recovering their separate identity as an ethnic group. As of June 2014, 16 people groups have been recognized.<ref name=ChinaPost>{{cite news|title=Gov't officially recognizes two more aboriginal people groups|url=http://www.chinapost.com.tw/taiwan/national/national-news/2014/06/27/411066/Govt-officially.htm|access-date=13 December 2014|work=China Post|agency=CNA|date=27 June 2014|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141111100305/http://www.chinapost.com.tw/taiwan/national/national-news/2014/06/27/411066/Govt-officially.htm|archive-date=11 November 2014}}</ref>

The Council of Indigenous Peoples consider several limited factors in a successful formal petition. The determining factors include collecting member genealogies, group histories and evidence of a continued linguistic and cultural identity.{{sfnp|Lee|2003}}{{sfnp|Chuang|2005}} The lack of documentation and the extinction of many indigenous languages as the result of colonial cultural and language policies have made the prospect of official recognition of many ethnicities a remote possibility. Current trends in ethno-tourism have led many former [[Plains Indigenous peoples]] to continue to seek cultural revival.{{sfnp|Brown|2004}}

Among the Plains groups that have petitioned for official status, only the [[Kavalan people|Kavalan]] and [[Sakizaya people|Sakizaya]] have been officially recognized. The remaining twelve recognized groups are traditionally regarded as mountain indigenous people.{{Citation needed|date=March 2023}}

Other indigenous groups or subgroups that have pressed for recovery of legal indigenous status include Chimo (who have not formally petitioned the government, see {{Harvcolnb|Lee|2003}}), Kakabu, Makatao, Pazeh, Siraya,<ref>{{cite news|title=Kavalan become official Aboriginal group |date=5 May 2005 |publisher=Taipei City Government}}</ref> and Taivoan. The act of petitioning for recognized status, however, does not always reflect any consensus view among scholars that the relevant group should in fact be categorized as a separate ethnic group. The Siraya will become the 17th ethnic group to be recognized once their status, already recognized by the courts in May 2018, is officially announced by the central government.<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://thediplomat.com/2018/06/meet-taiwans-newest-official-indigenous-group/ |title=Meet Taiwan's Newest Official Indigenous Group |first=James X. |last=Morris |work=The Diplomat |access-date=31 July 2018}}</ref>

There is discussion among both scholars and political groups regarding the best or most appropriate name to use for many of the people groups and their languages, as well as the proper [[romanization]] of that name. Commonly cited examples of this ambiguity include (Seediq/Sediq/Truku/Taroko) and (Tao/Yami).

Nine people groups were originally recognized before 1945 by the Japanese government.{{sfnp|Ericsson|2004}} The Thao, Kavalan and Truku were recognized by Taiwan's government in 2001, 2002 and 2004 respectively. The Sakizaya were recognized as a 13th on 17 January 2007,{{sfnp|Cheng|2007}} and on 23 April 2008 the Sediq were recognized as Taiwan's 14th official ethnic group.{{sfnp|Shih|Loa|2008}} Previously the Sakizaya had been listed as Amis and the Sediq as Atayal. Hla'alua and Kanakanavu were recognized as the 15th and 16th ethnic group on 26 June 2014.<ref name=ChinaPost /> A full list of the recognized ethnic groups of Taiwan, as well as some of the more commonly cited unrecognized peoples, is as follows:

:Recognized: [[Amis people|Amis]], [[Atayal people|Atayal]], [[Bunun people|Bunun]], [[Saaroa people|Hla'alua]], [[Kanakanavu people|Kanakanavu]], [[Kavalan people|Kavalan]], [[Paiwan people|Paiwan]], [[Puyuma people|Puyuma]], [[Rukai people|Rukai]], [[Saisiyat people|Saisiyat]], [[Yami people|Tao]], [[Thao people|Thao]], [[Tsou people|Tsou]], [[Truku people|Truku]], [[Sakizaya people|Sakizaya]] and [[Sediq people|Sediq]].
:Locally recognized: [[Makatao people|Makatao]] (in [[Pingtung County|Pingtung]] and [[Fuli, Hualien|Fuli]]), [[Siraya people|Siraya]] (in [[Tainan]] and Fuli), [[Taivoan people|Taivoan]] (in Fuli)
:Unrecognized: [[Babuza people|Babuza]], [[Basay people|Basay]], [[Hoanya people|Hoanya]], [[Ketagalan people|Ketagalan]], Luilang, [[Pazeh people|Pazeh]]/[[Kaxabu people|Kaxabu]], [[Papora people|Papora]], [[Qauqaut]], [[Taokas people|Taokas]], Trobiawan.

=== Indigenous Taiwanese in the PRC ===
{{See also|List of ethnic groups in China}}
The [[China|People's Republic of China]] (PRC) officially recognizes indigenous Taiwanese as [[List of ethnic groups in China|one of its ethnic groups]] under the name ''Gāoshān'' (高山, {{Lit.|high mountain}}) The [[Fifth National Population Census of the People's Republic of China|2000 census]] identified 600 thousand ''Gāoshān'' living in [[Taiwan Island]]; other surveys suggest this accounted for 21 thousand Amis, 51 thousand Bunun, 10.5 thousand Paiwan, with the remainder belonging to other peoples.{{sfnp|Hattaway|2003|pp=39, 93, 425}} They are descendants of Taiwanese indigenous living on this island before the 1949 evacuation of the PRC and tracking back further to the Dutch colony in the 17th century.{{sfnp|Hattaway|2003|pp=39, 93, 425}} In [[Zhengzhou]], Henan, there exists a "Taiwan Village" (台灣村) whose inhabitants' ancestors migrated from Taiwan during the [[Kangxi Emperor|Kangxi era]] of the [[Qing dynasty]]. In 2005, 2,674 people of the village identified themselves as Gaoshan.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.lunwendata.com/thesis/2017/98151.html|title=鄧州"台灣村"高山族的歷史記憶-台灣問題論文-論文網|website=www.lunwendata.com}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |title=FEATURE: Seeking headhunter roots in Taiwan |url=http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2010/04/04/2003469704 |website=[[Taipei Times]] |date=4 April 2010 |access-date=1 March 2021}}</ref>

== Assimilation and acculturation ==
Archeological, linguistic and anecdotal evidence suggests that Taiwan's indigenous peoples have undergone a series of cultural shifts to meet the pressures of contact with other societies and new technologies.{{sfnp|Liu|2002|pp=75–98}} Beginning in the early 17th century, indigenous Taiwanese faced broad cultural change as the island became incorporated into the wider global economy by a succession of competing colonial regimes from Europe and Asia.{{sfnp|Shepherd|1993|pp=1–10}}{{sfnp|Kang|2003|pp=115–126}} In some cases groups of indigenous resisted colonial influence, but other groups and individuals readily aligned with the colonial powers. This alignment could be leveraged to achieve personal or collective economic gain, collective power over neighboring villages or freedom from unfavorable societal customs and taboos involving marriage, age-grade and child birth.{{sfnp|Shepherd|1995|pp=58–63}}{{sfnp|Blusse|Everts|2000|pp=77–78}}

Particularly among the [[Plains Indigenous peoples|Plains indigenous people]], as the degree of the "civilizing projects" increased during each successive regime, the indigenous found themselves in greater contact with outside cultures. The process of [[Cultural assimilation|acculturation and assimilation]] sometimes followed gradually in the wake of broad social currents, particularly the removal of ethnic markers (such as bound feet, dietary customs and clothing), which had formerly distinguished ethnic groups on Taiwan.{{sfnp|Brown|2004|pp=38–50}} The removal or replacement of these brought about an incremental transformation from "Fan" (番, barbarian) to the dominant Confucian "Han" culture.{{sfnp|Brown|2004|pp=155–164}} During the Japanese and KMT periods centralized [[modernist]] government policies, rooted in ideas of [[Social Darwinism]] and culturalism, directed education, genealogical customs and other traditions toward ethnic assimilation.{{sfnp|Harrison|2001|pp=60–67}}{{sfnp|Duara|1995}}

Within the Taiwanese Han Hoklo community itself, differences in culture indicate the degree to which mixture with indigenous took place, with most pure Hoklo Han in Northern Taiwan having almost no indigenous admixture, which is limited to Hoklo Han in Southern Taiwan.{{sfnp|Brown|2004|pp=156–157}} Plains indigenous who were mixed and assimilated into the Hoklo Han population at different stages were differentiated by the historian [[Melissa J. Brown]] between "short-route" and "long-route"{{sfnp|Brown|2004|p=162}} The ethnic identity of assimilated Plains indigenous in the immediate vicinity of Tainan was still known since a pure Hoklo Taiwanese girl was warned by her mother to stay away from them.{{sfnp|Brown|2004|p=157}} The insulting name "fan" was used against Plains indigenous by the Taiwanese, and the Hoklo Taiwanese speech was forced upon indigenous like the Pazeh.<ref>{{cite news |url=http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2014/06/15/2003592824 |title=Pazeh writers get awards for preserving language |newspaper=[[Taipei Times]] |date=4 September 2016 |access-date=10 September 2016 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160303212507/http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2014/06/15/2003592824 |archive-date=3 March 2016}}</ref> Hoklo Taiwanese has replaced Pazeh and driven it to near extinction.<ref>{{cite news |url=http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2008/06/26/2003415773 |title=Pazeh poets honored at ceremony |newspaper=[[Taipei Times]] |date=4 September 2016 |access-date=10 September 2016 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160303182550/http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2008/06/26/2003415773 |archive-date=3 March 2016}}</ref> Indigenous status has been requested by Plains indigenous peoples.<ref>{{cite news |url=http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/front/archives/2014/07/15/2003595134 |title=Pingpu activists demand government recognition |newspaper=[[Taipei Times]] |date=4 September 2016 |access-date=10 September 2016 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160812101920/http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/front/archives/2014/07/15/2003595134 |archive-date=12 August 2016}}</ref>

=== Current forms of assimilation ===
Many of these forms of assimilation are still at work today. For example, when a central authority [[National language|nationalizes]] one language, that attaches economic and social advantages to the prestige language. As generations pass, use of the indigenous language often fades or disappears, and linguistic and cultural identity recede as well. However, some groups are seeking to revive their indigenous identities.{{sfnp|Hsieh|2006}} One important political aspect of this pursuit is petitioning the government for official recognition as a separate and distinct ethnic group.{{Citation needed|date=March 2023}}

The complexity and scope of indigenous assimilation and acculturation on Taiwan has led to three general narratives of Taiwanese ethnic change. The oldest holds that Han migration from [[Fujian]] and [[Guangdong]] in the 17th century pushed the [[Plains Indigenous peoples|Plains indigenous peoples]] into the mountains, where they became the Highland peoples of today.{{sfnp|Shepherd|1993}} A more recent view asserts that through widespread intermarriage between Han and indigenous between the 17th and 19th centuries, the indigenous were completely [[Sinicized]].{{sfnp|Lamley|1981|p=282}}{{sfnp|Meskill|1979|pp=253–255}} Finally, modern [[ethnography|ethnographical]] and [[anthropology|anthropological]] studies have shown a pattern of cultural shift mutually experienced by both Han and Plains indigenous, resulting in a hybrid culture. Today people who comprise [[Han Taiwanese|Taiwan's ethnic Han]] demonstrate major cultural differences from Han elsewhere.{{sfnp|Brown|1996}}{{sfnp|Brown|2004}}

=== Surnames and identity ===
Several factors encouraged the assimilation of the [[Taiwanese Plains Aborigines|Plains indigenous]].{{NoteTag|One account of this "identity shift" occurs in the area called Rujryck by the Dutch, now part of [[Taipei]] city. A document signed by the village heads dating from the seventh year of the [[Qianlong Emperor|Qianlong era]] states: "We originally had no surnames, please bestow on us the Han surnames, Pan, Chen, Li, Wang, Tan, etc."<ref>{{Harvcol|Pan|2002|p=30}}</ref>}} Taking a Han name was a necessary step in instilling Confucian values in the indigenous.{{sfnp|Liu|2002|pp=31–32}} Confucian values were necessary to be recognized as a full person and to operate within the Confucian Qing state.{{sfnp|Ebrey|1996|pp=19–34}} A surname in Han society was viewed as the most prominent legitimizing marker of a patrilineal ancestral link to the [[Yellow Emperor]] (Huang Di) and the [[Three August Ones and Five Emperors#Five emperors|Five Emperors]] of Han mythology.{{sfnp|Ebrey|1996|p=26}} Possession of a Han surname, then, could confer a broad range of significant economic and social benefits upon indigenous, despite a prior non-Han identity or mixed parentage. In some cases, members of Plains indigenous adopted the Han surname [[Pan (surname)|Pan]] (潘) as a modification of their designated status as Fan (番: "barbarian").<ref name="pan">The change involves only the addition of a water radical to the character {{Harvcol|Shepherd|1993|p=384}}</ref> One family of Pazeh became members of the local gentry.{{sfnp|Pan|1996|pp=440–62}}{{sfnp|Hong|1997|pp=310–315}} complete with a lineage to Fujian province. In other cases, families of Plains indigenous adopted common Han surnames, but traced their earliest ancestor to their locality in Taiwan.{{Citation needed|date=March 2023}}

In many cases, large groups of immigrant Han would unite under a common surname to form a brotherhood. Brotherhoods were used as a form of defense, as each sworn brother was bound by an oath of blood to assist a brother in need. The brotherhood groups would link their names to a family tree, in essence manufacturing a genealogy based on names rather than blood, and taking the place of the kinship organizations commonly found in China. The practice was so widespread that today's family books are largely unreliable.{{sfnp|Ebrey|1996|pp=19–34}}{{sfnp|Hsu|1980}} Many Plains indigenous joined the brotherhoods to gain protection of the collective as a type of insurance policy against regional strife, and through these groups they took on a Han identity with a Han lineage.

The degree to which any one of these forces held sway over others is unclear. Preference for one explanation over another is sometimes predicated upon a given political viewpoint. The cumulative effect of these dynamics is that by the beginning of the 20th century the Plains indigenous were almost completely acculturated into the larger ethnic Han group, and had experienced nearly total [[language shift]] from their respective [[Formosan languages]] to [[Sinitic languages|Chinese]]. In addition, legal barriers to the use of traditional surnames persisted until the 1990s, and cultural barriers remain. Indigenous peoples were not permitted to use their indigenous traditional names on official identification cards until 1995 when a ban on using indigenous names dating from 1946 was finally lifted.<ref name="names">{{Harvcoltxt|Low|2005}} states: "According to a documentary released by the [[Democratic Progressive Party]]'s ethnic affairs department, although aborigines are now allowed to use their traditional names following a 1995 amendment to the Personal Names Act, only 890 out of the total of 460,000 indigenous Taiwanese have done so because of the past stigma attached to the names and the complicated formalities involved"</ref> One obstacle is that household registration forms allow a maximum of 15 characters for personal names. However, indigenous names are still phonetically translated into [[Chinese characters]], and many names require more than the allotted space.{{sfnp|Loa|2007}} In April 2022, the [[Judicial Yuan|Constitutional Court]] ruled that Article 4, Paragraph 2 of the Status Act for Indigenous Peoples was unconstitutional. The paragraph, which reads "Children of intermarriages between Indigenous Peoples and non-Indigenous Peoples taking the surname of the indigenous father or mother, or using a traditional Indigenous Peoples name, shall acquire Indigenous Peoples status," was ruled unconstitutional after a non-indigenous father had taken his daughter to a [[household registration in Taiwan|household registration]] office to register her [[Truku people|Truku]] descent. Though the applicant was of Truku descent through her mother, her application used her father's Chinese surname and was denied. The Constitutional Court ruled that the law, as written, was a violation of gender equality guaranteed by Article 7 of the [[Constitution of the Republic of China|Constitution]], since children in Taiwan usually take their father's surname, which in practice, meant that indigenous status could be acquired via paternal descent, but not maternal descent.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Lin |first1=Chang-shun |last2=Sabatier |first2=Luke |title=Constitutional Court strikes down legal clause on Indigenous status |url=https://focustaiwan.tw/politics/202204010022 |url-access=subscription |website=Focus Taiwan |access-date=1 April 2022 |agency=Central News Agency |date=1 April 2022 |url-status=live |archive-url= https://web.archive.org/web/20220401142303/https://focustaiwan.tw/politics/202204010022 |archive-date=  1 April 2022 }}</ref>

==History==
{{See also|Prehistory of Taiwan|History of Taiwan}}
[[File:Chronological dispersal of Austronesian people across the Pacific.svg|upright=2|thumb|A map showing the migration of the Austronesians out of Taiwan from c. 3000 BC]]
[[File:PepoWomanChild S.jpg|thumb|[[Plains Indigenous peoples|Plains Indigenous]] boy and woman by Paul Ibis, 1877|300x300px]]
Indigenous Taiwanese are [[Austronesian people]]s, with linguistic and genetic ties to other Austronesian ethnic groups, such as peoples of the [[Philippines]], [[Malaysia]], [[Indonesia]], [[Madagascar]], and [[Oceania]].{{sfnp|Hill|Soares|Mormina|Macaulay|2007}}{{sfnp|Bird|Hope|Taylor|2004}} Chipped-pebble tools dating from perhaps as early as 15,000 years ago suggest that the initial human inhabitants of Taiwan were [[Paleolithic]] cultures of the [[Pleistocene]] era. These people survived by eating marine life. Archeological evidence points to an abrupt change to the [[Neolithic]] era around 6,000&nbsp;years ago, with the advent of agriculture, domestic animals, polished stone adzes and pottery. The stone [[adze]]s were mass-produced on [[Penghu]] and nearby islands, from the volcanic rock found there. This suggests heavy sea traffic took place between these islands and Taiwan at this time.{{sfnp|Rolett|Jiao|Lin|2002|pp=307–308, 313}}

