Charles Francis Murphy

Charles Francis "Silent Charlie" Murphy (June 20, 1858 – April 25, 1924), also known as Boss Murphy, was an American political figure. He was also the longest-serving head of New York City's Tammany Hall, a position he served from 1902 to 1924. Murphy was responsible for transforming Tammany Hall's image from one of corruption to respectability as well as extending Tammany Hall's political influence to the national level.<ref name="anb.org"/> Murphy was responsible for the election of three mayors of New York City, three governors of New York State, and two U.S. senators, even though he was never listed as a leader of Tammany Hall.<ref name=" Allen">Template:Cite book</ref>

Early life

Murphy was the son of Irish immigrants Dennis Murphy and Mary Pendergrass,<ref name="anb.org"/> born in the Gashouse District, which got its name from its proximity to Consolidated Gas Company storage tanks.<ref name=" Allen"/> He was educated in the public and parochial schools<ref name=EB1922/> but quit school at 14 and found a job at Roaches Shipyard and eventually as a streetcar driver<ref name=EB1922/> for the Crosstown Blue Lines Horsecar Co. After saving $500 from the jobs that he had worked, Murphy purchased a saloon in 1878, which he named Charlie's Place.<ref name="anb.org"/> Charlie's Place became a local gathering place for local dock and Consolidated Gas Company workers but did not serve women<ref name="anb.org"/> because Murphy believed that most women who frequented bars were prostitutes.<ref name=" Allen"/> The second floor of the Saloon served as the Sylvan Social Club, composed of males aged 15 to 20.<ref name=" Allbray">Allbray</ref> With the social club, Murphy formed a baseball team, and with all three groups, Murphy arose as a local political figure.

Political career

File:Charles F. Murphy and William H. Fitzpatrick.jpg

Murphy (left) with William H. Fitzpatrick, the Erie County Democratic leader

Murphy's friend and benefactor, Edward Hagan, failed to achieve the Tammany Hall nomination for district assemblyman in 1883, which led Hagan to attempt an independent campaign.<ref name=" Allbray"/> Murphy managed Hagan's independent campaign, leading to Hagan's victory.<ref name="anb.org"/> Murphy was also prominent in Francis Spinola's successful campaign for the U.S. House of Representatives in 1885. The same year, one of Murphy's saloons became the headquarters for the Anawanda Club, which was the local Tammany Hall club; eventually, Murphy joined Tammany Hall's executive committee.<ref name="anb.org"/> Murphy was appointed to be the Commissioner of Docks in 1897.<ref name="anb.org"/> During this period, he organized the New York Contracting and Trucking Company, which leased dock space.<ref name="anb.org"/> That became a successful business, mostly because of "honest graft" in business with the city,<ref name=" Allen"/> and Murphy gained further prominence in Tammany Hall. In 1902, Murphy married widow Margaret J. Graham; also that year, the Tammany Hall boss, Richard Croker, was forced out of office because of public accusations of corruption.<ref name="anb.org"/> The accusations of corruption included stealing from the municipal treasury, which never occurred.<ref name="Teaford, Jon C 2000">Template:Cite web</ref> Murphy quickly replaced Croker as boss of Tammany Hall.<ref name="anb.org"/> Murphy owned shares of the American Ice Company during the Ice Trust Scandal, but his reputation was not tarnished.<ref name="Allen"/>

In contrast to Croker, the taciturn and teetotaling Murphy brought an air of respectability to Tammany Hall. He furthered that end by promoting a new crop of Tammany politicians, such as Senator James J. Walker, Rockland County Chairman James Farley, and Alderman Alfred E. Smith, who would move the political machine away from the methods of Boss Tweed and toward a Progressive Era-a style that rewarded the loyalty of the poor with reforms like factory safety and child labor laws. Although initially opposed to progressive legislation, Murphy realized that he could support reforms that pleased his constituency but which did not undermine Tammany's power.<ref name=liff>Lifflander, Matthew L. "The Tragedy That Changed New York" New York Archives (Summer 2011)</ref> Because of his stance, he is credited with transforming Tammany into a political organization capable of drawing the votes of the ever-growing numbers of new immigrants from Eastern and Southern Europe, which kept Tammany in power until the early 1930s.

