Government of Ethiopia

The government of Ethiopia (Template:Langx) is the federal government of Ethiopia. It is structured in a framework of a federal parliamentary republic, whereby the prime minister is the head of government. Executive power is exercised by the government. The prime minister is chosen by the lower chamber of the Federal Parliamentary Assembly. Federal legislative power is vested in both the government and the two chambers of parliament. The judiciary is more or less independent of the executive and the legislature. They are governed under the 1995 Constitution of Ethiopia. There is a bicameral parliament made of the 108-seat House of Federation and the 547-seat House of Peoples' Representatives. The House of Federation has members chosen by the regional councils to serve five-year terms. The House of Peoples' Representatives is elected by direct election, who in turn elect the president for a six-year term.

History

Template:Main Ethiopia has always oscillated between centralisation of power, this was accelerated under the 19th century emperors Tewodros II (1855–68) and Yohannes IV (1872–89).<ref name="Young1998">Template:Cite journal</ref> This was replicated in modern times under the Derg regime, after the fall of the Derg, the federalism introduced in 1991 by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF).<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Historically, the Ethiopian Empire, known as "Abyssinia" and "Ze-Etiyopia" called prior to the mid-19th century, consisted mainly of the Amhara and Tigrayans. These are northern people who share a similar language, culture and customs, who now make up c. 24% and 6% respectively of modern Ethiopia. Tewodros II reunified Northern Ethiopia from 1855, while his successor Yohannes IV embarked on a series of brutal military campaigns between 1880–1889 to conquer and annex the southern and eastern regions, namely western Oromo, Sidama, Gurage, Wolayta and other groups, leading largely to the current national borders.<ref name="Young1998" />

The inhabitants of these Southern states had different languages and customs; mostly Muslim and Pagan, but particularly the most populous group, the Oromos, 34% currently, occupied valuable agricultural and developable lands which now contain the capital Addis Ababa, the heart of urban Ethiopia and its industrial hub on traditional Oromo lands.

The conquest involved mass killings, which would now be termed genocide, enslavement, land confiscation and forcible conversion to Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity, motivated by a cultural contempt for what were considered inferior peoples.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref> These historical memories persist in part, aggravated even today by ‘land grabs’ in the southern Oromo heartland by the ruling non-Oromo hegemony and by similar competition for land and resources between the Amhara and Ethiopian Somalis in the North.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Derg government and subsequent transitional government (1974-1995)

The centralised Ethiopian Empire under Haile Selassie was abolished following the Ethiopian Revolution, the Mengistu and communist Derg coup of 1974, replaced by an equally centralised Marxist-Leninist system, including the continuation of the military campaigns started by Haile Selassie in 1961 against the resistance within Eritrea, annexed in 1961, which persisted until 1991, and against the Somali Ogaden invasion of 1977/78.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Following the dissolution of the Derg in 1991, by the TPLF, which ended the Ethiopian Civil War and established independence for Eritrea, Ethiopia formed a transitional government along federal lines which lasted until 1995.

Federal constitutional government (1995-present)

The House of Peoples' Representatives is the lower chamber of the Ethiopian legislature, as instituted by the 1995 constitution.

The 1995 Constitution of Ethiopia was promulgated by the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), which enshrined a form of ethnic-based federalism, consisting of 11 ethno-linguistically defined regional states and 2 chartered cities. The states are: Afar; Amhara, Benishangul-Gumuz; Gambela; Harari; Oromia; Somali; the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples' Region; Tigray; Sidama; and South West Ethiopia. The chartered cities are Addis Ababa, the country's capital, and Dire Dawa. The federal structure was intended to alleviate the persistent historical ethnic tensions by establishing regional autonomy and a degree of self-rule. Article 39, Section 1 states: "Every nation, nationality and people has an unconditional right to self-determination including the right to section."<ref name="Abdullahi1998">Template:Cite journal</ref> Each ethnic territory was thus given the right to secede, which was welcomed by those federally-minded but proved controversial amongst supporters of Ethiopian nationalism and its diaspora, especially the previously dominant Amhara, who feared it would decentralise government and induce ethnic tensions.

After the 1995 general election, Meles Zenawi, chairman of the Tigray People's Liberation Front, was appointed as Prime Minister. His government reversed the communist policies of the Derg and progressively encouraged privatization of government companies, farms, lands, and investments. This socioeconomic and partial political liberalization within a federalist system, combined with a return of considerable foreign investment led to significant economic growth, double-digit in his last 9 years until his sudden death in 2012. His deputy Hailemariam Desalegn, assumed power, which was only confirmed by elections in 2015.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Under the leadership of Hailemariam, the Tigray People's Liberation Front and EPRDF maintained the same policies until 2018, earning Ethiopia the status as the fastest-growing economy in Africa.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> While Meles introduced many social reforms, there was still a notable degree of political and media suppression, coupled with allegations of election meddling in 2005. The TPLF, drawn from only 6% of the population, was seen as unduly favourable to Tigrayans, with resentment from the majority Oromos (34%) and Amhara (27%), with ethnic clashes also involving Ethiopian Somalis (6%).<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref>

Recent reform

In order to combat corruption in government and other factors, there have been several reforms to the lower-level organization of the Ethiopian federal government.