From around 5000 to 1500 BC, Taiwanese indigenous peoples started a seaborne migration to the island of [[Luzon]] in the [[Philippines]], intermingling with the older [[Negrito]] populations of the islands. This was the beginning of the [[Austronesian expansion]]. They spread throughout the rest of the Philippines and eventually migrated further to the other islands of [[Maritime Southeast Asia|Southeast Asia]], [[Micronesia]], [[Island Melanesia]], [[Polynesia]], and [[Madagascar]]. Taiwan is the homeland of the [[Austronesian languages]].{{sfnp|Blust|1999}}<ref>{{cite journal |title=Taiwan's gift to the world |surname=Diamond |given=Jared M. |author-link=Jared Diamond |year=2000 |journal=Nature |volume=403 |issue=6771 |pages=709–710 |doi=10.1038/35001685 |pmid=10693781 |bibcode=2000Natur.403..709D| doi-access=free |bibcode-access=free }}</ref><ref>{{cite journal  |title=The Early Austronesian Migration To Luzon: Perspectives From The Peñablanca Cave Sites  |surname=Mijares |given=Armand Salvador B.  |year=2006  |journal=Bulletin of the Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association |volume=26 |pages=72–78  |url=https://journals.lib.washington.edu/index.php/BIPPA/article/view/11995  |doi=10.7152/bippa.v26i0.11995|doi-broken-date=12 July 2025 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230716040435/https://journals.lib.washington.edu/index.php/BIPPA/article/view/11995 |archive-date= 16 July 2023 |url-access=subscription }}</ref><ref name="Gray-et-al2009">{{cite journal |vauthors=Gray RD, Drummond AJ, Greenhill SJ |s2cid=29838345 |title=Language phylogenies reveal expansion pulses and pauses in Pacific settlement |journal=Science |volume=323 |issue=5913 |pages=479–483 |date=January 2009 |pmid=19164742 |doi=10.1126/science.1166858 |bibcode=2009Sci...323..479G |s2cid-access=free |via=Austronesian linguistics - ANU |url=http://austronesian.linguistics.anu.edu.au/historydownloads/Grayetal_2009_PacificSettlement.pdf |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140212170854/http://austronesian.linguistics.anu.edu.au/historydownloads/Grayetal_2009_PacificSettlement.pdf |archive-date= 12 February 2014 }}</ref><ref name="Pawley2002">{{cite book |vauthors=Pawley A |chapter=The Austronesian dispersal: languages, technologies and people |editor1-first=Peter S. |editor1-last=Bellwood |editor2-first=Colin |editor2-last=Renfrew |title=Examining the farming/language dispersal hypothesis |publisher=McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, University of Cambridge |year=2002 |isbn=978-1-902937-20-5 |pages=251–273}}</ref>

There is evidence that indigenous Taiwanese continued trading with the Philippines in the [[Sa Huynh-Kalanay Interaction Sphere]]. Eastern Taiwan was the source of [[jade]] for the ''[[lingling-o]]'' jade industry in the Philippines and the [[Sa Huỳnh culture]] of [[Vietnam]].<ref name="Hung">{{cite journal |last1=Hung |first1=Hsiao-chun |last2=Nguyen |first2=Kim Dung |last3=Bellwood |first3=Peter |last4=Carson |first4=Mike T. |s2cid=129020595 |title=Coastal Connectivity: Long-Term Trading Networks Across the South China Sea |journal=Journal of Island & Coastal Archaeology |date=2013 |volume=8 |issue=3 |pages=384–404 |doi=10.1080/15564894.2013.781085}}</ref><ref name="hung2006">{{cite book|first1=Hsiao-Chun|last1=Hung|first2=Yoshiyuki|last2=Iizuka|first3=Peter|last3=Bellwood |editor1-first=Elizabeth A.|editor1-last=Bacus|editor2-first=Ian C.|editor2-last=Glover|editor3-first=Vincent C.|editor3-last=Pigott |name-list-style=vanc |title=Uncovering Southeast Asia's Past: Selected Papers from the 10th International Conference of the European Association of Southeast Asian Archaeologists: the British Museum, London, 14th–17th September 2004|chapter=Taiwan Jade in the Context of Southeast Asian Archaeology|publisher=NUS Press|year=2006|pages=203–215|isbn=978-9971-69-351-0|url=https://www.researchgate.net/publication/265360470}}</ref><ref name="Bellwood2011jade">{{cite book|first2=Hsiao-Chun|last2=Hung|first3=Yoshiyuki|last3=Iizuka|first1=Peter|last1=Bellwood|editor1-first=Purissima|editor1-last=Benitez-Johannof |name-list-style=vanc |title=Paths of Origins: The Austronesian Heritage|chapter=Taiwan Jade in the Philippines: 3,000 Years of Trade and Long-distance Interaction|publisher=Artpostasia Pte Ltd |year=2011|pages=30–41|isbn=978-971-94292-0-3|url=http://www.earth.sinica.edu.tw/~EPMA/papers/2011/PathsofOrigins_pp30-41_2011.pdf}}</ref><ref name="Hung2007">{{cite journal |vauthors=Hung HC, Iizuka Y, Bellwood P, Nguyen KD, Bellina B, Silapanth P, Dizon E, Santiago R, Datan I, Manton JH |display-authors=6 |title=Ancient jades map 3,000 years of prehistoric exchange in Southeast Asia |journal=Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America |volume=104 |issue=50 |pages=19745–19750 |date=December 2007 |pmid=18048347 |pmc=2148369 |doi=10.1073/pnas.0707304104 |jstor=25450787 |doi-access=free}}</ref> This trading network began between the animist communities of Taiwan and the Philippines which later became the [[Maritime Jade Road]], one of the most extensive sea-based trade networks of a single geological material in the prehistoric world. It was in existence for 3,000 years from 2000 BCE to 1000 CE.<ref>Tsang, Cheng-hwa (2000), "Recent advances in the Iron Age archaeology of Taiwan", Bulletin of the Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association, 20: 153–58, {{doi|10.7152/bippa.v20i0.11751}}</ref><ref>Turton, M. (2021). Notes from central Taiwan: Our brother to the south. Taiwan's relations with the Philippines date back millenia, so it's a mystery that it's not the jewel in the crown of the New Southbound Policy. Taiwan Times.</ref><ref>Everington, K. (2017). Birthplace of Austronesians is Taiwan, capital was Taitung: Scholar. Taiwan News.</ref><ref>Bellwood, P., H. Hung, H., Lizuka, Y. (2011). Taiwan Jade in the Philippines: 3,000 Years of Trade and Long-distance Interaction. Semantic Scholar.</ref>

Four centuries of non-indigenous rule can be viewed through several changing periods of governing power and shifting official policy toward indigenous. From the 17th century until the early 20th, the impact of the foreign settlers—the Dutch, Spanish, and Han—was more extensive on the Plains peoples. They were far more geographically accessible than the Mountain peoples, and thus had more dealings with the foreign powers. The reactions of indigenous people to imperial power show not only acceptance, but also incorporation or resistance through their cultural practices.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Wang |first1=Li-Ying |last2=Marwick |first2=Ben |title=Standardization of ceramic shape: A case study of Iron Age pottery from northeastern Taiwan |journal=Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports |date=1 October 2020 |volume=33 |article-number=102554 |doi=10.1016/j.jasrep.2020.102554|bibcode=2020JArSR..33j2554W |s2cid=224904703 |url=http://osf.io/q8hn9/}}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |last1=Wang |first1=Li-Ying |last2=Marwick |first2=Ben |title=Trade ornaments as indicators of social changes resulting from indirect effects of colonialism in northeastern Taiwan |journal=Archaeological Research in Asia |date=29 September 2020 |volume=24 |article-number=100226 |doi=10.1016/j.ara.2020.100226|s2cid=222117771 |url=http://osf.io/z9p5k/}}</ref>

By the beginning of the 20th century, the Plains peoples had largely been assimilated into contemporary Taiwanese culture as a result of European and Han colonial rule. Until the latter half of the Japanese colonial era the Mountain peoples were not entirely governed by any non-indigenous polity. However, the mid-1930s marked a shift in the intercultural dynamic, as the Japanese began to play a far more dominant role in the culture of the Highland groups. This increased degree of control over the Mountain peoples continued during Kuomintang rule. Within these two broad eras, there were many differences in the individual and regional impact of the colonizers and their "civilizing projects". At times the foreign powers were accepted readily, as some communities adopted foreign clothing styles and cultural practices {{Harvcol|Harrison|2003}}, and engaged in cooperative trade in goods such as [[camphor]], deer hides, sugar, tea, and rice.{{sfnp|Gold|1986|pp=24–28}} At numerous other times changes from the outside world were forcibly imposed.

=== Plains indigenous peoples ===
The [[Plains Indigenous peoples|plains indigenous peoples]] mainly lived in stationary village sites surrounded by defensive walls of [[bamboo]]. The village sites in southern Taiwan were more populated than other locations. Some villages supported a population of more than 1,500 people, surrounded by smaller satellite villages.{{sfnp|Kang|2003|pp=111–117}} [[Siraya people|Siraya]] villages were constructed of dwellings made of thatch and bamboo, raised {{convert|2|m|ft|abbr=on}} from the ground on stilts, with each household having a barn for livestock. A watchtower was located in the village to look out for headhunting parties from the Highland peoples. The concept of property was often communal, with a series of conceptualized concentric rings around each village. The innermost ring was used for gardens and orchards that followed a fallowing cycle around the ring. The second ring was used to cultivate plants and natural fibers for the exclusive use of the community. The third ring was for exclusive hunting and deer fields for community use. The plains indigenous peoples hunted herds of spotted [[Formosan sika deer]], [[Formosan sambar deer]] and [[Reeves's muntjac]] as well as conducting light [[millet]] farming. Sugar and rice were grown as well, but mostly for use in preparing wine.{{sfnp|Shepherd|1993|pp=29–34}}

Many of the plains indigenous peoples were [[matrilineal]]/matrifocal societies. A man married into a woman's family after a courtship period during which the woman was free to reject as many men as she wished. In the age-grade communities, couples entered into marriage in their mid-30s when a man would no longer be required to perform military service or hunt heads on the battle-field. In the matriarchal system of the Siraya, it was also necessary for couples to abstain from marriage until their mid-30s, when the bride's father would be in his declining years and would not pose a challenge to the new male member of the household. It was not until the arrival of the [[Dutch Reformed Church]] in the 17th century that the marriage and child-birth taboos were abolished. There is some indication that many of the younger members of Sirayan society embraced the Dutch marriage customs as a means to circumvent the age-grade system in a push for greater village power.{{sfnp|Shepherd|1995|pp=61–65}} Almost all indigenous peoples in Taiwan have traditionally had a custom of sexual division of labor. Women did the sewing, cooking and farming, while the men hunted and prepared for military activity and securing enemy heads in headhunting raids, which was a common practice in early Taiwan. Women were also often found in the office of priestesses or mediums to the gods.

For centuries, Taiwan's indigenous peoples experienced economic competition and military conflict with a series of colonizing peoples. Centralized government policies designed to foster [[language shift]] and [[cultural assimilation]], as well as continued contact with the colonizers through trade, intermarriage and other dispassionate intercultural processes, have resulted in varying degrees of [[language death]] and loss of original [[cultural identity]]. For example, of the approximately 26 known languages of the Taiwanese indigenous (collectively referred to as the [[Formosan languages]]), at least ten are [[Extinct language|extinct]], five are [[Moribund language|moribund]]{{sfnp|Zeitoun|Yu|2005|p=167}} and several are to some degree [[Endangered language|endangered]]. These languages are of unique historical significance, since most [[Historical linguistics|historical linguists]] consider Taiwan to be the original homeland of the [[Austronesian languages|Austronesian]] language family.{{sfnp|Blust|1999}}

===Contact with Chinese===
{{main|Early Chinese contact with Taiwan}}
Early Chinese histories refer to visits to eastern islands that some historians identify with Taiwan. Troops of the [[Three Kingdoms]] state of [[Eastern Wu]] are recorded visiting an island known as [[Yizhou (island)|Yizhou]] in the spring of 230. They brought back several thousand natives but 80 to 90 percent of the soldiers died to unknown diseases.{{sfn|Knapp|1980|p=5}} Some scholars have identified this island as Taiwan while others do not.<ref>http://www.strongwindpress.com/pdfs/HKFax/No_HK2013-41.pdf {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150928040216/http://www.strongwindpress.com/pdfs/HKFax/No_HK2013-41.pdf |date=28 September 2015}}  title夷洲问题再辨析 (PDF). [2015-09-27]. （原始內容 (PDF)存檔於2015-09-28）}.</ref> The ''[[Book of Sui]]'' relates that [[Emperor Yang of Sui|Emperor Yang]] of the [[Sui dynasty]] sent three expeditions to a place called "[[Liuqiu (medieval)|Liuqiu]]" early in the 7th century.{{sfnp|Xiong|2012|p=201}} They brought back captives, cloth, and armour. The Liuqiu described by the ''Book of Sui'' had pigs and chicken but no cows, sheep, donkeys, or horses. It produced little iron, had no writing system, taxation, or penal code, and was ruled by a king with four or five commanders. The natives used stone blades and practiced [[slash-and-burn]] agriculture to grow rice, millet, sorghum, and beans.{{sfn|Knapp|1980|p=5}} Later the name Liuqiu (whose characters are read in Japanese as "[[Ryukyu]]") referred to the island chain to the northeast of Taiwan, but some scholars believe it may have referred to Taiwan in the Sui period.<ref name="tanaka2008">{{cite book |author=Tanaka Fumio 田中史生 |chapter=Kodai no Amami Okinawa shotō to kokusai shakai |script-chapter=ja:古代の奄美・沖縄諸島と国際社会 |editor=Ikeda Yoshifumi |title=Kodai chūsei no kyōkai ryōiki |script-title=ja:古代中世の境界領域 |pages=49–70 |year=2008}}</ref>

During the [[Yuan dynasty]] (1271–1368), [[Han Chinese]] people started visiting Taiwan.{{sfn|Andrade|2008f}} The Yuan emperor [[Kublai Khan]] sent officials to the [[Ryukyu Kingdom]] in 1292 to demand its loyalty to the Yuan dynasty, but the officials ended up in Taiwan and mistook it for Ryukyu. After three soldiers were killed, the delegation immediately retreated to [[Quanzhou]] in China. Another expedition was sent in 1297. [[Wang Dayuan]] visited Taiwan in 1349 and noted that the customs of its inhabitants were different from those of Penghu's population, but did not mention the presence of other Chinese. He mentioned the presence of Chuhou pottery from present day [[Lishui]], [[Zhejiang]], suggesting that Chinese merchants had already visited the island by the 1340s.{{sfn|Knapp|1980|pp=7–8}}

By the early 16th century, increasing numbers of Chinese fishermen, traders and pirates were visiting the southwestern part of the island. Some merchants from [[Fujian]] were familiar enough with the indigenous peoples of Taiwan to speak [[Formosan languages]].{{sfn|Andrade|2008f}} The people of Fujian sailed closer to Taiwan and the Ryukyus in the mid-16th century to trade with Japan while evading Ming authorities. Chinese who traded in Southeast Asia also began taking an East Sea Compass Course (''dongyang zhenlu'') that passed southwestern and southern Taiwan. Some of them traded with the Taiwanese indigenous. During this period, Taiwan was referred to as ''Xiaodong dao'' ("little eastern island") and ''Dahui guo'' ("the country of Dahui"), a corruption of Tayouan, a tribe that lived on an islet near modern [[Tainan]] from which the name "Taiwan" is derived. By the late 16th century, Chinese from Fujian were settling in southwestern Taiwan. The Chinese pirates [[Lin Daoqian]] and [[Lim Hong (pirate)|Lin Feng]] visited Taiwan in 1563 and 1574 respectively. Lin Daoqian was a pirate from [[Chaozhou]] who fled to [[Beigang]] in southwestern Taiwan and left shortly after. Lin Feng moved his pirate forces to Wankan (in modern [[Chiayi County]]) in Taiwan on 3 November 1574 and used it as a base to launch raids. They left for Penghu after being attacked by natives and the Ming navy dislodged them from their bases. He later returned to Wankan on 27 December 1575 but left for Southeast Asia after losing a naval encounter with Ming forces on 15 January 1576.{{sfn|Knapp|1980|p=9–10}}{{sfn|Hang|2015|pp=33–34}} The pirate [[Pedro Yan Shiqi|Yan Siqi]] also used Taiwan as a base.{{sfn|Andrade|2008f}} In 1593, [[Ming dynasty|Ming]] officials started issuing ten licenses each year for Chinese junks to trade in northern Taiwan. Chinese records show that after 1593, each year five licenses were granted for trade in [[Keelung]] and five licenses for [[Tamsui]]. However these licenses merely acknowledged already existing illegal trade at these locations.{{sfn|Andrade|2008d}}

Initially Chinese merchants arrived in northern Taiwan and sold iron and textiles to the Taiwanese indigenous peoples in return for coal, sulfur, gold, and venison. Later the southwestern part of Taiwan surpassed northern Taiwan as the destination for Chinese traders. The southwest had mullet fish, which drew more than a hundred fishing junks from Fujian each year during winter. The fishing season lasted six to eight weeks. Some of them camped on Taiwan's shores and many began trading with the indigenous people for deer products. The southwestern Taiwanese trade was of minor importance until after 1567 when it was used as a way to circumvent the ban on Sino-Japanese trade. The Chinese bought deerskins from the indigenous and sold them to the Japanese for a large profit.{{sfn|Andrade|2008a}}

When a Portuguese ship sailed past southwestern Taiwan in 1596, several of its crew members who had been shipwrecked there in 1582 noticed that the land had become cultivated and now had people working it, presumably by settlers from Fujian.{{sfn|Knapp|1980|p=10}} When the Dutch arrived in 1623, they found about 1,500 Chinese visitors and residents. Most of them were engaged in seasonal fishing, hunting, and trading. The population fluctuated throughout the year peaking during winter. A small minority brought Chinese plants with them and grew crops such as apples, oranges, bananas, watermelons.<ref>{{cite book|author1-link=Tonio Andrade |last=Andrade|first=Tonio |date=2007 |title=How Taiwan Became Chinese |publisher=Columbia University Press |edition=Project Gutenberg |page=116 |isbn=978-0-23112855-1 |url=http://www.gutenberg-e.org/andrade/}}</ref> Some estimates of the Chinese population put it at 2,000.{{sfn|Andrade|2008f}} There were two Chinese villages. The larger one was located on an island that formed the Bay of Tayouan. It was inhabited year-round. The smaller village was located on the mainland and would eventually become the city of Tainan. In the early 17th century, a Chinese man described it as being inhabited by pirates and fishermen. One Dutch visitor noted that an indigenous village near the Sino-Japanese trade center had a large number of Chinese and there was "scarcely a house in this village{{nbsp}}... that does not have one or two or three, or even five or six Chinese living there."{{sfn|Andrade|2008a}} The villagers' speech contained many Chinese words and sounded like "a mixed and broken language".{{sfn|Andrade|2008a}}

[[Chen Di]] visited Taiwan in 1603 on an expedition against the [[Wokou]] pirates.<ref>{{cite journal|last=Jenco|first=Leigh K.|year=2020|title=Chen Di's Record of Formosa (1603) and an Alternative Chinese Imaginary of Otherness|journal=The Historical Journal|volume=64|pages=17–42|doi=10.1017/S0018246X1900061X|s2cid=225283565|doi-access=free}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=https://tm.ncl.edu.tw/article?u=007_103_000069&lang=chn|title=閩海贈言|website=National Central Library|language=zh|pages=21–29|access-date=16 July 2023}}</ref> General Shen of Wuyu  defeated the pirates and met a native chieftain named Damila who presented them with gifts.{{sfn|Thompson|1964|p=178}} Chen witnessed these events and wrote an account of Taiwan known as ''Dongfanji'' (An Account of the Eastern Barbarians).{{sfn|Thompson|1964|pp=170–171}} According to Chen, [[Zheng He]] visited the natives but they remained hidden. Afterwards they came into contact with Chinese people from the harbors of Huimin, Chonglong, and Lieyu in [[Zhangzhou]] and Quanzhou. They learned their languages to trade with them. Chinese items such as agate beads, porcelain, cloth, salt, and brass were traded in return for deer meat, skins, and horns.{{sfn|Thompson|1964|pp=176–177}}

=== European period (1623–1662)<span class="anchor" id="The European period"></span> ===
{{Main|Taiwan under Dutch rule}}
[[File:Gospel of St. Matthew in Formosan.jpg|thumb|left|The opening paragraphs of the [[Gospel of Matthew]] in bilingual parallel format, from the first half of the 17th century, in the [[Dutch language|Dutch]] and [[Siraya language|Sinckan]] languages. ([[William Campbell (missionary)|Campbell]] & [[Daniel Gravius|Gravius]] (1888). ''The Gospel of St. Matthew in Formosan'')]]
During the European period (1623–1662) soldiers and traders representing the [[Dutch East India Company]] maintained a colony in southwestern Taiwan (1624–1662) near present-day [[Tainan]]. This established an [[Asia]]n base for [[triangular trade]] between the company, the [[Qing dynasty]] and [[Japan]], with the hope of interrupting Portuguese and Spanish trading alliances with China. The Spanish also established a [[Spanish Formosa|small colony]] in northern Taiwan (1626–1642) in present-day [[Keelung]]. However, Spanish influence wavered almost from the beginning, so that by the late 1630s they had already withdrawn most of their troops.{{sfnp|Andrade|2005|p=296 ''2n''}} After they were driven out of Taiwan by a combined Dutch and indigenous force in 1642, the Spanish "had little effect on Taiwan's history".{{sfnp|Gold|1986|pp=10–11}} Dutch influence was far more significant: expanding to the southwest and north of the island, they set up a tax system and established schools and churches in many villages.