New York Contracting and Trucking

Croker made money through "honest graft." New York Contracting and Trucking was awarded a $6 million contract in 1904 to build rail lines in the Bronx for the New York, New Haven, and Hartford Railroad. An executive at the railroad said the contract was awarded to avoid friction with Tammany Hall. In response to the contract, the New York State Legislature amended the city's charter so that franchise-awarding power was removed from the city board of aldermen and given to the Board of Estimate and Apportionment, which existed until 1989. By 1905, New York Contracting and Trucking had collected over $15 million in city contracts.<ref name="Allen"/>

Louis N. Hartog business

While the United States was at war in 1918, Murphy was receiving income from a firm owned by the businessman Louis N. Hartog in exchange for Murphy's arranging the Corn Products Refining Company to sell Hartog's firm glucose. Hartog would then use the glucose to manufacture malt dextrin, an ingredient in beer. After investing $175,000 in Hartog's firm, Murphy was gaining $5,000 a day from the arrangement. In light of the ongoing war, the unfavorable light it would direct towards Tammany, and the amount of money Murphy received, which he considered too much, Murphy attempted to withdraw from the business. Hartog sued Murphy in response, but Murphy countersued and the case was settled.<ref name="Allen"/>

Political influence

Murphy guided George B. McClellan Jr. to the New York City mayoralty in 1903 over incumbent Seth Low. McClellan was reluctant to reward Murphy with patronage jobs, but Murphy went along with McClellan's decisions. In the 1905 mayoral election, Murphy again guided McClellan to victory, this time over William Randolph Hearst. It was notable since Hearst was then known for ties to the progressive movement and his organization, the Municipal Ownership League, whose goal was the promotion of the public ownership of utilities and transit lines to bring about lower rates and fares. Hearst's newspapers also attacked McClellan's defense of privately owned subways and Murphy's ties to the New York Contracting and Trucking company. After Hearst lost the mayoral election contest, Murphy would try to appease Hearst by appearing to back him for the governorship in 1906, a race Hearst lost. In his second term, McClellan did not react kindly to Murphy's friendliness with Hearst, and during the city's $100 million drinking water infrastructure expansion into the Catskill Mountains, McClellan did not allow Tammany access to the newly created jobs.<ref name="Allen"/>

For the 1909 city mayoral election, Murphy backed New York State Supreme Court Justice William Jay Gaynor. By supporting Gaynor, Murphy tried to unite the Democrats in Manhattan under Tammany with the Democrats in Brooklyn under Patrick McCarren. As for uniting with the city's other boroughs, the Bronx was under the control of Murphy's friend Louis Haffen, and Queens and Staten Island did not have large populations. Gaynor won the election against Hearst and, like McClellan, did not act kindly towards Murphy's Tammany. Gaynor cut the city's payroll and eliminated 400 political posts within the first few months of office. Nine months into his term, a disgruntled Docks Department employee attempted to assassinate Gaynor, who was traveling on an oceanic steamship.<ref name=" Allen"/>

Murphy successfully guided John Alden Dix to the governorship in 1910. To beat Theodore Roosevelt's candidate in 1912, Oscar S. Straus, whom Murphy expected to garner many of the Jewish votes that normally would have gone to Tammany candidates, Murphy backed US Representative William Sulzer, a Tammany politician in a heavily-Jewish district. Sulzer would win the election, but Murphy would later regret his decision after the vain Sulzer started to launch investigations against Tammany contractors. Sulzer also resisted Murphy's choice for patronage positions. Sulzer would become the subject of a different investigation and, after failing to testify, gained the distinction of becoming the only governor in New York State to be successfully impeached.<ref name=" Allen"/>