Since 2008, the government has adopted several techniques inherited from business management, such as business process re-engineering and the use of balanced scorecards, which have demonstrated little to no positive effect on the effectiveness of civil service.<ref name="Tesfaye2023">Template:Cite journal</ref>

Legislative branch

The Federal Parliamentary Assembly has two chambers: the House of Peoples' Representatives (Yehizbtewekayoch Mekir Bet) with 547 members, elected for five-year terms in single-seat constituencies; and the House of the Federation (Yefedereshn Mekir Bet) with 112 members, one for each nationality, and one additional representative for each one million of its population, designated by the regional councils, which may elect them themselves or through popular elections.

Judicial branch

Template:Main The president and vice president of the Federal Supreme Court are recommended by the prime minister and appointed by the House of Peoples' Representatives; for other federal judges, the prime minister submits candidates selected by the Federal Judicial Administrative Council to the House of Peoples' Representatives for appointment. In May 2007, the Ethiopian Federal courts received the Technology in Government in Africa (TIGA) award that is provided by Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) and the Canadian e-Policy Resource Center (CePRC).<ref>Ethiopian federal court receives TIGA awardTemplate:Dead link</ref>

With regard to the legal profession, although organizations such as the Ethiopian Lawyers' Association (formerly the Ethiopian Bar Association) and the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association (EWLA) are in existence, there is no clear indication as to how demographic groups, such as women, have fared in the legal field.

Executive branch

Template:Office-table |President |Taye Atske Selassie |Independent |7 October 2024 |- |Prime Minister |Abiy Ahmed |Prosperity Party |2 April 2018 |} The House of Peoples' Representatives elects the president for a six-year term. The prime minister is designated by the party in power following legislative elections. The Council of Ministers, according to the 1995 constitution, consists of the Prime Minister, the Deputy Prime Minister, other Ministers and other members as determined and approved by the House of Peoples' Representatives. Among the ministries are the Ministry of Finance and Economic Development, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development, the Ministry of Water Resources, the Ministry of Health, and the Ministry of the Environment.

Civil servants

The government of Ethiopia employs over two million civil servants,<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref> constituting a large public sector. The public service system is organized into ministries, bureaus, and agencies. The Ethiopian Civil Service Commission (CSC) oversees the public sector.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Administrative divisions

Map of the administrative divisions of Ethiopia, as of November 2023. In this map, "AA" refers to Addis Ababa and "DD" refers to Dire Dawa.

Ethiopia is divided into 12 ethno-linguistically based regional states and 2 chartered cities. The states are: Template:Div col

1. Tigray
2. Afar
3. Amhara
4. Benishangul/Gumaz
5. Somali
6. Oromia
7. Gambela
8. South West Ethiopia Peoples'
9. South Ethiopia Regional State
10. Central Ethiopia Regional State
11. Sidama
12. Harari

The chartered cities are Addis Ababa, the country's capital, and Dire Dawa.

Corruption in government

The government of Ethiopia has received significant and corroborated allegations of corruption, such as in the tax revenue sector.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref> Between 2004 and 2013, the government of Ethiopia lost 2.5 billion dollars in government revenue via illicit financial flows.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Ethiopia faces numerous challenges in maintaining ethics and integrity due to systemic corruption, limited institutional frameworks, and ongoing political and social conflicts. The civil war, particularly in the Tigray region, has severely impacted governance and ethical standards, eroding trust in state institutions. The breakdown of rule of law exacerbates ethnic tensions and polarizes communities, undermining efforts to promote ethical governance. Reports also highlight mismanagement of aid and welfare relief during conflicts, exposing accountability gaps<ref>ReliefWeb. (2023). Ethiopia: Overview of corruption and anti-corruption efforts. Available at: ReliefWeb</ref><ref>Human Rights Watch, 2023. Ethiopia: Human Rights Violations and Accountability Issues. [online] Available at: https://www.hrw.org</ref><ref name="UNDP. 2019">UNDP. (2019). Reducing Corruption in Ethiopia: Towards a Strategic Anti-Corruption Roadmap. United Nations Development Programme. Available at: UNDP</ref>

A significant issue is the lack of comprehensive ethics training for public officials. While some institutions provide ethics education, there is a need for standardized and continuous training programs focused on integrity, transparency, and accountability. Without such efforts, ethical lapses may persist, further weakening institutional trust.<ref>Dibaba, M. (2020). The situation of work ethics in the Ethiopian Public higher education. World Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities. 2020, 6(3), 69-73. DOI: 10.12691.</ref>

Corruption is particularly problematic in public procurement. Irregular payments, favoritism, and non-transparent bidding processes undermine accountability. Contracts are often awarded without due diligence, allowing corruption to flourish.<ref name="UNDP. 2019"/><ref name="UNCAC Coalition. 2023">UNCAC Coalition. (2023). New civil society report on Ethiopia: new anti-corruption efforts but a long road ahead. Available at: UNCAC Coalition</ref> Stricter enforcement of anti-corruption laws and increased transparency in public administration are necessary to address these issues.