When the [[Dutch people|Dutch]] arrived in 1624 at Tayouan ([[Anping, Tainan|Anping]]) Harbor, Siraya-speaking representatives from nearby [[Fort Provintia|Saccam]] village soon appeared at the Dutch stockade to barter and trade; an overture which was readily welcomed by the Dutch. The Sirayan villages were, however, divided into warring factions: the village of Sinckan ([[Sinshih]]) was at war with Mattau (Madou) and its ally Baccluan, while the village of [[Jiali, Tainan|Soulang]] maintained uneasy neutrality. In 1629 a Dutch expeditionary force searching for Han pirates was massacred by warriors from Mattau, and the victory inspired other villages to rebel.{{sfnp|Shepherd|1995|pp=52–53}} In 1635, with reinforcements having arrived from [[Jakarta|Batavia]] (now Jakarta, [[Indonesia]]), the Dutch subjugated and burned Mattau. Since Mattau was the most powerful village in the area, the victory brought a spate of peace offerings from other nearby villages, many of which were outside the Siraya area. This was the beginning of Dutch consolidation over large parts of Taiwan, which brought an end to centuries of inter-village warfare.{{sfnp|Blusse|Everts|2000|pp=11–20}} The new period of peace allowed the Dutch to construct schools and churches aimed to acculturate and convert the indigenous population.{{sfnp|Campbell|1915|p=240}}{{sfnp|Shepherd|1995|p=66}} Dutch schools taught a romanized script ([[Sinckan writing]]), which [[Transcription (linguistics)|transcribed]] the Siraya language. This script maintained occasional use through the 18th century.{{sfnp|Shepherd|1995|pp=66–68}} Today only fragments survive, in documents and stone [[stele]] markers. The schools also served to maintain alliances and open indigenous areas for Dutch enterprise and commerce.

The Dutch soon found trade in deerskins and venison in the East Asian market to be a lucrative endeavor{{sfnp|Shepherd|1993|p=451 ''19n''}} and recruited [[Plains Indigenous peoples|plains indigenous peoples]] to procure the hides. The deer trade attracted the first Han traders to indigenous villages, but as early as 1642 the demand for deer greatly diminished the deer stocks. This drop significantly reduced the prosperity of indigenous peoples,{{sfnp|Andrade|2005|p=303}} forcing many indigenous to take up farming to counter the economic impact of losing their most vital food source.

[[File:Dapper - 1670 - Gedenkwaerdig bedryf - UB Radboud Uni Nijmegen - 180148540 038 (cropped).jpg|thumbnail|Taiwanese indigenous depicted in [[Olfert Dapper]] (1670): ''Gedenkwaerdig bedryf''|300x300px]]

As the Dutch began subjugating indigenous villages in the south and west of Taiwan, increasing numbers of Han immigrants looked to exploit areas that were fertile and rich in game. The Dutch initially encouraged this, since the Han were skilled in agriculture and large-scale hunting. Several Han took up residence in Siraya villages. The Dutch used Han agents to collect taxes, hunting license fees and other income. This set up a society in which "many of the colonists were [[Han Chinese]] but the military and the administrative structures were Dutch".{{sfnp|Andrade|2005|p=298}} Despite this, local alliances transcended ethnicity during the Dutch period. For example, the [[Guo Huaiyi Rebellion]] in 1652, a Han farmers' uprising, was defeated by an alliance of 120 Dutch musketeers with the aid of Han loyalists and 600 indigenous warriors.{{sfnp|Shepherd|1993|p=90}}

Multiple indigenous villages in frontier areas rebelled against the Dutch in the 1650s due to oppression such as when the Dutch ordered indigenous women for sex, deer pelts, and rice be given to them from indigenous in the [[Taipei Basin]] in Wu-lao-wan village which sparked a rebellion in December 1652 at the same time as the Chinese rebellion. Two Dutch translators were beheaded by the Wu-lao-wan indigenous people and in a subsequent fight, 30 indigenous and another two Dutch people died. After an embargo of salt and iron on Wu-lao-wan, the indigenous people were forced to sue for peace in February 1653.<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=g3oWoSKVnVIC&pg=PA59 Shepherd1993], p. 59.</ref>

The Dutch period ended in 1662 when [[Ming dynasty|Ming]] loyalist forces of Zheng Chenggong ([[Koxinga]]) drove out the Dutch and established the short-lived [[Kingdom of Tungning|Zheng family kingdom]] on Taiwan. Dutch colonialism left different impressions on different indigenous groups in Taiwan. The Koaluts (Guizaijiao) tribe of the [[Paiwan people]] attacked American survivors of a shipwreck during the [[Rover incident]] in 1867. The chief, Tanketok, explained that this was because in ages past, the white men came and almost exterminated their tribe, and their ancestors passed down their desire for revenge.{{sfn|Wong|2022|pp=119–120}} According to [[William A. Pickering]] in his ''Pioneering in Formosa'' (1898), the old people of Kong-a-na, about 15 miles from  Sin-kang, loved white men and the old women there said they were their kindred.{{sfnp|Pickering|1898|pp=116–118}}{{primary source inline|date=February 2024}}

===Kingdom of Tungning (1661–1683)===
The [[Kingdom of Tungning]] was established by Zheng Chenggong ([[Koxinga]]) after arriving in Taiwan in 1661 and ousting the Dutch in 1662. The Taiwanese indigenous tribes who were previously allied with the Dutch against the Chinese during the [[Guo Huaiyi rebellion]] in 1652 turned against the Dutch during the [[Siege of Fort Zeelandia]] and defected to Koxinga's Chinese forces.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=oaP2UFZVGDoC&pg=PA96|title=Pentecost of the Hills in Taiwan: The Christian Faith Among the Original Inhabitants|last=Covell|first=Ralph R.|date=1998|publisher=Hope Publishing House|isbn=0-932727-90-5|edition=illustrated|pages=96–97|access-date=10 December 2014}}</ref> The indigenous of Sincan defected to Koxinga after he offered them [[amnesty]]. The Sincan indigenous people then proceeded to work for the Chinese and behead Dutch people in executions. The frontier indigenous in the mountains and plains also surrendered and defected to the Chinese on 17 May 1661, celebrating their freedom from [[compulsory education]] under the Dutch rule by hunting down Dutch people and beheading them and trashing their Christian school textbooks.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4QzpJtddFxEC&pg=PA222|title=The Colonial 'civilizing Process' in Dutch Formosa: 1624–1662|last=Hsin-Hui|first=Chiu|date=2008|publisher=Brill|isbn=978-90-04-16507-6|edition=illustrated|volume=10 of TANAP monographs on the history of the Asian-European interaction|page=222|access-date=10 December 2014}}</ref>

Koxinga's son and successor, [[Zheng Jing]], dispatched teachers to indigenous tribes to provide them with supplies and teach them more advanced farming techniques. He also gave them Ming gowns and caps while eating with their chiefs and gifting tobacco to indigenous people who were gathered in crowds to meet and welcome him as he visited their villages after he defeated the Dutch.{{sfn|Hang|2010|p=210}} Schools were set up to teach the indigenous people the Chinese language, writing, and the [[Confucian Classics]].{{sfnp|Shepherd|1993|pp=92–103}} Those who refused were punished.{{sfn|Wills|2015|p=99}}{{sfn|Hang|2010|p=210}}

Zhengs brought 70,000 soldiers to Taiwan and immediately began clearing large tracts of land to support its forces.{{sfnp|Shepherd|1993|pp=92–103}}  The expansion of Chinese settlements often came at the expense of indigenous tribes, causing rebellions flared up over the course of Zheng rule. In one campaign, several hundred Shalu tribes people in modern [[Taichung]] were killed.{{sfn|Hang|2010|p=210}}{{sfn|Hang|2015|p=160}} By the start of 1684, a year after the end of Zheng rule, areas under cultivation in Taiwan had tripled in size since the end of the Dutch era in 1660.{{sfn|Hang|2015|p=160}}

=== Qing dynasty rule (1683–1895) ===
{{See also|Rover incident|Formosa Expedition|Mudan Incident (1871)|Japanese invasion of Taiwan (1874)|Keelung Campaign|Battle of Tamsui}}
[[File:A native hunting party, Baksa, Formosa, by John Thomson Wellcome L0056187.jpg|thumb|300x300px|A photograph of a [[Plains Indigenous peoples|plain indigenous people]] hunting party with their [[Formosan Mountain Dog]] in Ba̍k-sa (木柵, as part of [[Neimen District]] in Kaohsiung nowadays), by [[John Thomson (photographer)|John Thomson]], 1871: "A Native Hunting Party Baksa Formosa 1871".]]

====Quarantine policies====
After the [[Qing dynasty]] government defeated the Ming loyalist forces maintained by the Zheng family in 1683, Taiwan became increasingly integrated into the Qing dynasty.{{sfnp|Teng|2004|pp=35–60}} Qing forces ruled areas of Taiwan's highly populated western plain for over two centuries, until 1895. This era was characterized by a marked increase in the number of Han Chinese on Taiwan, continued social unrest, the piecemeal transfer (by various means) of large amounts of land from the indigenous to the Han, and the nearly complete [[acculturation]] of the Western [[Taiwanese Plains Aborigines|Plains indigenous]] people to Chinese Han customs.

During the Qing dynasty's two-century rule over Taiwan, the population of Han on the island increased dramatically. However, it is not clear to what extent this was due to an influx of Han settlers, who were predominantly displaced young men from [[Zhangzhou]] and [[Quanzhou]] in [[Fujian]] province.{{sfnp|Tsao|1999|p=331}} The Qing government officially sanctioned controlled Han settlement, but sought to manage tensions between the various regional and ethnic groups. Therefore, it often recognized the plains peoples' claims to deer fields and traditional territory.{{sfnp|Knapp|1980|pp=55–68}}{{sfnp|Shepherd|1993|pp=14–20}} The Qing authorities hoped to turn the Plains peoples into loyal subjects, and adopted the head and [[corvée]] taxes on the indigenous, which made the plains indigenous people directly responsible for payment to the government [[yamen]]. The attention paid by the Qing authorities to indigenous land rights was part of a larger administrative goal to maintain a level of peace on the turbulent Taiwan frontier, which was often marred by ethnic and regional conflict.<ref name="conflict">"From 1684 to 1895, 159 major incidents of civil disturbances rocked Taiwan, including 74 armed clashes and 65 uprisings led by wanderers. During the 120 years from 1768 to 1887, approximately 57 armed clashes occurred, 47 of which broke out from 1768 to 1860" {{Harvcol|Chen|1999|p=136}}.</ref> The frequency of rebellions, riots, and civil strife in Qing dynasty Taiwan is often encapsulated in the saying "every three years an uprising; every five years a rebellion".{{sfnp|Kerr|1965|p=4}}

In 1723, indigenous living in Dajiaxi village along the central coastal plain rebelled. Government troops from southern Taiwan were sent to put down this revolt, but in their absence, Han settlers in Fengshan County rose up in revolt under the leadership of Wu Fusheng, a settler from [[Zhangzhou]].{{sfn|Twitchett|2002|p=228}} Indigenous participation in major revolts during the Qing era, including the Taokas-led [[Ta-Chia-hsi revolt]] of 1731–1732, ensured the Plains peoples would remain an important factor in crafting Qing frontier policy until the end of Qing rule in 1895.{{sfnp|Shepherd|1993|pp=128–129}} By 1732, five different ethnic groups were in revolt but the rebellion was defeated by the end of the year.{{sfn|Twitchett|2002|p=228}}

The struggle over land resources was one source of conflict. Large areas of the western plain were subject to large land rents called ''Huan Da Zu'' (番大租—literally, "Barbarian Big Rent"), a category which remained until the period of Japanese colonization. The large tracts of [[deer field]], guaranteed by the Qing, were owned by the communities and their individual members. The communities would commonly offer Han farmers a permanent patent for use, while maintaining ownership (skeleton) of the subsoil (田骨), which was called "two lords to a field" (一田兩主). The Plains peoples were often cheated out of land or pressured to sell at unfavorable rates. Some disaffected subgroups moved to central or eastern Taiwan, but most remained in their ancestral locations and acculturated or assimilated into Han society.{{sfnp|Chen|1997}}{{page needed|date=May 2023}} Despite this, the vast majority of rebellions did not originate from indigenous peoples but the Han settlers, and the mountain indigenous were left to their own devices until the last 20 years of Qing rule.{{sfn|Ye|2019|p=106}} During the [[Qianlong Emperor|Qianlong]] period (1735–1796), the 93 ''shufan'' acculturated indigenous villages never rebelled and over 200 non-acculturated indigenous villages submitted.{{sfn|Ye|2019|p=91}}

During the reigns of the [[Kangxi Emperor|Kangxi]] (r. 1661–1722), [[Yongzheng Emperor|Yongzheng]] (r. 1722–1735), and Qianlong (r. 1735–1796) emperors, the Qing court deliberately restricted the expansion of territory and government administration in Taiwan. A government permit was required for settlers to go beyond the [[Dajia River]] at the mid-point of the western plains. In 1715, the governor-general of [[Fujian]]-[[Zhejiang]] recommended land reclamation in Taiwan but Kangxi was worried that this would cause instability and conflicts. By the time of Yongzheng's reign, the Qing extended control over the entire western plains, but this was to better control the settlers and maintain security. The quarantine policies were maintained. After the [[Zhu Yigui]] uprising which occurred in 1721, Lan Dingyuan, an advisor to Lan Tingzhen, who led forces against the rebellion, advocated for expansion and land reclamation to strengthen government control over the Chinese settlers. He wanted to convert the indigenous to Han culture and turn them into subjects of the Qing. However, the Qianlong Emperor kept the administrative structure of Taiwan largely unchanged and in 1744, he dismissed recommendations by officials to allow settlers to claim land.{{sfn|Ye|2019|pp=46–49}}

====Qing classification of indigenous peoples====
The Qing did little to administer the indigenous and rarely tried to subjugate or impose cultural change upon them. Indigenous peoples were classified into two general categories: acculturated indigenous (''shufan'') and non-acculturated indigenous (''shengfan''). ''Sheng'' is a word used to describe uncooked food, unworked land, unripened-fruit, unskilled labor or strangers, while ''shu'' bears the opposite meaning. To the Qing, ''shufan'' were indigenous who paid taxes, performed corvée, and had adopted Han Chinese culture to some degree. When the Qing annexed Taiwan, there were 46 indigenous villages under government control: 12 in Fengshan and 34 in Zhuluo. These were likely inherited from the Zheng regime. In the Yongzheng period, 108 indigenous villages submitted as a result of encouragement and enticement from the Taiwan regional commander, Lin Liang. ''Shengfan'' who paid taxes but did not perform corvée and did not practice Han Chinese culture were called ''guihua shengfan'' (submitted non-acculturated indigenous).{{sfn|Ye|2019|pp=49–50}}

The Qianlong administration forbade enticing indigenous to submit due to fear of conflict. In the early Qianlong period, there were 299 named indigenous villages. Records show 93 ''shufan'' villages and 61 ''guihua shengfan'' villages. The number of ''shufan'' villages remained stable throughout the Qianlong period. Two indigenous affairs sub-prefects were appointed to manage indigenous affairs in 1766. One was in charge of the north and the other in charge of the south, both focused on the plains indigenous. Boundaries were built to keep the mountain indigenous people out of settlement areas. The policy of marking settler boundaries and segregating them from indigenous territories became official policy in 1722 in response to the Zhu Yigui uprising. Fifty-four stelae were used to mark crucial points along the settler-indigenous boundary. Han settlers were forbidden from crossing into indigenous territory but settler encroachment continued, and the boundaries were rebuilt in 1750, 1760, 1784, and 1790. Settlers were forbidden from marrying indigenous as marriage was one way settlers obtained land. While the settlers drove colonization and acculturation, the Qing policy of quarantine dented the impact on indigenous, especially mountain indigenous people.{{sfn|Ye|2019|pp=50–55}}

====Settler expansion====
Although Qing quarantine policies were maintained in the early 19th century, attitudes towards indigenous territories started to shift. Local officials repeatedly advocated for the colonization of indigenous territories, especially in the cases of [[Kavalan people|Gamalan]] and Shuishalian. The Gamalan or Kavalan people were situated in modern [[Yilan County, Taiwan|Yilan County]] in northeastern Taiwan. It was separated from the western plains and Tamsui (Danshui) by mountains. There were 36 indigenous villages in the area and the Kavalan people had started paying taxes as early as the Kangxi period (r. 1661–1722), but they were non-acculturated ''guihua shengfan'' indigenous.{{sfn|Ye|2019|pp=55–56}}