Murphy would make his boldest move yet in 1912 in striking a secret deal to swing the Democratic Party convention in Baltimore to New Jersey Governor Woodrow Wilson. "Five long days of deadlock, and forty-two ballots, had failed to give either of the two leading candidates, Wilson and Champ Clark, the two-thirds majority each needed to win the nomination. Then, on the forty-third ballot, Illinois moved, casting all fifty-eight of her votes for Wilson. The third-place candidate, Oscar Underwood, released his delegates, as did Champ Clark. The roll call for the forty-sixth ballot got underway as mid-afternoon approached. Charles F. Murphy stood to announce that his state, the largest in the Union, had changed sides: 'New York casts 90 votes for Woodrow Wilson,' he said and got the biggest cheer of the roll call. On Champ Clark's suggestion, the convention acclaimed Woodrow Wilson unanimously."<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Following the Triangle Shirtwaist Company fire on March 25, 1911, attention focused on the factories' working conditions. With the assistance of his protégés Robert F. Wagner and Alfred E. Smith, 1913 became a significant year for Tammany Hall in the promotion of progressive reforms. In the city, workplace health regulations were improved, fire alarms were mandated, working hours were reduced for women, a pension system for widowers was introduced, and requirements for insurance were made stricter. At the state level, a referendum on women's suffrage was scheduled and the Public Utility Commission was provided broader powers. In Democratic Party circles, 1914 was a big year since Murphy supported a direct primary system for nomination to all state offices.<ref name="Allen"/>

Murphy did not want to entertain the idea of Hearst as the Democratic mayor in 1917, but to avoid appearing as being against Hearst's nomination, Murphy approached the Brooklyn Democratic machine's John F. Hylan, who was also a friend of Hearst, to see if Hylan would run. The Brooklyn Democratic boss, John McCooey, according to a story, made a show of forcing Hylan on Murphy as the Democratic nominee and Murphy reluctantly accepted. Hearst withdrew from the race, and the Democrats won the mayoral election.<ref name="Allen"/>

Murphy guided Smith to victory in the 1918 governor's election.<ref name="Allen"/>

Murphy was a delegate at the 1920 Democratic National Convention, and it was in part by his influence that James M. Cox secured the nomination.<ref name=EB1922/>

During his reign, Murphy brought Tammany Hall's political influence to the national level. In 1924, he and the Democratic Party were expected to nominate Smith for president (before his death, Murphy served as the manager of Smith's campaign effort). Murphy also influenced the elections of three New York City mayors, three New York State governors, and the impeachment of Governor William Sulzer.<ref name="anb.org"/> Governor Sulzer was propelled into office by Tammany Hall, but during his tenure, Sulzer distanced himself from Tammany politics, refused to follow its orders, and supported general primaries.<ref name="Lifflander, Matthew L 2012">Lifflander, Matthew L. The Impeachment of Governor Sulzer: A Story of American Politics. Albany: State University of New York, 2012. Print.</ref> That angered both Tammany Hall and its boss, Murphy; with his help, the State Assembly voted to impeach Sulzer on counts of perjury and fraud.<ref name="Lifflander, Matthew L 2012"/> Murphy's involvement in the impeachment of a former Tammany member demonstrates his tenacity and fierceness as a political figure. Murphy once said, "It is the fate of political leaders to be reviled. If one is too thin-skinned to stand it he should never take the job. History shows the better and more successful the organization and the leader the more bitter the attacks."<ref name="anb.org"/>

Edward J. Flynn, a protege of Murphy who became the boss in the Bronx, said Murphy always advised that politicians should have nothing to do with gambling or prostitution and steer clear of involvement with the police department or the school system.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref>

Death

Murphy died suddenly of what the New York Times termed "acute indigestion," which affected his heart, on April 25, 1924, at his home in New York City. A Roman Catholic, he was given a funeral service at St. Patrick's Cathedral and was buried at Calvary Cemetery in New York.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>