Although the judiciary is constitutionally independent, political influence weakens its impartiality. Interference in judicial appointments diminishes public confidence in the judiciary’s ability to fairly adjudicate corruption cases.<ref name="UNCAC Coalition. 2023"/> Similarly, the Freedom of Mass Media and Access to Information Proclamation, intended to promote transparency, suffers from weak enforcement. Delayed or incomplete public information releases hinder accountability efforts, highlighting the need for stronger implementation of transparency laws.

Decentralization in Ethiopia, intended to promote local autonomy, has sometimes resulted in inconsistent ethical standards across regions. Some local governments struggle with oversight and accountability, enabling corruption and favoritism at the regional level.<ref>Ali, D. M. (2021). Is decentralization always good? Decentralization, governance, and corruption: Perspectives from Afar Regional State of Ethiopia. SSRN Electronic Journal. https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3758445</ref> Strengthening governance mechanisms and standardising ethical policies across administrative levels are crucial for improving national integrity.

Federal Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission

The Federal Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission was created in 2001<ref name="FEACC"/> as part of a program to reduce corruption within the Ethiopian government.

Ethiopia has established several institutions to promote ethics, prevent corruption, and enforce accountability. The Federal Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (FEACC), created in 2001,<ref name="FEACC">Template:Cite web</ref> is the primary body responsible for addressing corruption. Its mandate includes overseeing asset disclosures by public officials, conducting public education campaigns, and investigating misconduct in the public sector. Despite its critical role, the FEACC faces significant challenges, including limited independence, resource constraints, and political interference.<ref>European Commission (2010). A Review of the Effectiveness of the Federal Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission of Ethiopia. Capacity4dev</ref><ref>Mezmur, T., & Koen, R. (2011). The Ethiopian Federal Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission: A Critical Assessment. Law, Democracy & Development, 15(1), 215–239.</ref>

There is also the Proclamation to Provide for the Protection of Witnesses and Whistleblowers of Criminal offences (Proclamation 699/2010). This law establishes a framework for safeguarding individuals who report criminal activities.<ref>Aalen, L. (2011). The Politics of Ethnicity in Ethiopia: Actors, Power, and Mobilization under Ethnic Federalism. Brill Academic.</ref>

Policy and legislative processes

The 1995 Constitution is the supreme law of Ethiopia and establishes the framework for the country’s governance, and the division of power and functions across the legislative, executive and judiciary branches.<ref name=":9">Template:Cite web</ref>

At the federal level, the Executive branch, consisting of a Prime Minister and a Council of Ministers, are responsible for developing and implementing policies and federal budgets. Policies that require legislation are handed to the House of People’s Representatives to draft, consider and eventually pass the legislation. The House uses legislative committees to consider and improve draft legislation, and to facilitate public input into the legislative process.<ref name=":9" /><ref name=":10">Template:Cite web</ref>

Policies that do not require legislation or are not part of the federal budget can be developed and approved by the Council of Ministers. The House of People’s Representatives holds the executive to account.<ref name=":10" />

Overall, this is a similar model to New Zealand. In New Zealand, Cabinet is responsible for developing and implementing policies, and recommending national budgets and legislation to the House of Representatives. The House is independent of Cabinet and uses select committees to independently scrutinize and facilitate public input into draft legislation, and hold Cabinet to account via scrutiny weeks (led by the Governance and Administration Committee). However, unlike New Zealand, the House of People’s Representatives in Ethiopia tends to play a formal role and largely endorse policies proposed by the executive, with less active debate and shaping of the policy than legislature in other countries.<ref name=":11">Template:Cite web</ref>

In Ethiopia, public servants generally support the Council of Ministers (executive branch) but do provide some technical support to the House. This includes providing support to legislative committees during their consideration of draft legislation, to explain the policies and also provide technical support to the House during their consideration of the federal budget.<ref name=":10" /><ref name=":12">Template:Cite book</ref>

Under the Constitution regional states can make their own laws and policies, provided it is on a matter for the state and does not contradict federal policy. Regional states also have the ability to amend their constitutions.<ref name=":9" /> The structure for policy and law making at a regional level reflects that of the federal level, where the regional executives are responsible for developing most policies. As with the federal level, public servants who work for regional government tend to mostly support the Executive branch.<ref name=":10" /><ref name=":12" />

See also

• Ethiopian Civil Society Organizations Council

External links

• Official Ethiopian Government Portal
• The Parliament of Ethiopia