In 1787, a Chinese settler named Wu Sha tried to reclaim land in Gamalan but was defeated by indigenous people. The next year, the Tamsui sub-prefect convinced the Taiwan prefect, Yang Tingli, to support Wu Sha. Yang recommended subjugating the natives and opening Gamalan for settlement to the Fujian governor but the governor refused to act due to fear of conflict. In 1797, a new Tamsui sub-prefect issued permit and financial support for Wu to recruit settlers for land reclamation, which was illegal. Wu's successors were unable to register the reclaimed land on government registers. Local officials supported land reclamation but could not officially recognize it.{{sfn|Ye|2019|p=56}}

In 1806 it was reported that a pirate, Cai Qian, was within the vicinity of Gamalan. Taiwan Prefect Yang once again recommended opening up Gamalan, arguing that to abandon it would cause trouble on the frontier. Later another pirate band tried to occupy Gamalan. Yang recommended to the Fuzhou General Saichong'a the establishment of administration and land surveys in Gamalan. Saichong'a initially refused but then changed his mind and sent a memorial to the emperor in 1808 recommending the incorporation of Gamalan. The issue was discussed by the central government officials and for the first time, one official went on record saying that if indigenous territory was incorporated, not only would it end the pirate threat but the government would stand to profit from the land itself. In 1809, the emperor ordered for Gamalan to be incorporated. The next year an imperial decree for the formal incorporation of Gamalan was issued and a Gamalan sub-prefect was appointed.{{sfn|Ye|2019|pp=56–57}}

Unlike Gamalan, debates on Shuishalian resulted in its continued status as a closed-off area. Shuishalian refers to the upstream areas of the [[Zhuoshui River]] and [[Dadu River (Taiwan)|Wu River]] in central Taiwan. The inner mountain area of Shuishalian was inhabited by 24 indigenous villages and six of them occupied the flat and fertile basin area. The indigenous had submitted as early as 1693 but they remained non-acculturated. In 1814, some settlers were able to obtain reclamation permits through fabricating indigenous land lease requests. In 1816, the government sent troops to evict the settlers and destroy their strongholds. Stelae were erected demarcating the land forbidden to Chinese settlers.{{sfn|Ye|2019|p=58}}

Local officials advocated for supporting colonization efforts into the mid-1800s but their recommendations were ignored.{{sfn|Ye|2019|pp=59–61}}

==== Migration to highlands ====
[[File:Indigenous Taiwanese Woodwork in Hualien.jpg|thumb|Indigenous sculpture in the [[Hai'an Range|Hai'an range]] of [[Hualien County]].]]
One popular narrative holds that all of the Gaoshan peoples were originally Plains peoples, which fled to the mountains under pressure from Han encroachment. This strong version of the "migration" theory has been largely discounted by contemporary research as the Gaoshan people demonstrate a physiology, material cultures and customs that have been adapted for life at higher elevations. Linguistic, archeological, and recorded anecdotal evidence also suggests there has been island-wide migration of indigenous peoples for over 3,000 years.<ref name="migrate">For a detailed overview of the many migrations of Taiwanese indigenous tribes, see {{Harvcol|Li|2001}}. For detailed map see [http://gis210.sinica.edu.tw/ysnp/ecai/moving.pdf Distribution of Austronesian in Taiwan depicting migration] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070621104718/http://gis210.sinica.edu.tw/ysnp/ecai/moving.pdf |date=21 June 2007}}.</ref>

Small sub-groups of [[Plains Indigenous peoples|Plains Indigenous Peoples]] may have occasionally fled to the mountains, foothills or eastern plain to escape hostile groups of Han or other indigenous.{{sfnp|Tsuchida|Yamada|1991|pp=1–10}}{{sfnp|Li|2001}}
The "displacement scenario" is more likely rooted in the older customs of many Plains groups to withdraw into the foothills during headhunting season or when threatened by a neighboring village, as observed by the Dutch during their punitive campaign of Mattou in 1636 when the bulk of the village retreated to [[Tevorangh]].{{sfnp|Blusse|Everts|2000|pp=11–12}}{{sfnp|Shepherd|1993|pp=1–6}}{{sfnp|Shepherd|1995|pp=66–72}}
The "displacement scenario" may also stem from the inland migrations of Plains indigenous subgroups, who were displaced by either Han or other Plains indigenous and chose to move to the Iilan plain in 1804, the Puli basin in 1823 and another Puli migration in 1875. Each migration consisted of a number of families and totaled hundreds of people, not entire communities.{{sfnp|Shepherd|1993|pp=391–395}}{{sfnp|Pan|2002|pp=36–37}} There are also recorded oral histories that recall some Plains indigenous people were sometimes captured and killed by Highlands peoples while relocating through the mountains.<ref>[[#Reference-Yeh-2003|(Yeh 2003)]]</ref> However, as {{Harvcoltxt|Shepherd|1993}} explained in detail, documented evidence shows that the majority of Plains people remained on the plains, intermarried [[Hakka people|Hakka]] and [[Hoklo people|Hoklo]] immigrants from Fujian and [[Guangdong]], and adopted a Han identity.

====Colonization in reaction to crises====
In 1874, [[Japan]] invaded indigenous territory in southern Taiwan in what is known as the [[Mudan Incident]] ([[Japanese invasion of Taiwan (1874)]]). For six months Japanese soldiers occupied southern Taiwan and Japan argued that it was not part of the Qing dynasty. The result was the payment of an indemnity by the Qing in return for the Japanese army's withdrawal.{{sfn|Ye|2019|pp=61–62}}

The imperial commissioner for Taiwan, [[Shen Baozhen]], argued that "the reason that Taiwan is being coveted by [Japan] is that the land is too empty."{{sfn|Ye|2019|p=62}} He recommended subjugating the indigenous and populating their territory with Chinese settlers. As a result, the administration of Taiwan was expanded and campaigns against the indigenous were launched. The two sub-prefects responsible for indigenous affairs were moved to inner Shushalian (Puli) and eastern Taiwan (Beinan), the focal points for colonization. Starting in 1874, mountain roads were built to make the region more accessible and indigenous people were brought into formal submission to the Qing. In 1875, the ban on entering Taiwan was lifted.{{sfn|Ye|2019|p=62}} In 1877, 21 guidelines on subjugating indigenous peoples and opening the mountains were issued. Agencies for recruiting settlers were established on the coastal mainland and in [[Hong Kong]]. However efforts to promote settlement in Taiwan petered out soon after.{{sfn|Ye|2019|pp=63–64}}

Efforts to settle in indigenous territories were renewed under the governance of [[Liu Mingchuan]] after the [[Sino-French War]] ended in 1885.{{sfn|Ye|2019|pp=64–65}} However few settlers went to Taiwan and those that did were accosted by indigenous and the harsh climate. Governor Liu was criticized for the high cost and little gain from the colonization activities. Liu resigned in 1891 and the colonization efforts ceased.{{sfn|Ye|2019|p=65}}

A Taiwan Pacification and Reclamation Head Office was established with eight pacification and reclamation bureaus. Four bureaus were located in eastern Taiwan, two in Puli (inner Shuishalian), one in the north, and one on the western border of the mountains. By 1887, about 500 indigenous villages, or roughly 90,000 indigenous had formally submitted to Qing rule. This number increased to 800 villages with 148,479 indigenous over the following years. However the cost of getting them to submit was exorbitant. The Qing offered them materials and paid village chiefs monthly allowances. Not all the indigenous were under effective control and land reclamation in eastern Taiwan occurred at a slow pace.{{sfn|Ye|2019|p=65}} From 1884 to 1891, Liu launched more than 40 military campaigns against the indigenous with 17,500 soldiers. A third of the invasion force was killed or disabled in the conflict, amounting to a costly failure.{{sfn|Rubinstein|1999|p=191}}

By the end of the Qing period, the western plains were fully developed as farmland with about 2.5 million Chinese settlers. The mountainous areas were still largely autonomous under the control of indigenous. Indigenous land loss under the Qing occurred at a relatively slow pace compared to the following Japanese colonial period due to the absence of state sponsored land deprivation for the majority of Qing rule.{{sfn|Ye|2019|pp=1, 10, 174}}{{sfn|Rubinstein|1999|p=177}} In the 50-year period of Japanese rule that followed, the Taiwanese indigenous lost their right to legal ownership of land and were confined to small reserves one-eighth the size of their ancestral lands.{{sfn|Ye|2019|p=1}} However even had Japan not taken over Taiwan, the plains indigenous were on the way to losing their residual rights to land. By the last years of Qing rule, most of the plains indigenous had been acculturated to Han culture, around 20–30% could speak their mother tongues, and gradually lost their land ownership and rent collection rights.{{sfn|Ye|2019|pp=166, 174–175}}

=== Highland peoples ===
[[File:taiwan bunun village.jpg|thumb|left|[[Bunun people|Bunun]] mother and child in sling in Lona Village, [[Nantou County]], Taiwan|300x300px]]
Imperial Chinese and European societies had little contact with the Highland indigenous until expeditions to the region by European and American explorers and missionaries commenced in the 19th and early 20th centuries.{{sfnp|Campbell|1915}}{{sfnp|Mackay|1896}} The lack of data before this was primarily the result of a Qing quarantine on the region to the east of the "earth oxen" (土牛) border, which ran along the eastern edge of the western plain. Han contact with the mountain peoples was usually associated with the enterprise of gathering and extracting [[camphor]] from Camphor Laurel trees (''[[Cinnamomum camphora]]''), native to the island and in particular the mountainous areas. The production and shipment of camphor (used in herbal medicines and mothballs) was then a significant industry on the island, lasting up to and including the period of Japanese rule.{{sfnp|Pickering|1898|pp=220–224}} These early encounters often involved headhunting parties from the Highland peoples, who sought out and raided unprotected Han forest workers. Together with traditional Han concepts of Taiwanese behavior, these raiding incidents helped to promote the Qing-era popular image of the "violent" indigenous.{{sfnp|Teng|2004|pp=230–236}}

[[Taiwanese Plains Aborigines|Taiwanese Plains indigenous]] were often employed and dispatched as interpreters to assist in the trade of goods between Han merchants and Highlands indigenous. The indigenous people traded cloth, pelts and meat for iron and matchlock rifles. Iron was a necessary material for the fabrication of hunting knives—long, curved sabers that were generally used as a forest tool. These blades became notorious among Han settlers, given their alternative use to decapitate Highland indigenous enemies in customary headhunting expeditions.{{Citation needed|date=March 2023}}

{{Clear}}

==== Headhunting ====
{{See also|Wu Feng Legend}}
Every tribe except the [[Tao people]] of Orchid Island practiced [[headhunting]], which was a symbol of bravery and valor.{{sfnp|Hsu|1991|pp=29–36}} Men who did not take heads could not cross the rainbow bridge into the spirit world upon death as per the religion of Gaya. Each tribe has its own origin story for the tradition of headhunting but the theme is similar across tribes. After the great flood, headhunting originated due to boredom (South Tsou Sa'arua, Paiwan), to improve tribal singing (Ali Mountain Tsou), as a form of population control (Atayal, Taroko, Bunun), simply for amusement and fun (Rukai, Tsou, Puyuma) or particularly for the fun and excitement of killing intellectually disabled individuals (Amis). Once the victims had been decapitated and displayed the heads were boiled and left to dry, often hanging from trees or displayed on slate shelves referred to as "skull racks". A party returning with a head was cause for celebration, as it was believed to bring good luck and the spiritual power of the slaughtered individual was believed to transfer into the headhunter. If the head was that of a woman it was even better because it meant she could not bear children. The Bunun people would often take prisoners and inscribe prayers or messages to their dead on arrows, then shoot their prisoner with the hope their prayers would be carried to the dead. Taiwanese Hoklo Han settlers and Japanese were often the victims of headhunting raids as they were considered by the indigenous to be liars and enemies. A headhunting raid would often strike at workers in the fields, or set a dwelling alight and then decapitate the inhabitants as they fled the burning structure. It was also customary to later raise the victim's surviving children as full members of the community. Often the heads themselves were ceremonially 'invited' to join the community as members, where they were supposed to watch over the community and keep them safe. The indigenous inhabitants of Taiwan accepted the convention and practice of headhunting as one of the calculated risks of community life. The last groups to practice headhunting were the Paiwan, Bunun, and Atayal groups.{{sfnp|Montgomery-McGovern|1922}} Japanese rule ended the practice by 1930, (though Japanese were not subject to this regulation and continued to headhunt their enemies throughout World War II) and as late as 2003 there are elder Taiwanese that could recall the practice firsthand.<ref>[[#Reference-Yeh-2003|Yeh 2003]]</ref>

=== Japanese rule (1895–1945)<span class="anchor" id="Japanese rule"></span> ===
[[File:Takasago Volunteer Corps.JPG|thumb|[[Takasago Volunteers]] as Imperial Japanese Army corps during World War II|300x300px]]
{{Main|Taiwan under Japanese rule|Beipu uprising|Tapani incident|Musha Incident}}
When the [[Treaty of Shimonoseki]] was finalized on 17 April 1895, Taiwan was ceded by the Qing Empire to Japan.{{sfnp|Gold|1986|p=36}} Taiwan's incorporation into the Japanese political orbit brought Taiwanese indigenous into contact with a new colonial structure, determined to define and locate indigenous people within the framework of a new, multi-ethnic empire.{{sfnp|Kleeman|2003|p=19}} The means of accomplishing this goal took three main forms: anthropological study of the natives of Taiwan, attempts to reshape the indigenous in the mold of the Japanese, and military suppression. The indigenous and Han joined to violently revolt against Japanese rule in the 1907 [[Beipu uprising]] and 1915 [[Tapani incident]].

[[File:Amis postcard.jpg|thumb|left|Colorized photograph of an [[Amis people|Amis]] couple in traditional clothing. Taken in pre-World War II Japanese-ruled Taiwan.|318x318px]]

Japan's sentiment regarding indigenous peoples was crafted around the memory of the [[Mudan incident]], when, in 1871, a group of 54 shipwrecked [[Ryukyu Kingdom|Ryūkyūan]] sailors was massacred by a Paiwan group from the village of Mudan in southern Taiwan. The resulting Japanese policy, published twenty years before the onset of their rule on Taiwan, cast Taiwanese indigenous as "vicious, violent and cruel" and concluded "this is a pitfall of the world; we must get rid of them all".{{sfnp|Kleeman|2003|pp=20–21}} Japanese campaigns to gain indigenous submission were often brutal, as evidenced in the desire of Japan's first Governor General, [[Kabayama Sukenori]], to "conquer the barbarians" {{Harvcol|Kleeman|2003|p=20}}. The Seediq indigenous fought against the Japanese in multiple battles such as the [[Seediq people#Major events|Xincheng incident (新城事件), Truku battle (太魯閣之役) (Taroko)]],<ref name="Morris2015">{{cite book|author=Andrew D. Morris|title=Japanese Taiwan: Colonial Rule and its Contested Legacy|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=jqwKCgAAQBAJ&pg=PT341|date=2015|publisher=Bloomsbury Publishing|isbn=978-1-4725-7674-3}}</ref> 1902 Renzhiguan incident (人止關事件), and the 1903 Zimeiyuan incident (姊妹原事件). In the [[Musha Incident]] of 1930, for example, a Seediq group was decimated by artillery and supplanted by the Taroko (Truku), which had sustained periods of bombardment from naval ships and airplanes dropping mustard gas. A quarantine was placed around the mountain areas enforced by armed guard stations and electrified fences until the most remote high mountain villages could be relocated closer to administrative control.{{sfnp|Takekoshi|1907|pp=210–219}}

A [[divide and rule]] policy was formulated with Japan trying to play indigenous and Han against each other to their own benefit when Japan alternated between fighting the two with Japan first fighting Han and then fighting indigenous.<ref name="Tierney2010">{{cite book|author=Robert Thomas Tierney|title=Tropics of Savagery: The Culture of Japanese Empire in Comparative Frame|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=JdlFEz8Usm4C&pg=PA39|date=2010|publisher=University of California Press|isbn=978-0-520-94766-5|pages=39–41}}</ref> Nationalist Japanese claim indigenous were treated well by Kabayama.<ref name="GoFoster2003">{{cite book|author1=Julian Go|author2=Anne L. Foster|title=The American Colonial State in the Philippines: Global Perspectives|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_wJ9tnBsi2YC&pg=PA249|date=2003|publisher=Duke University Press|isbn=0-8223-8451-5|page=249}}</ref>  ''unenlightened and stubbornly stupid'' were the words used to describe indigenous by Kabayama Sukenori.<ref name="AndréPeng2012">{{cite book|author1=James St. André|author2=Hsiao-yen Peng|title=China and Its Others: Knowledge Transfer through Translation, 1829–2010|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=IrlV9llG94QC&pg=PA142|date=2012|publisher=Rodopi|isbn=978-94-012-0719-5|page=142}}</ref> A hardline anti indigenous position aimed at the destruction of their civilization was implemented by Fukuzawa Yukichi.<ref name="Caprio2014">{{cite book|author=Mark Caprio|title=Japanese Assimilation Policies in Colonial Korea, 1910–1945|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=oj_IhRConN8C&pg=PA74|date=2014|publisher=University of Washington Press|isbn=978-0-295-99040-8|page=74}}</ref> The most tenacioius opposition was mounted by the Bunan and Atayal against the Japanese during the brutal mountain war in 1913–14 under Sakuma. Indigenous continued to fight against the Japanese after 1915.<ref name="Rubinstein2015">{{cite book|author=Murray A. Rubinstein|title=Taiwan: A New History|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=WGemBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA211|date=2015|publisher=[[Routledge]]|isbn=978-1-317-45908-8|pages=211–212}}</ref> Indigenous were subjected to military takeover and assimilation.<ref>{{cite book|title=Current Politics and Economics of Asia|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=4EisAAAAIAAJ|year=1998|publisher=Nova Science Publishers|page=277}}</ref> In order to exploit camphor resources, the Japanese fought against the Bngciq Atayal in 1906 and expelled them.<ref name="guan2001">{{cite book|author=Shun yi Taiwan yuan zhu min bo wu guan|title=In search of the hunters and their tribes: studies in the history and culture of the Taiwan indigenous people|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Do4MAQAAMAAJ&q=Bngciq|year=2001|publisher=Shung Ye Museum of Formosan Aborigines|isbn=978-957-30287-0-3|page=27}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last=Hsiao |first=Alison |date=15 June 2016 |title=Legislator May Chin calls for return of Atayal land |url=http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2016/06/15/2003648663 |page=3 |newspaper=Taipei Times |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161224233136/http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2016/06/15/2003648663 |archive-date=24 December 2016}}</ref> The war is called the "Camphor War" (樟腦戰爭).<ref>{{cite book|author=伊凡諾幹|title=樟腦戰爭與'tayal (msbtunux) / (bng'ciq)初探--殖民主義、近代化與民族的動態一|url=http://tci.ncl.edu.tw/cgi-bin/gs32/gsweb.cgi?o=dnclret&s=id="TCI0002344126".&searchmode=basic&tcihsspage=tcisearch_opt2_search|volume=5|year=1997|publisher=臺北縣|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170313220459/http://tci.ncl.edu.tw/cgi-bin/gs32/gsweb.cgi?o=dnclret&s=id=%22TCI0002344126%22.&searchmode=basic&tcihsspage=tcisearch_opt2_search|archive-date=13 March 2017}}</ref><ref>{{cite book|author=伊凡諾幹|title=殖産興業、集団移住与文化生成：以 Tayal[bng'ciq]与Tayal[msbtunux]土地所有的変化為例|url=https://www.koryu.or.jp/08_03_03_01_middle.nsf/2c11a7a88aa171b449256798000a5805/2481b8c9cf45657e4925697600151f1e?OpenDocument|year=2000|publisher=中央研究院民族学研究所|page=6|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161224164438/https://www.koryu.or.jp/08_03_03_01_middle.nsf/2c11a7a88aa171b449256798000a5805/2481b8c9cf45657e4925697600151f1e?OpenDocument|archive-date=24 December 2016}}</ref>