In 1926, a committee raised funds for the erection of a flagpole in Union Square Park as a memorial to Charles F. Murphy. The flagpole was dedicated in 1930 as the Independence Flagstaff, but instead commemorated the signing of the United States Declaration of Independence as a result of public opposition to a memorial to Murphy.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref> In 1985, John J. Murphy Park at Avenue C and the FDR Drive was renamed Murphy's Brother's Playground to honor Charles F. Murphy; the park had been previously named in honor of his brother.<ref name="NYT-2003-06-15">Template:Cite news</ref>

In popular culture

Caricature of a big, heavyset man in a striped convict suit

Murphy caricatured in William Randolph Hearst's New York Journal (November 10, 1905)

In the 1941 film Citizen Kane, screenwriters Herman J. Mankiewicz and Orson Welles based the character of political boss Jim Gettys on Charles F. Murphy.<ref>Kael, Pauline, "Raising Kane", book-length essay in The New Yorker (February 20 and 27, 1971); reprinted in The Citizen Kane Book. Kael, Pauline, Herman J. Mankiewicz and Orson Welles, The Citizen Kane Book. New York: Bantam Books, 1971, page 61</ref> William Randolph Hearst and Murphy were political allies in 1902 when Hearst was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives, but the two fell out in 1905 when Hearst ran for mayor of New York City. Hearst was denied the election by a slim margin due to electoral fraud perpetrated by Murphy's organization, and his newspapers retaliated. A historic cartoon of Murphy in convict stripes appeared November 10, 1905, three days after the vote.<ref>Turner, Hy B., When Giants Ruled: The Story of Park Row, New York's Great Newspaper Street. New York: Fordham University Press, 1999 Template:ISBN pp. 150–152</ref> The caption read, "Look out, Murphy! It's a Short Lockstep from Delmonico's to Sing Sing ... Every honest voter in New York wants to see you in this costume."<ref>Current Literature, Vol. 41, No. 5, October 1906, page 477</ref>

In Citizen Kane, Boss Jim Gettys admonishes Kane for printing a cartoon showing him in prison stripes:

If I owned a newspaper and if I didn't like the way somebody else was doing things—some politician, say—I'd fight them with everything I had. Only I wouldn't show him in a convict suit with stripes—so his children could see the picture in the paper. Or his mother.

As he pursues Gettys down the stairs, Kane threatens to send him to Sing Sing.<ref>Mankiewicz, Herman J. and Orson Welles, shooting script for Citizen Kane reprinted in The Citizen Kane Book. Kael, Pauline, Herman J. Mankiewicz and Orson Welles, The Citizen Kane Book. New York: Bantam Books, 1971, pp. 219–225</ref>

Further reading

• Allbray, Nedda C. "Murphy, Charles Francis" American National Biography https://doi.org/10.1093/anb/9780198606697.article.0600462
• Connable, Alfred, and Edward Silberfarb. Tigers of Tammany: Nine Men who Ran New York (1967)
• Golway, Terry. Machine Made: Tammany Hall and the Creation of Modern American Politics (2014) online
• Lifflander, Matthew L. The Impeachment of Governor Sulzer: A Story of American Politics. Albany: State University of New York, 2012.
• Huthmacher, J. Joseph. "Charles Evans Hughes and Charles Francis Murphy: The Metamorphosis of Progressivism." New York History 46.1 (1965): 25–40. online
• Weiss, Nancy Joan. Charles Francis Murphy, 1858-1924: Respectability and Responsibility in Tammany Politics. (Smith College, 1968), 139pp online
• Werner, M. R. Tammany Hall (1938) online
• Zink, Harold B. City Bosses in the United States: A Study of Twenty Municipal Bosses (1930) pp 147–63 online

External links

• "Charles F. Murphy" on The Political Graveyard