The [[Bunun people]] under Chief [[Raho Ari]] (or Dahu Ali, [[w:zh:拉荷·阿雷|拉荷·阿雷]], lāhè āléi) engaged in [[guerrilla warfare]] against the Japanese for twenty years. Raho Ari's revolt was sparked when the Japanese implemented a gun control policy in 1914 against the indigenous people in which their rifles were impounded in police stations when hunting expeditions were over. The Dafen incident [[w:zh:大分事件]] began at Dafen when a police platoon was slaughtered by Raho Ari's clan in 1915. A settlement holding 266 people called Tamaho was created by Raho Ari and his followers near the source of the Laonong River and attracted more Bunun rebels to their cause. Raho Ari and his followers captured bullets and guns and slew Japanese in repeated hit and run raids against Japanese police stations by infiltrating over the Japanese "guardline" of electrified fences and police stations as they pleased.<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=3YOoAwAAQBAJ&pg=PA16 Crook 2014], p. 16.</ref>

The 1930 "New Flora and Silva, Volume 2" said of the mountain indigenous that the "majority of them live in a state of war against Japanese authority".<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=dKrNAAAAMAAJ ed. Cox 1930], p. 94.</ref> The Bunun and Atayal were described as the "most ferocious" indigenous people, and police stations were targeted by indigenous in intermittent assaults.<ref name="auto">[https://books.google.com/books?id=JN4gAQAAMAAJ The Japan Year Book 1937], p. 1004.</ref> By January 1915, all indigenous peoples in northern Taiwan were forced to hand over their guns to the Japanese, however head hunting and assaults on police stations by indigenous still continued after that year.<ref name="auto" /><ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=Q13dXd25_04C ed. Inahara 1937], p. 1004.</ref>  Between 1921 and 1929 indigenous raids died down, but a major revival and surge in indigenous armed resistance erupted from 1930 to 1933 for four years during which the Musha Incident occurred and Bunun carried out raids, after which armed conflict again died down.<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=-ffazY4d7ukC ed. Lin 1995], p. 84.</ref> According to a 1933-year book, wounded people in the Japanese war against the indigenouss numbered around 4,160, with 4,422 civilians dead and 2,660 military personnel killed.<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=JJAkAQAAMAAJ The Japan Year Book 1933], p. 1139.</ref> According to a 1935 report, 7,081 Japanese were killed in the armed struggle from 1896 to 1933 while the Japanese confiscated 29,772 indigenous people's guns by 1933.<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=zDMrAQAAIAAJ Japan's progress number ... July, 1935], p. 19.</ref>

[[File:二次霧社事件.jpg|thumb|300x300px|[[Seediq people|Seediq]] indigenous rebels beheaded by Japanese indigenous allies, in 1931 during the [[Musha Incident]]]]

Beginning in the first year of Japanese rule, the colonial government embarked on a mission to study the indigenous so they could be classified, located and "civilized". The Japanese "civilizing project", partially fueled by public demand in Japan to know more about the empire, would be used to benefit the Imperial government by consolidating administrative control over the entire island, opening up vast tracts of land for exploitation.{{sfnp|Suenari|2006|pp=1–8}} To satisfy these needs, "the Japanese portrayed and catalogued Taiwan's indigenous peoples in a welter of statistical tables, magazine and newspaper articles, photograph albums for popular consumption".{{sfnp|Matsuda|2003|p=181}} The Japanese based much of their information and terminology on prior Qing era narratives concerning degrees of "civilization".{{sfnp|Ka|1995|pp=27–30}}

Japanese ethnographer [[Kanori Ino|Ino Kanori]] was charged with the task of surveying the entire population of Taiwanese indigenous, applying the first systematic study of indigenous on Taiwan. Ino's research is best known for his formalization of eight peoples of Taiwanese indigenous: Atayal, Bunun, Saisiat, Tsou, Paiwan, Puyuma, Ami and ''Pepo'' ([[Taiwanese Plains Aborigines|Pingpu]]).{{sfnp|Suenari|2006|pp=6–8}}{{sfnp|Blundell|2000|pp=15–16}} This is the direct antecedent of the taxonomy used today to distinguish people groups that are officially recognized by the government.

Life under the Japanese changed rapidly as many of the traditional structures were replaced by a military power. Indigenous people who wished to improve their status looked to education rather than headhunting as the new form of power. Those who learned to work with the Japanese and follow their customs would be better suited to lead villages. The Japanese encouraged indigenous to maintain traditional costumes and selected customs that were not considered detrimental to society, but invested much time and money in efforts to eliminate traditions deemed unsavory by Japanese culture, including tattooing.{{sfnp|Simon|2006}} By the mid-1930s as Japan's empire was reaching its zenith, the colonial government began a political socialization program designed to enforce Japanese customs, rituals and a loyal Japanese identity upon the indigenous. By the end of World War II, indigenous whose fathers had been killed in pacification campaigns were volunteering to serve in [[Takasago Volunteers|Special Units]] and if need be die for the Emperor of Japan.{{sfnp|Ching|2001|pp=153–173}} The Japanese colonial experience left an indelible mark on many older indigenous who maintained an admiration for the Japanese long after their departure in 1945.{{sfnp|Mendel|1970|pp=54–55}}

The Japanese troops used indigenous women as sex slaves, so called "[[comfort women]]".<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=zX58AgAAQBAJ&pg=PA124 Chou 2008], p. 124.</ref>

=== Kuomintang single-party rule (1945–1987)<span class="anchor" id="Aborigines under the Kuomintang (Chinese Nationalist Party)"></span> ===
{{Main|White Terror (Taiwan)}}
Japanese rule of Taiwan ended in 1945, following the [[Japanese Instrument of Surrender|armistice with the allies]] on 2 September and the subsequent appropriation of the island by the Chinese Nationalist Party ([[Kuomintang]], or KMT) on 25 October. In 1949, on losing the [[Chinese Civil War]] to the [[Chinese Communist Party]], Generalissimo [[Chiang Kai-shek]] led the Kuomintang in a retreat from [[mainland China]], withdrawing its government and 1.3 million refugees to Taiwan. The KMT installed an authoritarian form of government and shortly thereafter inaugurated a number of political socialization programs aimed at nationalizing Taiwanese people as citizens of a Chinese nation and eradicating Japanese influence.{{sfnp|Wilson|1970}}

The KMT pursued highly centralized political and cultural policies rooted in the party's decades-long history of fighting [[warlordism]] in China and opposing competing concepts of a loose federation following the demise of the imperial Qing.{{sfnp|Duara|1995}} The project was designed to create a strong national Chinese [[cultural identity]] (as defined by the state) at the expense of local cultures.{{sfnp|Phillips|2003|pp=47–48, 140–141}} Following the [[February 28 Incident]] in 1947, the Kuomintang placed Taiwan under [[Martial law in Taiwan|martial law]], which was to last for nearly four decades.

Taiwanese indigenous peoples first encountered the Nationalist government in 1946, when the Japanese village schools were replaced by schools of the KMT. Documents from the Education Office show an emphasis on [[Chinese language]], [[History of China|history]] and citizenship—with a curriculum steeped in pro-KMT [[ideology]]. Some elements of the curriculum, such as the [[Wu Feng Legend]], are currently considered offensive to the Taiwanese indigenous peoples.{{sfnp|Gao|2001}} Much of the burden of educating the indigenous was undertaken by unqualified teachers, who could, at best, speak [[Standard Mandarin|Mandarin]] and teach basic ideology.{{sfnp|Harrison|2001|pp=68–70}} In 1951 a major political socialization campaign was launched to change the lifestyle of many indigenous, to adopt Han customs. A 1953 government report on mountain areas stated that its aims were chiefly to promote Mandarin to strengthen a national outlook and create good customs. This was included in the Shandi Pingdi Hua (山地平地化) policy to "make the mountains like the plains".{{sfnp|Harrison|2003|p=351}}

Critics of the KMT's program for a centralized national culture regard it as institutionalized ethnic discrimination, point to the loss of several indigenous languages and a perpetuation of shame for being an indigenous.  Hsiau noted that Taiwan's first democratically elected president, [[Li Teng-Hui]], said in a famous interview: "In the period of Japanese colonialism a Taiwanese would be punished by being forced to kneel out in the sun for speaking [[Taiwanese Minnan|Tai-yü]]." [a dialect of [[Min Nan]], which is not a [[Formosan language]]<nowiki>]</nowiki>.{{sfnp|Hsiau|1997|p=302}}

The pattern of intermarriage continued, as many KMT soldiers married indigenous women who were from poorer areas and could be easily bought as wives.{{sfnp|Harrison|2003|p=351}} Modern studies show a high degree of genetic intermixing. Despite this, many contemporary Taiwanese are unwilling to entertain the idea of having an indigenous heritage. In a 1994 study, it was found that 71% of the families surveyed would object to their daughter marrying an indigenous man. For much of the KMT era the government definition of indigenous identity had been 100% indigenous parentage, leaving any intermarriage resulting in a non-indigenous child. Later the policy was adjusted to the ethnic status of the father determining the status of the child.{{sfnp|Shih|1999}}

=== Transition to democracy ===
{{Conservatism in Taiwan|Related}}
Authoritarian rule under the Kuomintang ended gradually through a transition to democracy, which was marked by the lifting of martial law in 1987. Soon after, the KMT transitioned to being merely one party within a democratic system, though maintaining a high degree of power in indigenous districts through an established system of patronage networks.{{sfnp|Stainton|2006|pp=400–410}} The KMT continued to hold the reins of power for another decade under President [[Lee Teng-hui]]. However, they did so as an elected government rather than a dictatorial power. The elected KMT government supported many of the bills that had been promoted by indigenous groups. The tenth amendment to the [[Constitution of the Republic of China]] also stipulates that the government would protect and preserve indigenous culture and languages and also encourage them to participate in politics.{{Citation needed|date=March 2023}}

During the period of political liberalization, which preceded the end of martial law, academic interest in the Plains indigenous surged as amateur and professional historians sought to rediscover Taiwan's past. The opposition ''[[tang wai]]'' activists seized upon the new image of the Plains indigenous as a means to directly challenge the KMT's official narrative of Taiwan as a historical part of China, and the government's assertion that Taiwanese were "pure" Han Chinese.{{sfnp|Hsiau|2000|p=170}}{{sfnp|Brown|2004|pp=23–29}} Many ''tang wai'' activists framed the Plains indigenous experience in the existing anti-colonialism/victimization Taiwanese nationalist narrative, which positioned the [[Taiwanese Minnan|Hoklo]]-speaking Taiwanese in the role of indigenous people and the victims of successive foreign rulers.{{sfnp|Hsiau|2000|pp=171–173}}{{sfnp|Edmondson|2002|pp=32–42}}{{sfnp|Su|1986}}

By the late 1980s many Hoklo- and [[Hakka Chinese|Hakka]]-speaking people began identifying themselves as Plains indigenous, though any initial shift in ethnic consciousness from [[Hakka people|Hakka]] or [[Hoklo people]] was minor.
Despite the politicized dramatization of the Plains indigenous, their "rediscovery" as a matter of public discourse has had a lasting effect on the increased socio-political reconceptualization of Taiwan—emerging from a Han Chinese-dominant perspective into a wider acceptance of Taiwan as a multi-cultural and multi-ethnic community.{{sfnp|Hsiau|2000|p=171}}

In many districts Taiwanese indigenous tend to vote for the [[Kuomintang]], to the point that the legislative seats allocated to the indigenous are popularly described as ''iron votes'' for the [[pan-blue coalition]]. This may seem surprising in light of the focus of the [[pan-green coalition]] on promoting indigenous culture as part of the Taiwanese nationalist discourse against the KMT. However, this voting pattern can be explained on economic grounds, and as part of an inter-ethnic power struggle waged in the electorate. Some indigenous see the rhetoric of Taiwan nationalism as favoring the majority Hoklo speakers rather than themselves. Indigenous areas also tend to be poor and their economic vitality tied to the entrenched patronage networks established by the Kuomintang over the course of its fifty-five year reign.{{sfnp|Stainton|2006|pp=401–410}}{{sfnp|Gao|2007}}{{sfnp|Eyton|2004}}

=== Democratic era<span class="anchor" id="Contemporary Aborigines"></span> ===
[[File:taiwan bunun dancer.jpg|thumb|A [[Bunun people|Bunun]] dancer in Lona, [[Nantou County]], Taiwan|290x290px]]
The democratic era has been a time of great change, both constructive and destructive, for the indigenous of Taiwan. Since the 1980s, increased political and public attention has been paid to the rights and social issues of the indigenous communities of Taiwan. Indigenous peoples have realized gains in both the political and economic spheres. Though progress is ongoing, there remain a number of still unrealized goals within the framework of the [[Republic of China|ROC]]: "although certainly more 'equal' than they were 20, or even 10, years ago, the indigenous inhabitants in Taiwan still remain on the lowest rungs of the legal and socioeconomic ladders".{{sfnp|Ericsson|2004}} On the other hand, bright spots are not hard to find. A resurgence in ethnic pride has accompanied the indigenous cultural renaissance, which is exemplified by the increased popularity of indigenous music and greater public interest in indigenous culture.{{sfnp|Gluck|2005}}

==== Indigenous political movement ====
The movement for indigenous cultural and political resurgence in Taiwan traces its roots to the ideals outlined in the [[Universal Declaration of Human Rights]] (1948).{{sfnp|Liu|2006}} Although the Republic of China was a [[United Nations|UN]] member and signatory to the original [[United Nations Charter|UN Charter]], four decades of martial law controlled the discourse of culture and politics on Taiwan. The political liberalization Taiwan experienced leading up to the official end of martial law on 15 July 1987, opened a new public arena for dissenting voices and political movements against the centralized policy of the KMT.{{Citation needed|date=March 2023}}

In December 1984, the Taiwan indigenous People's Movement was launched when a group of indigenous political activists, aided by the progressive [[Presbyterian Church in Taiwan]] (PCT),{{sfnp|Stainton|2002}} established the Alliance of Taiwan indigenous (ATA, or ''yuan chuan hui'') to highlight the problems experienced by indigenous communities all over Taiwan, including: prostitution, economic disparity, land rights and official discrimination in the form of naming rights.{{sfnp|Faure|2001|pp=98–100}}{{sfnp|Stainton|1999}}{{sfnp|Hsieh|2006}}

In 1988, amid the ATA's Return Our Land Movement, in which indigenous demanded the return of lands to the original inhabitants, the ATA sent its first representative to the United Nations [[Working Group on Indigenous Populations]].{{sfnp|Hsieh|2006|pp=47–49}} Following the success in addressing the UN, the "Return Our Land" movement evolved into the indigenous Constitution Movement, in which the indigenous representatives demanded appropriate wording in the ROC Constitution to ensure indigenous Taiwanese "dignity and justice" in the form of enhanced legal protection, government assistance to improve living standards in indigenous communities, and the right to identify themselves as "''yuan chu min''" (原住民), literally, "''the people who lived here first,"'' but more commonly, "''indigenous"''.{{sfnp|Stainton|1999|p=39}} The KMT government initially opposed the term, due to its implication that other people on Taiwan, including the KMT government, were newcomers and not entitled to the island. The KMT preferred ''hsien chu min'' (先住民, "First people"), or ''tsao chu min'' (早住民, "Early People") to evoke a sense of general historical immigration to Taiwan.{{sfnp|Stainton|1999|pp=38–39}}
{{check quotation}}
[[File:Dadaocheng Building (Council of Indigenous Peoples) 20130708.jpg|thumb|[[Council of Indigenous Peoples]]|267x267px]]
To some degree the movement has been successful. Beginning in 1998, the official curriculum in Taiwan schools has been changed to contain more frequent and favorable mention of indigenous. In 1996 the [[Council of Indigenous Peoples]] was promoted to a ministry-level rank within the [[Executive Yuan]]. The central government has taken steps to allow romanized spellings of indigenous names on official documents, offsetting the long-held policy of forcing a Han name on an indigenous. A relaxed policy on identification now allows a child to choose their official designation if they are born to mixed indigenous/Han parents.{{Citation needed|date=March 2023}}

The present political leaders in the indigenous community, led mostly by indigenous elites born after 1949, have been effective in leveraging their ethnic identity and socio-linguistic acculturation into contemporary Taiwanese society against the political backdrop of a changing Taiwan.{{sfnp|Rudolph|2003|p=123}} This has allowed indigenous people a means to push for greater political space, including the still unrealized prospect of [[autonomous area|Indigenous People's Autonomous Areas]] within Taiwan.{{sfnp|Liu|2006|pp=427–429}}{{sfnp|Ericsson|2004}}{{sfnp|Cheng|2007}}

In February 2017, the [[Indigenous Ketagalan Boulevard Protest]] started in a bid for more official recognition of land as traditional territories.{{Citation needed|date=March 2023}}

==== Political representation ====
Indigenous peoples were represented by eight members out of 225 seats in the Legislative Yuan. In 2008, the number of legislative seats was cut in half to 113, of which Taiwanese indigenous are represented by six members, three each for lowland and highland peoples.<ref>[[#Reference-Legislative-2004|"Legislative Yuan" 2004]]</ref> The tendency of Taiwanese indigenous to vote for members of the [[pan-blue coalition]] has been cited as having the potential to change the balance of the legislature. Citing these six seats in addition with five seats from smaller counties that also tend to vote pan-blue has been seen as giving the [[pan-blue coalition]] 11 seats before the first vote is counted.{{sfnp|Gao|2007}}

The deep-rooted hostility between indigenous and (Taiwanese) Hoklo, and the indigenous communities' effective KMT networks, contribute to indigenous skepticism against the [[Democratic Progressive Party]] (DPP) and the indigenous tendency to vote for the KMT.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Damm|first1=Jens|editor1-last=Damm|editor1-first=Jens|editor2-last=Lim|editor2-first=Paul|title=European perspectives on Taiwan|date=2012|publisher=Springer VS|location=Wiesbaden|isbn=978-3-531-94303-9|page=95|chapter=Multiculturalism in Taiwan and the Influence of Europe}}</ref>

Indigenous peoples have criticized politicians for abusing the "indigenization" movement for political gains, such as indigenous opposition to the DPP's "rectification" by recognizing the Taroko for political reasons, with the majority of mountain townships voting for [[Ma Ying-jeou]].<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=ZOusAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA28 Simon 2011], p. 28.</ref> The Atayal and Seediq slammed the Truku for their name rectification.<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=0t_CU9gmi8cC&pg=PA220 ed. Vinding 2004], p. 220.</ref>

In 2005 the [[Kuomintang]] displayed a massive photo of the anti-Japanese indigenous leader [[Mona Rudao]] at its headquarters in honor of the 60th anniversary of Taiwan's [[Retrocession of Taiwan|handover]] from Japan to the Republic of China.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.lihpao.com/?action-viewnews-itemid-80741 |title=國民黨紀念光復稱莫那魯道抗日英雄 – 台灣立報 |website=Lihpao.com |date=26 October 2005 |access-date=25 September 2016 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160507101250/http://www.lihpao.com/?action-viewnews-itemid-80741 |archive-date=7 May 2016}}</ref>

[[Kao Chin Su-mei]] led indigenous legislators to protest against the Japanese at [[Yasukuni shrine]].<ref>{{cite news |date=15 June 2005 |title=Lawmaker and aborigines forbidden to visit Yasukuni |url=http://www.chinapost.com.tw/taiwan/detail.asp?ID=63832&GRP=B |newspaper=China Post |access-date=25 September 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160303213130/http://www.chinapost.com.tw/taiwan/detail.asp?ID=63832&GRP=B |archive-date=3 March 2016}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |agency=Associated Press |date=14 September 2005 |title=Taiwan aboriginal lawmaker to take struggle against Japan to UN |url=http://english.sina.com/taiwan_hk/1/2005/0914/45924.html |newspaper=sina English |access-date=25 September 2016 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160303221912/http://english.sina.com/taiwan_hk/1/2005/0914/45924.html |archive-date=3 March 2016}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |author=James |date=12 August 2011 |title=Taiwanese Politician Faces Charges Over Yasukuni Protest |url=http://www.japanprobe.com/2011/08/12/taiwanese-politician-faces-charges-over-yasukuni-protest/ |newspaper=Japan Probe |access-date=25 September 2016 |archive-url=https://archive.today/20140325144912/http://www.japanprobe.com/2011/08/12/taiwanese-politician-faces-charges-over-yasukuni-protest/ |archive-date=25 March 2014}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |last=Chang |first=Mao-sen |date=12 August 2011 |title=Tokyo police charge lawmaker May Chin with assault |url=http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/front/archives/2011/08/12/2003510546 |newspaper=Japan Probe |location=Staff Reporter in TOKYO |page=1 |access-date=25 September 2016 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160303220806/http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/front/archives/2011/08/12/2003510546 |archive-date=3 March 2016}}</ref>

The [[Taipei Times]] ran an editorial in 2008 that rejected the idea of an apology to the indigenous, and rejected the idea of comparing Australian indigenous' centuries of 'genocidal' suffering at the hands of White Australians to the suffering of indigenous in Taiwan.<ref>{{cite news |date=25 February 2008 |title=Editorial: 'ethnic card,' Aboriginal-style |url=http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/editorials/archives/2008/02/25/2003402787 |page=8 |newspaper=Taipei Times |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161224233017/http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/editorials/archives/2008/02/25/2003402787 |archive-date=24 December 2016}}</ref>

In 2016, indigenous protestors criticized Tsai for not returning to Chen Shui-bian's New Partnership quasi-state relationship which she did not mention in her apology to the indigenous. The location of the apology, the Japanese colonial administration's governor-general, as well as the indigenous invited to the apology, who only counted officials rather than traditional leaders, were was also criticized. indigenous Transitional Justice Alliance president Kumu Hacyo described the apology as "a political show that was put on in an extremely bureaucratic fashion" lacking in sincerity and evasive in nature.<ref>{{cite news |last=Gerber |first=Abraham |date=2 August 2016 |title=Apology failed to explicitly acknowledge Aboriginal sovereignty: demonstrators |url=http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/front/archives/2016/08/02/2003652279 |page=1 |newspaper=Taipei Times |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161224232816/http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/front/archives/2016/08/02/2003652279 |archive-date=24 December 2016}}</ref> In response to the "apology" ceremony held by Tsai, KMT indigenous lawmakers refused to attend.<ref>{{cite news |last=Yang |first=Chun-huei |date=1 August 2016 |title=KMT Aborigine lawmakers to skip apology |url=http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2016/08/01/2003652229 |page=3 |newspaper=Taipei Times |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160904090208/http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2016/08/01/2003652229 |archive-date=4 September 2016}}</ref> Indigenous peoples demanded that recompense from Tsai to accompany the apology.<ref>{{cite news |last=Gerber |first=Abraham |date=8 May 2016 |title=Rights groups call on Tsai to return Aboriginal lands |url=http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2016/05/08/2003645783 |page=3 |newspaper=Taipei Times |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161224233013/http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2016/05/08/2003645783 |archive-date=24 December 2016}}</ref>

The derogatory term "fan" ([[Chinese Language|Chinese]]: {{zhi|c=番}}) was often used against the Plains indigenous by the Taiwanese. The Hoklo Taiwanese term was forced upon indigenous like the Pazeh.<ref>{{cite news |last1=Hua |first1=Meng-ching |last2=Pan |first2=Jason |date=15 June 2014 |title=Pazeh writers get awards for preserving language |url=http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2014/06/15/2003592824 |page=3 |newspaper=Taipei Times |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20141111090132/http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2014/06/15/2003592824 |archive-date=11 November 2014}}</ref> In November 2016, a racist anti-indigenous slur was also used by Chiu Yi-ying, a DPP Taiwanese legislator,<ref>{{cite news |date=19 November 2016 |title=DPP lawmaker sorry for ethnic slur |url=http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2016/11/19/2003659569 |page=3 |newspaper=Taipei Times |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161224094722/http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2016/11/19/2003659569 |archive-date=24 December 2016}}</ref> who said that the term meant "'unreasonable people" and was meant to describe the actions of KMT lawmakers. KMT caucus whip Sufin Siluko accused Chiu of directing the term at himself and another indigenous KMT legislator.<ref>{{cite news |last=Hsiao |first=Alison |date=17 November 2016 |title=KMT slams DPP over Japan imports |url=http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2016/11/17/2003659431 |page=3 |newspaper=Taipei Times |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161224232911/http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2016/11/17/2003659431 |archive-date=24 December 2016}}</ref>

According to Mr. Lupiliyan, a Paiwan man who has participated in exchange activities sponsored by the government, the current government is still a colonial establishment and is "using the colonized to protect its international position". However he believes that the main beneficiaries are still the Taiwanese indigenous people. Lupiliyan says that Austronesian diplomacy and international exchanges provide them with templates on how to revitalize their own culture.<ref name="loophole">{{cite journal |url=https://www.csmonitor.com/World/Asia-Pacific/2022/0427/China-loophole-Why-Taiwan-relies-on-Indigenous-diplomacy |title=China loophole: Why Taiwan relies on Indigenous diplomacy |journal=Christian Science Monitor}}</ref>

Due to these reasons, the anthropologist Scott Simon argues that the current political climate amongst indigenous people highlights a "paradox of indigeneity". Simon explains that despite the DPP's strong support of indigenous discourse and apologies to indigenous communities, Taiwanese Indigenous peoples despite being indigenous people themselves, tend to remain quite skeptical and continue to be more inclined to vote for the KMT, a political party that has largely rejected and resisted the popularization of indigenous discourse.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Simon |first=Scott |date=20 August 2020 |title=Yearning for Recognition: Indigenous Formosans and the Limits of Indigeneity |journal=International Journal of Taiwan Studies |volume=3 |issue=2 |pages=191–216 |doi=10.1163/24688800-00302002 |s2cid=225246224 |issn=2468-8797}}</ref>

=====Right to hunt=====
Hunting is a traditional way of life with cultural and religious significance to the indigenous Taiwanese, but the practice has been strictly regulated by the ROC government in the name of gun control and wildlife conservation. [[Tama Talum prosecution|A Bunun hunter was arrested]] in 2013 for hunting protected animals with an illegally modified shotgun, and convicted in 2015, prompting political discourse over the indigenous right to hunt, conservation, and gun control. In 2021 the constitutional court ruled that the government has the right to regulate guns and the hunting of wildlife even in the context of indigenous hunting, but the regulations should be updated to accommodate the need of indigenous hunting. The indigenous community mostly disagreed with the ruling made only by Han Chinese judges.<ref>{{cite web |title=狩獵權釋憲失敗 原民立委：社會對「自然資源利用」與「生態保育」仍有誤解/沃草 |url=https://watchout.tw/reports/1Mway7A25pimwTlUcDZP |website=watchout.tw}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |last1=鄭敏 |title=被宣告「部分違憲」的王光祿案，法律仍未真正看到原住民狩獵文化|publisher=天下|url=https://opinion.udn.com/opinion/story/6785/5475566 |website=鳴人堂 |language=zh-Hant-TW |date=24 May 2021}}</ref> The Bunun hunter eventually received a presidential pardon,<ref>{{cite news|title=President pardons Bunun hunter|url=https://www.taipeitimes.com/News/front/archives/2021/05/21/2003757783}}</ref> but the law is still not updated.<ref>{{cite news |last=Hsiao |first=Alison |date=1 December 2016 |title=Tsai failing nation's Aborigines: KMT |url=http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2016/12/01/2003660344 |page=3 |newspaper=Taipei Times |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161224233014/http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2016/12/01/2003660344 |archive-date=24 December 2016}}</ref>

====Economic issues====
Many indigenous communities did not evenly share in the benefits of the economic boom Taiwan experienced during the last quarter of the 20th century. They often lacked satisfactory educational resources on their reservations, undermining their pursuit of marketable skills. The economic disparity between the village and urban schools resulted in imposing many social barriers on indigenous, which prevent many from moving beyond vocational training. Students transplanted into urban schools face adversity, including isolation, culture shock, and discrimination from their peers.{{sfnp|Chou|2005|pp=8–13}} The cultural impact of poverty and economic marginalization has led to an increase in alcoholism and prostitution among indigenous.{{sfnp|Meyer|2001|p=27}}{{sfnp|Hsu|1991|pp=95–99}}

The economic boom resulted in drawing large numbers of indigenous peoples out of their villages and into the unskilled or low-skilled sector of the urban workforce.<ref>[[#Reference-DGBAS-2000|DGBAS 2000]]; [[#Reference-CIP-2004|CIP 2004]]</ref> Manufacturing and construction jobs were generally available for low wages. The indigenous quickly formed bonds with other communities as they all had similar political motives to protect their collective needs as part of the labor force. The indigenous became the most skilled iron-workers and construction teams on the island often selected to work on the most difficult projects. The result was a mass exodus of indigenous members from their traditional lands and the cultural alienation of young people in the villages, who could not learn their languages or customs while employed. Often, young indigenous in the cities fall into gangs aligned with the construction trade. Recent laws governing the employment of laborers from Indonesia, Vietnam and the Philippines have also led to an increased atmosphere of [[xenophobia]] among urban indigenous, and encouraged the formulation of a pan-indigenous consciousness in the pursuit of political representation and protection.{{sfnp|Chu|2001|pp=167–169}}

{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:right; width:80%;"
|+ ''Unemployment among the indigenous population of Taiwan (2005–09)'' <sub>Source: [[#Reference-CPA-2010|CPA 2010]]</sub>
| style="text-align:center; background:#f0f0f0;"|'''Date'''
| style="text-align:center; background:#f0f0f0;"|'''Total population'''
| style="text-align:center; background:#f0f0f0;"|'''Age 15 and above'''
| style="text-align:center; background:#f0f0f0;"|'''Total work force'''
| style="text-align:center; background:#f0f0f0;"|'''Employed'''
| style="text-align:center; background:#f0f0f0;"|'''Unemployed'''
| style="text-align:center; background:#f0f0f0;"|'''Labor participation rate (%)'''
| style="text-align:center; background:#f0f0f0;"|'''Unemployment rate (%)'''
|-
| December 2005||464,961||337,351||216,756||207,493||9,263||64.25||4.27
|-
| Dec. 2006||474,919||346,366||223,288||213,548||9,740||64.47||4.36
|-
| Dec. 2007||484,174||355,613||222,929||212,627||10,302||62.69||4.62
|-
| Dec. 2008||494,107||363,103||223,464||205,765||17,699||61.54||7.92
|-
| Dec. 2009||504,531||372,777||219,465||203,412||16,053||58.87||7.31
|}

==== Ecological issues ====
The indigenous communities of Taiwan are closely linked with ecological awareness and [[conservation movement|conservation]] issues on the island, as many of the [[Climate change and indigenous peoples|environmental issues]] are spearheaded by indigenous. Political activism and sizable public protests regarding the logging of the Chilan Formosan Cypress, as well as efforts by an [[Atayal people|Atayal]] member of the [[Legislative Yuan]], "focused debate on natural resource management and specifically on the involvement of indigenous people therein".{{sfnp|Chen|Hay|2004|p=1124}} Another high-profile case is the [[nuclear waste]] storage facility on [[Orchid Island]], a small tropical island {{convert|60|km|mi nmi|abbr=on}} off the southeast coast of Taiwan. The inhabitants are the 4,000 members of the [[Tao People|Tao]] (or Yami). In the 1970s the island was designated as a possible site to store low and medium grade nuclear waste. The island was selected on the grounds that it would be cheaper to build the necessary infrastructure for storage and it was thought that the population would not cause trouble.{{sfnp|Cohen|1988|pp=355–357}}

Large-scale construction began in 1978 on a site {{convert|100|m|abbr=on}} from the Immorod fishing fields. The Tao alleges that government sources at the time described the site as a "factory" or a "fish cannery", intended to bring "jobs [to the] home of the Tao/Yami, one of the least economically integrated areas in Taiwan".{{sfnp|Ericsson|2004}} When the facility was completed in 1982, however, it was in fact a storage facility for "97,000 barrels of low-radiation nuclear waste from Taiwan's three [[nuclear power]] plants".<ref>[[#Reference-Premier apologizes-2002|"Premier apologizes" 2002]]</ref> The Tao have since stood at the forefront of the anti-nuclear movement and launched several exorcisms and protests to remove the waste they claim has resulted in deaths and sickness.<ref>[[#Reference-Tao demand-2003|''"Tao demand"'' 2003]]</ref> The lease on the land has expired, and an alternative site has yet to be selected.{{sfnp|Loa|2010}}

The competition between different ways of representing and interpreting indigenous culture among local tourism operators does exist and creates tensions between indigenous tour guides and the NGOs which help to design and promote ethno/ecotourism. E.g., in a Sioulin Township, the government sponsored a project "Follow the Footsteps of Indigenous Hunters". Academics and members from environmental NGOs have suggested a new way of hunting: to replace shotgun with camera. Hunters benefit from the satisfaction of ecotourists who may spot wild animals under the instructions of accompanied indigenous hunters [Chen, 2012]. The rarer the animals are witnessed by tourists, the higher the pay will be to the hunters.<ref name="Kachniewska, Magdalena 2016">Kachniewska, Magdalena (2016), Indigenous tourism clusters development in Taiwan: economic and cultural foundations of sustainability (in print)</ref>

==== Military ====
Taiwanese indigenous people make up a greater percentage of the [[Republic of China Armed Forces]] than their percentage of the overall Taiwanese population, making up 8.7 percent of military personnel as of 2024. Taiwanese indigenous people are especially critical to elite military units where they constitute over half of the personnel in some units.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Yun-Pu Tu |first=Margaret |date=22 January 2025 |title=Silenced by Technology: How AI Disinformation Undermines Taiwan's Indigenous Representation on Social Media |url=https://globaltaiwan.org/2025/01/silenced-by-technology-how-ai-disinformation-undermines-taiwans-indigenous-representation-on-social-media/ |access-date=22 January 2025 |website=Global Taiwan Institute |language=en-US}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last= |date=20 March 2024 |title=原民會夷將Icyang主委會見國防部首位原住民副部長徐衍璞上將 |url=https://www.cip.gov.tw/zh-tw/news/data-list/E93DA6B5E2130657/CAA62483EAB5AEA5877BAABB2CF4DB88-info.html |access-date=22 January 2025 |website=[[Council of Indigenous Peoples]] |language=zh}}</ref>

==Culture==
===Religion===
[[File:Taiwan aborigine lona children.jpg|thumb|300px|Young residents in the Bunun village of Lona, Taiwan dress up for the traditional Christmas holiday (not an [[Holidays in Taiwan|official holiday in Taiwan]]). Christian missionaries have converted many residents to the [[Catholic Church in Taiwan|Catholic]] and Protestant faiths, and the town holds two large holiday parades.]]
Of the current population of Taiwanese indigenous, about 70% identify themselves as [[Christians|Christian]]. Many of the [[Taiwanese Plains Aborigines|Plains]] groups have mobilized their members around Christian organizations; most notably the [[Catholic Church in Taiwan|Catholic Church]] and the [[Presbyterian Church in Taiwan]].{{sfnp|Stainton|2006|pp=393–398}}

Before contact with Christian missionaries during both the Dutch and Qing periods, Taiwanese indigenous peoples held a variety of beliefs in spirits, gods, sacred symbols and [[myths]] that helped their societies find meaning and order. Although there is no evidence of a unified belief system shared among the various indigenous groups, there is evidence that several groups held [[supernatural]] [[Ornithomancy|beliefs in certain birds and bird behavior]]. The [[Siraya people|Siraya]] were reported by Dutch sources to incorporate bird imagery into their [[material culture]]. Other reports describe animal skulls and the use of human heads in societal beliefs. The Paiwan and other southern groups worship the [[Deinagkistrodon|Formosan hundred pacer]] snake and use the diamond patterns on its back in many designs.{{sfnp|Montgomery-McGovern|1922|pp=145–146}} In many Plains indigenous societies, the power to communicate with the supernatural world was exclusively held by women called ''Inibs''. During the period of Dutch colonization, the ''Inibs'' were removed from the villages to eliminate their influence and pave the way for Dutch missionary work.{{sfnp|Blusse|2006|pp=71–82}}

During the [[Zheng dynasty|Zheng]] and [[Qing dynasty|Qing]] eras, Han immigrants brought [[Confucianism|Confucianized]] beliefs of [[Taoism]] and [[Chinese Buddhism|Buddhism]] to Taiwan's indigenous people. Many Plains indigenous adopted Han religious practices, though there is evidence that many indigenous customs were transformed into local Taiwanese Han beliefs. In some parts of Taiwan the Siraya spirit of fertility, [[Ali-zu]] (A-li-tsu) has become assimilated into the Han [[Pantheon (gods)|pantheon]].{{sfnp|Shepherd|1986|pp=1–81}} The use of female spirit mediums (''[[Tongji (spirit medium)|tongji]]'') can also be traced to the earlier matrilineal ''Inibs''.

Although many indigenous assumed Han religious practices, several sub-groups sought protection from the European missionaries, who had started arriving in the 1860s. Many of the early Christian converts were displaced groups of Plains indigenous that sought protection from the oppressive Han. The missionaries, under the articles of [[extraterritoriality]], offered a form of power against the Qing establishment and could thus make demands on the government to provide redress for the complaints of Plains indigenous.{{sfnp|Shepherd|1993|p=382}} Many of these early congregations have served to maintain indigenous identity, language and cultures.

The influence of 19th- and 20th-century missionaries has both transformed and maintained indigenous integration. Many of the churches have replaced earlier community functions, but continue to retain a sense of continuity and community that unites members of indigenous societies against the pressures of [[modernity]]. Several church leaders have emerged from within the communities to take on leadership positions in petitioning the government in the interest of [[indigenous peoples]]{{sfnp|Stainton|2006|pp=420–422}} and seeking a balance between the interests of the communities and economic vitality.

===Music===
{{See also|Taiwanese pop}}
[[File:Pestle Music Theater 02.jpg|thumb|upright=1.5|Young woman playing music in the [[Formosan Aboriginal Culture Village|Formosan indigenous Culture Village]]]]
A full-time indigenous radio station, "Ho-hi-yan", was launched in 2005<ref>[[#Reference-Ho Hi Yan-2005|Ho Hi Yan 2005]]</ref> with the help of the [[Executive Yuan]], to focus on issues of interest to the indigenous community.<ref>Listen to [http://english.taipei.gov.tw/tbs/index.jsp?categid=4589 Ho-hi-yan] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130819194836/http://english.taipei.gov.tw/tbs/index.jsp?categid=4589 |date=19 August 2013}}; requires Windows Media Player 9 or higher.</ref> This came on the heels of a "New wave of Indigenous Pop",{{sfnp|Liu|2000}} as indigenous artists, such as [[A-mei]], Pur-dur and [[Samingad]] ([[Puyuma people|Puyuma]]), [[Difang Duana|Difang]], A-Lin ([[Amis people|Amis]]), [[:zh:戴愛玲|Princess Ai 戴愛玲]] ([[Paiwan people|Paiwan]]), and [[Landy Wen]] ([[Atayal people|Atayal]]) became international pop-stars. The rock musician [[Chang Chen-yue]] is a member of the [[Ami people|Ami]]. Music has given indigenous both a sense of pride and a sense of cultural ownership.{{sfnp|Anderson|2000|pp=283–290}}

The issue of ownership was exemplified when the musical project [[Enigma (German band)|Enigma]] used an Ami [[chant]] in their song "[[Return to Innocence]]", which was selected as the official theme of the [[1996 Summer Olympics|1996 Atlanta Olympics]]. The main chorus was sung by [[Difang and Igay Duana|Difang and his wife, Igay]]. The Amis couple successfully sued Enigma's record label, which then paid royalties to the French museum that held the master recordings of the traditional songs, but the original artists, who had been unaware of the Enigma project, remained uncompensated.{{sfnp|Anderson|2000|pp=283–290}}

===Parks, tourism, and commercialization===
[[File:Pastaai.jpg|thumb|upright|[[Pas-ta'ai]], a ritual of the [[Saisiyat people]]]]
Indigenous groups are seeking to preserve their folkways and languages as well as to return to, or remain on, their traditional lands. Eco-tourism, sewing and selling carvings, jewellery and music have become viable areas of economic opportunity. However, tourism-based commercial development, such as the creation of Taiwan indigenous Culture Park, is not a panacea. Although these create new jobs, indigenous are seldom given management positions. Moreover, some national parks have been built on indigenous lands against the wishes of the local communities, prompting one Taroko activist to label the [[Taroko National Park]] as a form of [[environmental colonialism]].{{sfnp|Simon|2006}} At times, the creation of national parks has resulted in forced resettlement of the indigenous.{{sfnp|Lin|2006}}

Due to the close proximity of indigenous land to the mountains, many communities have hoped to cash in on hot spring ventures and hotels, where they offer singing and dancing to add to the ambience. The Wulai Atayal in particular have been active in this area. Considerable government funding has been allocated to museums and culture centers focusing on Taiwan's indigenous heritage. Critics often call the ventures exploitative and "superficial portrayals" of indigenous culture, which distract attention from the real problems of substandard education.{{sfnp|Mo|2005}} Proponents of ethno-tourism suggest that such projects can positively impact the public image and economic prospects of the indigenous community.{{citation needed|date=July 2024}}

The attractive tourist destination includes natural resources, infrastructure, customs and culture, as well as the characteristics of the local industry. Thus, the role of the local community in influencing the tourism development activities is clear. The essence of tourism in today's world is the development and delivery of travel and visitation experiences to a range of individuals and groups who wish to see, understand, and experience the nature of different destinations and the way people live, work, and enjoy life in those destinations. The attitude of local people towards tourists constitutes one of the elements of a destination's tourism value chain.<ref name="Kachniewska, Magdalena 2016" />
The attraction is a tourist area's experience theme, however the main appeal is the formation of the fundamentals of the tourism image in the region [Kao, 1995]. Attraction sources can be diverse, including the area's natural resources, economic activities, customs, development history, religion, outdoor recreation activities, events and other related resources. This way, the awareness of indigenous resources constitutes an attraction to tourists. The indigenous culture is an important indicator of tourism products' attractiveness and a new type of economic sources.<ref name="Kachniewska, Magdalena 2016"/>

While there is an important need to link the economic, cultural, and ecological imperatives of development in the context of tourism enterprises, there is the key question of implementation and how the idea of [[sustainable tourism]] enterprises can be translated into reality: formulation of strategies and how they may be expected to interact with important aspects of indigenous culture. In addition to being locally directed and relevant, the planning process for the establishment of an ethno/ecotourism enterprise in an indigenous community should be strategic in nature. The use of a strategic planning process enables indigenous culture to be regarded as an important characteristic requiring careful consideration, rather than a feature to be exploited, or an incidental characteristic that is overshadowed by the natural features of the environment.<ref name="Kachniewska, Magdalena 2016"/>

====Pulima Art Festival====
<!---Redirects from Pulima Art Festival, Pulima Arts Festival and Pulima to this section. Please change them if the section header above changes.--->
The Pulima Art Festival (藝術節; also known as Pulima Arts Festival) is a biennial event held since 2012 which showcases indigenous art and culture and is the biggest indigenous contemporary art event in Taiwan. ''Pulima'' is a [[Paiwan language|Paiwan]] word meaning "creative or highly skilled people". Inspired by the [[Edinburgh Art Festival]] and the [[Festival d'Avignon]] in France, Pulima is supported by the Indigenous Peoples Cultural Foundation. Dancers and musicians from Taiwan as well as abroad feature in the festival, which takes place between November and February every second year, and awards a prize called the Pulima Art Prize.<ref name=baker2016>{{cite web |last=Baker |first=Diane |title=Pulima Art Festival opts for south |website=Taipei Times |date=10 November 2016 |url=https://www.taipeitimes.com/News/feat/archives/2016/11/10/2003658943 |access-date=28 March 2021}}</ref>

The festival was held in Taipei in 2012 and 2014, and in [[Kaohsiung]] in 2016. In 2016, the Atamira Dance Company and Black Grace came from New Zealand, and [[Tiwi Islands#B2M|B2M]] ([[Bathurst Island, Northern Territory|Bathurst]] to [[Melville Island, Northern Territory|Melville]]), a band from the [[Tiwi Islands]], Australia also performed at the festival.<ref name=baker2016 />

The 2018 festival took place in the [[Museum of Contemporary Art Taipei]] Under the theme "MICAWOR – Turning Over", it displayed the talents of 26 groups of Taiwanese and international artists, and included a series of international forums, artist lectures, workshops and many other events. It collaborated with [[Melbourne]]'s [[YIRRAMBOI Festival]], with a "Festival in Festival" program.<ref>{{cite web |title=MICAWOR – 2018 Pulima Art Festival |website=Medianet |date=18 December 2018 |url=https://www.medianet.com.au/releases/171068/ |access-date=28 March 2021}}</ref>

The Pulima Arts Festival took place from 2020 to 2021<ref>{{cite web |title=2020 Festival |website=PulimaENG |url=http://www.pulima.com.tw/pulimaeng/pulima.aspx? |language=la |access-date=28 March 2021}}</ref> and several videos of participants are available on [[YouTube]].<ref>{{YouTube|UCUAjA_Hq9s5M3sqvCJSwrnw|2020 Pulima Art Festival}}</ref>

=== Indigenous Peoples' Day ===
{{See also|International Day of the World's Indigenous Peoples}}
In 2016, the administration under President [[Tsai Ing-wen]] approved a proposal that designated 1 August as Indigenous Peoples' Day in Taiwan. In celebration of the special day, President Tsai issued an official apology to the country's indigenous people and outlined steps to further promote legislation and involve organizations related to indigenous causes, such as the Presidential Office's Indigenous Historical Justice and Transitional Justice Committee. The government hopes the day will remind the public of the diverse ethnic groups in Taiwan by bringing greater respect for indigenous peoples' cultures and history and promoting their rights.<ref>{{cite web|title=Taiwan designates Aug. 1 as Indigenous Peoples' Day|date=29 July 2016 |url=https://focustaiwan.tw/politics/201607290022|access-date=1 August 2020|publisher=Focus Taiwan CNA}}</ref>

==Genetics==
Present Austronesian-speaking groups, which include Taiwanese indigenous peoples, are strongly related to 11 kya to 8 kya [[Peopling of China#Archaeogenetic studies in southern China|Qihe]] individuals from [[Fujian]].<ref name="Wang2021-Guangxi2">{{cite journal |last1=Wang |first1=Tianyi |last2=Wang |first2=Wei |last3=Xie |first3=Guangmao |last4=Li |first4=Zhen |last5=Fan |first5=Xuechun |year=2021 |title=Human population history at the crossroads of East and Southeast Asia since 11,000 years ago |journal=Cell |publisher=Elsevier BV |volume=184 |issue=14 |pages=3829–3841.e21 |doi=10.1016/j.cell.2021.05.018 |pmid=34171307 |doi-access=free}}</ref> There is also evidence of excess allele sharing between Ami and Atayal and a 2,500 year old individual from mainland Japan, which was characterized by 'typical [[Jōmon people|Jōmon]] culture'. However, these affinities more likely reflect shared ancestry<ref name=":242">{{Cite journal |last1=Gakuhari |first1=Takashi |last2=Nakagome |first2=Shigeki |last3=Rasmussen |first3=Simon |last4=Allentoft |first4=Morten E. |display-authors=3 |date=2020 |title=Ancient Jomon genome sequence analysis sheds light on migration patterns of early East Asian populations |journal=Communications Biology |volume=3 |issue=437 |page=437 |doi=10.1038/s42003-020-01162-2 |pmc=7447786 |pmid=32843717}}</ref><ref name=":32">{{cite report |title=The Genomic Formation of Human Populations in East Asia |last1=Wang |first1=Chuan-Chao |last2=Yeh |first2=Hui-Yuan |last3=Popov |first3=Alexander N. |last4=Zhang |first4=Hu-Qin |last5=Matsumura |first5=Hirofumi |last6=Sirak |first6=Kendra |last7=Cheronet |first7=Olivia |last8=Kovalev |first8=Alexey |last9=Rohland |first9=Nadin |last10=Kim |first10=Alexander M. |last11=Bernardos |first11=Rebecca |last12=Tumen |first12=Dashtseveg |last13=Zhao |first13=Jing |last14=Liu |first14=Yi-Chang |last15=Liu |first15=Jiun-Yu |date=2020 |doi=10.1101/2020.03.25.004606 |quote=The Taiwan Hanben are well modelled as deriving about 14% of their ancestry from a lineage remotely related to Onge and the rest of their ancestry from a lineage that also contributed to Jomon and Boisman on the Tianyuan side, a scenario that would explain the observed affinity among Jomon, Boisman and Taiwan Hanben. |type=Preprint |last16=Mah |first16=Matthew |last17=Mallick |first17=Swapan |last18=Wang |first18=Ke |last19=Zhang |first19=Zhao |last20=Adamski |first20=Nicole |last21=Broomandkhoshbacht |first21=Nasreen |last22=Callan |first22=Kimberly |last23=Culleton |first23=Brendan J. |last24=Eccles |first24=Laurie |last25=Lawson |first25=Ann Marie |last26=Michel |first26=Megan |last27=Oppenheimer |first27=Jonas |last28=Stewardson |first28=Kristin |last29=Wen |first29=Shaoqing |last30=Yan |first30=Shi |display-authors=1}}</ref>  or genetic input from the Jōmon into Taiwanese indigenous people themselves.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Gakuhari |first=Takashi |last2=Nakagome |first2=Shigeki |last3=Rasmussen |first3=Simon |last4=Allentoft |first4=Morten E. |display-authors=3 |date=2020 |title=Ancient Jomon genome sequence analysis sheds light on migration patterns of early East Asian populations |url=https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC7447786/ |journal=Communications Biology |volume=3 |issue=437 |quote=Our admixture graph in Fig.S10 supports a model whereby the Ami originated from the admixture between the Jomon and the other lineage who had both Shamanka- and Chokhopani-related ancestries, with a relatively low fitting score (Z=2.9). This fitting was improved if we assumed no admixture in this second source population (Z=2.5 in Supplementary Figure 13), which implies very little impact of the Austronesian migration on the genetic makeup of Jomon. |via=NCBI}}</ref><ref name=":5">{{Cite journal |last=Yang |first=Jiaqi |last2=Iasi |first2=Leonardo N.M. |last3=Fu |first3=Qiaomei |last4=Kelso |first4=Janet |display-authors=3 |date=2025 |title=An early East Asian lineage with unexpectedly low Denisovan ancestry |url=https://www.cell.com/current-biology/fulltext/S0960-9822(25)01117-0#body-ref-sref56-1 |journal=Current Biology |volume=35 |issue=20 |via=Cell}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Wang |first=Tianyi |last2=Yang |first2=Melinda A. |last3=Zhu |first3=Zhonghua |last4=Ma |first4=Minmin |display-authors=3 |date=2025 |title=Prehistoric genomes from Yunnan reveal ancestry related to Tibetans and Austroasiatic speakers |url=https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.adq9792 |journal=Science |volume=388 |issue=6750 |via=Science}}</ref>Other studies show no significant gene flow from Taiwanese indigenous people to the Jōmon,<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Gakuhari |first=Takashi |last2=Nakagome |first2=Shigeki |last3=Rasmussen |first3=Simon |last4=Allentoft |first4=Morten E. |display-authors=3 |date=2020 |title=Ancient Jomon genome sequence analysis sheds light on migration patterns of early East Asian populations |url=https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC7447786/ |journal=Communications Biology |volume=3 |issue=437 |quote=Our admixture graph in Fig.S10 supports a model whereby the Ami originated from the admixture between the Jomon and the other lineage who had both Shamanka- and Chokhopani-related ancestries, with a relatively low fitting score (Z=2.9). This fitting was improved if we assumed no admixture in this second source population (Z=2.5 in Supplementary Figure 13), which implies very little impact of the Austronesian migration on the genetic makeup of Jomon. |via=NCBI}}</ref> including Ryukyuan Jōmon.<ref name=":342">{{Cite journal |last1=Matsukusa |first1=Hirotaka |last2=Oota |first2=Hiroki |last3=Haneji |first3=Kuniaki |last4=Toma |first4=Takashi |display-authors=3 |date=2010 |title=A Genetic Analysis of the Sakishima Islanders Reveals No Relationship With Taiwan Aborigines but Shared Ancestry With Ainu and Main-Island Japanese |journal=American Journal of Physical Anthropology |volume=142 |issue=2 |pages=211–223 |bibcode=2010AJPA..142..211M |doi=10.1002/ajpa.21212 |pmid=20091849 |quote=This study reveals that the Sakishima islanders are not related to Taiwan aborigines, but exhibit affinity with the Hokkaido Ainu. These results confirm that the Austronesian expansion did not contribute to modern Sakishima, main-island Okinawa, and Honshu Japanese people.}}</ref><ref name=":352">{{Cite journal |last1=Sato |first1=Takehiro |last2=Nakagome |first2=Shigeki |last3=Watanabe |first3=Chiaki |last4=Yamaguchi |first4=Kyoko |date=2014 |title=Genome-Wide SNP Analysis Reveals Population Structure and Demographic History of the Ryukyu Islanders in the Southern Part of the Japanese Archipelago |journal=Molecular Biology and Evolution |volume=31 |issue=11 |pages=2929–2940 |doi=10.1093/molbev/msu230 |pmid=25086001 |quote=A previous study based on mtDNA, Y chromosomal STRs, and autosomal STRs also showed that there was no evidence of any contribution from the aboriginal Taiwanese populations to the gene pool of the Ryukyu Islanders. Similarly, using a large number of SNP markers, this study verified that there is a clear genetic gap between Taiwan and the Ryukyu Islands.}}</ref><ref name=":332">{{cite thesis |last1=Dudzik |first1=Beatrix |title=Investigating Cranial Variation in Japanese Populations Using Geometric Morphometrics |date=December 2015 |url=https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss/3576/}}{{pn|date=July 2025}}</ref><ref name=":022">{{Cite journal |last1=Koganebuchi |first1=Kae |last2=Matsunami |first2=Masatoshi |last3=Imamura |first3=Minako |last4=Kawai |first4=Yosuke |last5=Hitomi |first5=Yuki |last6=Tokunaga |first6=Katsushi |last7=Maeda |first7=Shiro |last8=Ishida |first8=Hajime |last9=Kimura |first9=Ryosuke |date=20 July 2023 |title=Demographic history of Ryukyu islanders at the southern part of the Japanese Archipelago inferred from whole-genome resequencing data |journal=Journal of Human Genetics |language=en |volume=68 |issue=11 |pages=759–767 |doi=10.1038/s10038-023-01180-y |issn=1435-232X |pmc=10597838 |pmid=37468573 |doi-access=free}}</ref> The Ami and Atayal also received significant contribution from [[Peopling of China#Archaeogenetic studies in southern China|Late Neolithic Fujianese]]-related sources (66.9–74.3%), which was additionally introduced into Han Chinese from Fujian and Guangdong (35.0–40.3%) and [[Kra–Dai-speaking peoples|Kra-Dai speakers]] (40.7–53.9%).<ref name="Huang20222">{{cite journal |last1=Huang |first1=Xiufeng |last2=Xia |first2=Zi-Yang |last3=Bin |first3=Xiaoyun |last4=He |first4=Guanglin |last5=Guo |first5=Jianxin |last6=Adnan |first6=Atif |last7=Yin |first7=Lianfei |last8=Huang |first8=Youyi |last9=Zhao |first9=Jing |last10=Yang |first10=Yidong |last11=Ma |first11=Fuwei |last12=Li |first12=Yingxiang |last13=Hu |first13=Rong |last14=Yang |first14=Tianle |last15=Wei |first15=Lan-Hai |date=30 June 2022 |title=Genomic Insights Into the Demographic History of the Southern Chinese |journal=Frontiers in Ecology and Evolution |volume=10 |doi=10.3389/fevo.2022.853391 |doi-access=free |last16=Wang |first16=Chuan-Chao |article-number=853391 }}</ref> The Hlai, who are described as unadmixed proto-Tai-Kadai speakers, also form a 'clean clade' with Atayal and Ami.<ref name=":2">{{cite journal |last1=He |first1=Guanglin |last2=Wang |first2=Zheng |last3=Guo |first3=Jianxin |last4=Wang |first4=Mengge |last5=Zou |first5=Xing |last6=Tang |first6=Renkuan |last7=Liu |first7=Jing |last8=Zhang |first8=Han |last9=Li |first9=Yingxiang |last10=Hu |first10=Rong |last11=Wei |first11=Lan-Hai |last12=Chen |first12=Gang |last13=Wang |first13=Chuan-Chao |last14=Hou |first14=Yiping |date=August 2020 |title=Inferring the population history of Tai-Kadai-speaking people and southernmost Han Chinese on Hainan Island by genome-wide array genotyping |journal=European Journal of Human Genetics |volume=28 |issue=8 |pages=1111–1123 |doi=10.1038/s41431-020-0599-7 |pmc=7381617 |pmid=32123326}}</ref>

A 2021 study shows strong genetic affinities between Ami and Yami and the [[Igorots]] of Philippines. The Ami and Yami also share IBD segments with the East Polynesians of [[Society Islands|Society Archipelago]], which are relatively long on average. The latter can be explained as a result of these groups settling uninhabited islands instead of previously populated regions.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Tätte |first1=Kai |last2=Metspalu |first2=Ene |last3=Post |first3=Helen |last4=Palencia-Madrid |first4=Leire |date=2021 |title=The Ami and Yami aborigines of Taiwan and their genetic relationship to East Asian and Pacific populations |journal=European Journal of Human Genetics |volume=29 |issue=7 |pages=1092–1102 |doi=10.1038/s41431-021-00837-6 |pmid=33753914 |pmc=8298601 }}</ref> Another study detected 77% Austronesian-related ancestral components in the Ami and Atayal, with 21% and 18% Sino-Tibetan-related ancestral components being found in both groups respectively. Taiwanese Han also have 15% Islander Southeast Asian ancestry, which can be attributed to admixture with Austronesian populations although it is more likely that this admixture occurred before Taiwanese Han migrated to Taiwan.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Lo |first1=Yun-Hua |last2=Cheng |first2=Hsueh-Chien |last3=Hsiung |first3=Chia-Ni |last4=Yang |first4=Show-Ling |date=2021 |title=Detecting Genetic Ancestry and Adaptation in the Taiwanese Han People |url=https://academic.oup.com/mbe/article/38/10/4149/5955855 |journal=Molecular Biology and Evolution |volume=38 |issue=10 |pages=4149–4165 |doi=10.1093/molbev/msaa276 |pmid=33170928 |pmc=8476137 |via=Oxford Academic}}</ref> Han Chinese from other southern provinces like [[Guangdong]] and [[Sichuan]] also exhibit ancient admixture with Ami and Atayal.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Chiang |first1=Charleston W.K. |last2=Mangul |first2=Serghei |last3=Robles |first3=Christopher |last4=Sankararaman |first4=Sriram |date=2018 |title=A Comprehensive Map of Genetic Variation in the World's Largest Ethnic Grou —Han Chinese |journal=Molecular Biology and Evolution |volume=35 |issue=11 |pages=2736–2750 |doi=10.1093/molbev/msy170 |pmid=30169787 |pmc=6693441 |quote=In contrast, Southern provinces, such as the Southwestern province Sichuan and Southern coastal province Guangdong, showed little influence from Siberia or Western Eurasia, but instead exhibited influences from the ethnic minorities geographically situated in the Southwest and Southeast of China, such as the Ami and Atayal from Taiwan and the Dai. }}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Lo |first1=Yun-Hua |last2=Cheng |first2=Hsueh-Chien |last3=Hsiung |first3=Chia-Ni |last4=Yang |first4=Show-Ling |display-authors=3 |date=2020 |title=Detecting Genetic Ancestry and Adaptation in the Taiwanese Han People |journal=Molecular Biology and Evolution |volume=38 |issue=10 |pages=4149–4165 |doi=10.1093/molbev/msaa276 |pmid=33170928 |pmc=8476137 |quote=Using F3, Chiang et al. (2018) also identified significant signatures of population mixture between the Sichuan and Guangdong people (who live in Southwestern and Southeastern China, respectively) with the Ami and Atayal populations of Taiwan, which is in concordance with our hypothesis. Our results are also in a good agreement with the findings of McColl et al. (2018). By analyzing ancient human genomes, they revealed evidence of admixture and suggested that, during the demographic expansion from EA into Southeast Asia about 4,000 years ago, the EA framers did not simply replace the previous occupants. }}</ref>

According to a 2023 study, Rukai excessively share alleles with Into-Taiwan groups and Out-of-Taiwan groups and cluster with  ~7.7 kya [[Peopling of China#Archaeogenetic studies in southern China|Liangdao]] and ~4.5 kya Suogang individuals, who are considered to be 'proto-Austronesians'. This suggests less genetic drift in the ancestral Rukai population, compared to other ancestral Taiwanese populations. Alternatively, they suggest close affinities between Rukai and Into-Taiwan groups, who later became Out-of-Taiwan groups. After the settlement of Taiwan, the Into-Taiwan groups diverged, with Atayal experiencing the strongest bottleneck/isolation. Atayal were also more related to  ~1.5 kya [[Peopling of China#Archaeogenetic studies in southern China|Hanben]] individuals and ancient and modern populations from mainland southern East Asia. Central Taiwanese populations like Bunun were likewise more related to Atayal. Meanwhile, there were closer genetic affinities between Ami and Out-of-Taiwan groups. However, this can be explained by recent back migration and contact.<ref name=":0" />  Nonetheless, there is also evidence of southern Taiwanese groups mixing with Pazeh and Siraya, increasing their affinities with Mainland Southeast Asian populations.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Trejaut |first=Jean A. |date=2022 |title=Origin of the Bunun Indigenous People of Taiwan, a Review of Published Material Using Y-Chromosome and Mitochondrial DNA Gene Systems |journal=DNA |volume=2 |issue=3 |pages=185–201 |doi=10.3390/dna2030013 |doi-access=free}}</ref> Early Out-of-Taiwan (i.e. [[Lapita culture|Lapita]]) groups have increased Northern East Asian ancestry compared to Into-Taiwan groups (∼21–29% vs. ∼0–8%), with Northern East Asian ancestry further increasing in present Taiwan Highland/Taiwan Orchid Island groups (∼28–37%) and [[Kankanaey people|Kankanaey]] (∼33%) groups. This suggests more Northern East Asian influence prior to the Out-of-Taiwan expansion or the presence of unsampled Into-Taiwan groups with more Northern East Asian ancestry.<ref name=":0">{{Cite journal |last1=Liu |first1=Dang |last2=Ko |first2=Albert Min-Shan |last3=Stoneking |first3=Mark |date=2023 |title=The genomic diversity of Taiwanese Austronesian groups: Implications for the 'Into- and Out-of-Taiwan' models |url=https://academic.oup.com/pnasnexus/article/2/5/pgad122/7160857?login=false#412514429 |journal=PNAS Nexus |volume=2 |issue=5 |article-number=pgad122 |doi=10.1093/pnasnexus/pgad122  |doi-access=free|pmc=10187666 |pmid=37200801 |via=Oxford Academic}}</ref>

Despite being a founding paternal lineage for Austronesian populations, haplogroup O1a-M119 is more common among Taiwanese indigenous than Austronesian populations from Southeast Asian islands. This haplogroup also peaks in [[Kra–Dai-speaking peoples|Tai-Kadai populations]], especially those living in southeast China.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Wang |first1=Zhiyong |last2=Wang |first2=Mengge |last3=Hu |first3=Liping |last4=He |first4=Guanglin |last5=Nie |first5=Shengjie |display-authors=3 |date=2024 |title=Evolutionary profiles and complex admixture landscape in East Asia: New insights from modern and ancient Y chromosome variation perspectives |journal=Heliyon |volume=10 |issue=9 |article-number=e30067 |doi=10.1016/j.heliyon.2024.e30067 |doi-access=free |bibcode=2024Heliy..1030067W }}</ref>

There is evidence of non-Austronesian-speaking populations settling in Taiwan about 1.6 kya, along with trade with [[South Asians]] since 400 BCE.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Lin |first1=Marie |last2=Trejaut |first2=Jean A. |date=2023 |title=Diversity and distribution of mitochondrial DNA in non-Austronesian-speaking Taiwanese individuals |journal=Human Genome Variation |volume=10 |issue=2 |page=2 |doi=10.1038/s41439-022-00228-3 |pmid=36653363 |pmc=9849472 }}</ref>

===Claimed admixture with Taiwanese Han===
A study by {{ill|Marie Lin|zh|林媽利}} in 2007 reported that the [[human leukocyte antigen]] typing study and [[mitochondrial DNA]] analysis demonstrated that 85% of the Taiwanese Han population had some degree of indigenous origin.{{sfn|Lin|2007}} Other studies by Chen Shun-Shen state that 20% to 60%, and then more than 88% of Taiwanese Han have indigenous blood. These studies were criticized by other researchers and refuted by subsequent genetic studies.{{sfn|Liu|2012|pp=332–333}} However the idea that Taiwanese Han are a hybrid population genetically different from Chinese Han has been used as a basis for Taiwanese independence from China. This belief has been called the "myth of indigenous genes" by some researchers such as Shu-juo Chen and Hong-kuan Duan, who say that "genetic studies have never supported the idea that Taiwanese Han are genetically different with Chinese Han."<ref name=ChenDuan2008>{{cite journal|last1=Chen|first1=Shu-juo|last2=Duan|first2=Hong-kuan|year=2008|journal=Taiwan: A Radical Quarterly in Social Studies |volume=72|url=https://www.academia.edu/12142226|title=Plains Indigenous Ancestors and Taiwan Blood Nationalism}}</ref>

The idea that "We are all indigenous people" was initially welcomed by indigenous leaders but has faced increasing opposition as it became viewed as a tool for Taiwanese independence. On 9 August 2005, a celebration for the constitutional reforms protecting indigenous rights was held, during which Premier [[Frank Hsieh]] announced that he had an indigenous great-grandmother and that "Now you shouldn't say: 'you are indigenous, I am not.' Everyone is indigenous."{{sfn|Liu|2012|p=341}} Descendants of plains indigenous have opposed the usage of their ancestors in the call for Taiwanese independence. Genetic studies show genetic differences between Taiwanese Han and mountain indigenous. According to Chen and Duan, the genetic ancestry of individuals cannot be traced with certainty and attempts to construct identity through genetics are "theoretically meaningless".<ref name=ChenDuan2008/>

The Plains "Pingpu" indigenous of Taiwan criticized Lin's studies, which follows the "blood line theory" of Taiwanese nationalism. Alak Akatuang, secretary of the Pingpu Indigenous Peoples Cultural Association, said that the pan-green camp used the indigenous peoples to create a national identity for Taiwan, but the idea that Taiwanese people are not overwhelmingly descended from Han settlers is false. According to Akatuang, Taiwan's independence should not be founded on the idea of genetic lineages and these people who believe in the blood line theory "ignore scientific evidence because they want to believe they are different from China."<ref name="Siraya">{{cite web|first1=Itamar|last1=Waksman|access-date=19 April 2023|title=The Siraya's Fight for Recognition in Taiwan|url=https://international.thenewslens.com/article/161526|date=14 January 2022|website=[[The News Lens]] International Edition}}</ref> This harmed the legitimacy of the Pingpu movement for recognition and reparations and was deeply insulting: "The Pingpu were the first of Taiwan's Indigenous peoples to face colonization. After the Han people came, they stole our land. They murdered our ancestors. Then after a few hundred years, they said we were the same people. Do you think a Pingpu person can accept this?"<ref name="Siraya"/>

In the highest self reports, 5.3 percent of Taiwan's population claimed indigenous heritage.{{sfn|Liu|2012|pp=332–333}} Estimates of genetic indigenous ancestry reported by Lin range from 13%, 26%, and as high as 85%, the latter number being published in an editorial that was not peer-reviewed. These numbers have taken hold in popular Taiwanese imagination and sometimes treated as facts in Taiwanese politics and identity. Many Taiwanese claim to be part indigenous. Chen suggests that the estimates resulted from manipulation of sample sizes. The lack of methodological rigor suggests the numbers were meant for local consumption. In all other scientific studies, genetic markers for indigenous ancestry make up a minute portion of the genome.{{sfn|Liu|2012|pp=332–333}} In 2021, Marie Lin, who was the source of the larger indigenous ancestry numbers, co-authored an article stating that there are "distinct patterns of genetic structure between the Taiwanese Han and indigenous populations." The paper also suggest East Asian ancestry may have mixed with indigenous peoples in their southward expansion 4,000 years ago, which can lead to data that may be misinterpreted as recent Taiwanese Han-indigenous admixtures.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Lo|first1=Yun-Hua|last2=Cheng|first2=Hsueh-Chien|last3=Hsiung|first3=Chia-Ni|last4=Yang|first4=Show-Ling|last5=Wang|first5=Han-Yu|last6=Peng|first6=Chia-Wei|last7=Chen|first7=Chun-Yu|last8=Lin|first8=Kung-Ping|last9=Kang|first9=Mei-Ling|last10=Chen|first10=Chien-Hsiun|last11=Chu|first11=Hou-Wei|date=1 October 2021|title=Detecting Genetic Ancestry and Adaptation in the Taiwanese Han People|journal=Molecular Biology and Evolution|volume=38|issue=10|pages=4149–4165|doi=10.1093/molbev/msaa276|pmid=33170928|pmc=8476137|issn=0737-4038}}</ref>

== See also ==
{{portal|Taiwan|Civilizations}}
* [[A New Partnership Between the Indigenous Peoples and the Government of Taiwan]]
* [[Austronesian peoples]]
* [[Batan Islands]]
* [[Battle of Shalu Village]]
* [[Firearms regulation in Taiwan]]
* [[Formosan Aboriginal Culture Village|Formosan indigenous Culture Village]]
* [[Han Taiwanese]]
* [[History of Taiwan]]
* [[Indigenous Area (Taiwan)]]
* [[International Day of the World's Indigenous Peoples|Indigenous Peoples' Day]]
* [[List of ethnic groups in Taiwan]]
* ''[[Seediq Bale]]'' (2011 film based on the [[Musha Incident]])
* [[Shung Ye Museum of Formosan Aborigines|Shung Ye Museum of Formosan indigenous]]
* [[Taiwan Indigenous Television]]
* [[Taiwanese Hokkien]]

== Notes ==
{{NoteFoot}}

== References ==
=== Citations ===
{{reflist}}

=== Sources ===
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{{Refend}}

== External links ==
{{Prone to spam|date=March 2016}}

{{Commons and category|Taiwanese aborigines|Aborigines of Taiwan}}
{{Library resources box}}
* Andrade, Tonio (2002). ''[http://www.gutenberg-e.org/andrade/index.html How Taiwan Became Chinese: Dutch, Spanish, and Han Colonization in the Seventeenth Century]''. Columbia University Press, Gutenberg e-Books.
* [https://web.archive.org/web/20090106140149/http://www.tacp.gov.tw/tacpeng/ ''Taiwan indigenous Culture Park,''] Bureau of Cultural Parks, [[Council of Indigenous Peoples]], [[Executive Yuan]].
* [http://www.apc.gov.tw/portal/index.html?lang=en_US Council of Indigenous Peoples (Taiwan)] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180122125516/http://www.apc.gov.tw/portal/index.html?lang=en_US |date=22 January 2018 }}
* [https://web.archive.org/web/20170603060416/http://www.dmtip.gov.tw/Eng/Index.htm Digital Museum of Taiwan Indigenous Peoples]
* [https://web.archive.org/web/20100629224254/http://formosan.sinica.edu.tw/en/intro.htm Academia Sinica: Formosan Language Archive]
* [http://weber.ucsd.edu/~dkjordan/chin/hbtaiwantribes.html An overview of the people groups] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060405194618/http://weber.ucsd.edu/~dkjordan/chin/hbtaiwantribes.html |date=5 April 2006 }}
* {{usurped|1=[https://web.archive.org/web/20020528203920/http://taiwanfirstnations.org/ Taiwan First Nations]}}
* [http://academic.reed.edu/formosa/formosa_index_page/formosa_index.html] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110413143625/http://academic.reed.edu/formosa/formosa_index_page/Formosa_index.html |date=13 April 2011 }} Reed Institute's Formosa Digital Library
* [http://www.museum.org.tw/SYMM_en/index.htm Shung Ye Museum of Formosan indigenous official site] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171101002718/http://www.museum.org.tw/SYMM_en/index.htm |date=1 November 2017 }}
* [http://www.sinica.edu.tw/tit/museums/1294_shung-ye.html Shung Ye Museum of Formosan indigenous another description] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080110042506/http://www.sinica.edu.tw/tit/museums/1294_shung-ye.html |date=10 January 2008 }}
* [http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/4649257.stm BBC News: Taiwan's indigenous find new voice]
* [https://web.archive.org/web/20181120202019/http://www.titv.org.tw/ Taiwan Indigenous Television]
* [https://indigenous-justice.president.gov.tw/Page/16 Text of President Tsai Ing-wen's 2016 apology to indigenous peoples (includes links to translations of the apology in 16 indigenous languages as well as English and Japanese]. {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210625132731/https://indigenous-justice.president.gov.tw/Page/16 |date=25 June 2021 }}

{{Taiwanese indigenous peoples}}
{{Taiwanese aboriginal areas}}
{{Taiwan related articles}}
{{Indigenous peoples by continent}}
{{East Asian topics}}
{{Ethnic groups in Taiwan}}
{{Authority control}}

[[Category:Taiwanese indigenous peoples| ]]
[[Category:Ancient peoples of Asia]]
[[Category:Indigenous peoples of East Asia]]
[[Category:Ethnic groups in Taiwan]]
[[Category:Headhunting]]
[[Category:Culture of Taiwan]]
[[Category:Austronesian culture]]