Greater Romania

Administrative map of Romania in 1930

Greater Romania (Template:Langx) is the Kingdom of Romania during the interwar period,<ref>Cas Mudde. Racist Extremism in Central and Eastern Europe</ref> within its borders achieved after the Great Union; or the related pan-nationalist<ref>Peter Truscott, Russia First: Breaking with the West, I.B.Tauris, 1997, p. 72</ref><ref name="GOMBOŞ and Mateescu">Template:Cite web</ref> ideal of a nation state which would incorporate all Romanian-speakers.<ref name="Holocaust en Genocide Studies">Template:Cite web</ref><ref name="Livezeanu">Irina Livezeanu, Cultural Politics in Greater Romania: Regionalism, Nation Building & Ethnic Struggle, 1918-1930, Cornell University Press, 2000, p. 4 and p. 302</ref><ref name="Ivan T. Berend" /><ref>Lavinia Stan, Lucian Turcescu, Religion and Politics in Post-Communist Romania, Oxford University Press, 2007 p. 53</ref><ref name="Arbatov" />

In 1920, after the incorporation of Transylvania, Bukovina, Bessarabia and parts of Banat, Crișana, and Maramureș, the Romanian state reached its largest peacetime geographical extent (295,049 km²). Today, the concept serves as a guiding principle for the unification of Moldova and Romania.

The idea is comparable to other similar conceptions such as Greater Bulgaria, Megali Idea, Greater Yugoslavia, Greater Hungary and Greater Italy.<ref>Giuseppe Motta, Less than Nations: Central-Eastern European Minorities after WWI, Volume 1 Template:Webarchive, Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2013, p. 11</ref><ref>Klaus Roth, Ulf Brunnbauer, Region, Regional Identity and Regionalism in Southeastern Europe, Part 1, LIT Verlag Münster, 2008, p. 52</ref>

Ideology

The theme of national identity had been always a key concern for Romanian culture and politics.<ref>Michael D. Kennedy, Envisioning Eastern Europe: Postcommunist Cultural Studies, University of Michigan Press, 1994, p. 121</ref> The Romanian national ideology in the first decades of the twentieth century was a typical example of ethnocentric nationalism.<ref name="icr"/> The concept of "Greater Romania" shows similarities to the idea of national state.<ref name="Berteanu">Petre Berteanu, Romanian nationalism and political communication: Greater Romania Party (Partidul Romania Mare), a case-study, In: Jaroslav Hroch, David Hollan, George F. McLean, National, Cultural, and Ethnic Identities: Harmony Beyond Conflict, CRVP, 1998, pp. 161-176</ref> The Romanian territorial claims were based on "primordial racial modalities", the essential goal of them was to unify the biologically defined Romanians.<ref>Aristotle Kallis, Genocide and Fascism: The Eliminationist Drive in Fascist Europe, Routledge, 2008, p. 75</ref>

Evolution

Before World War I

Hypothetical map of Romania by Cezar Bolliac (1855)

"Long Live Greater Romania", reconstruction of the "Darnița Banner", designed in 1917; it was first flown by ethnic Romanian turncoats from the Austro-Hungarian Army, who formed a Volunteer Corps of the Romanian Army

Template:See also The union of Michael the Brave, who ruled over the three principalities with Romanian population (Wallachia, Transylvania and Moldavia) for a short period of time,<ref name="Juliana Geran Pilon"/> was viewed in later periods as the precursor of a modern Romania, a thesis which was argued by Nicolae Bălcescu. This theory became a point of reference for nationalists, as well as a catalyst for various Romanian forces to achieve a single Romanian state.<ref>Template:Cite book, p. 211–13.</ref>

The Romanian revolution in 1848 already carried the seeds of the national dream of a unified and united Romania,<ref name="Ivan T. Berend"/> though the "idea of unification" had been known from earlier works of Naum Ramniceanu (1802) and Ion Budai-Deleanu (1804).<ref name="Juliana Geran Pilon">Juliana Geran Pilon, The Bloody Flag: Post-Communist Nationalism in Eastern Europe : Spotlight on Romania, Transaction Publishers, 1982, p. 56</ref> The concept owes its life to Dimitrie Brătianu, who introduced the term "Greater Romania" in 1852.<ref name="Juliana Geran Pilon"/> The first step in unifying Romanians was to establish the United Principalities by uniting Moldavia and Wallachia in 1859,<ref>Pablo Cardona, Michael J. Morley, Manager-Subordinate Trust in Different Cultures, Routledge, 2013, p. 119</ref> which became known as Romania since the 1866 Constitution and turned into a Kingdom in 1881, after gaining independence from the Ottoman Empire. However, before the Austro-Hungarian Compromise, the elite of the Transylvanian Romanians did not support the concept of "Greater Romania", instead they wanted only equality with the other nations in Transylvania.<ref name="Ivan T. Berend">Iván T. Berend, History Derailed: Central and Eastern Europe in the Long Nineteenth Century, University of California Press, 2013, p. 112 and p. 252</ref> The concept became a political reality when, in 1881, the Romanian National Party of Transylvania gathered Romanians on a common political platform to fight together for Transylvania's autonomy.<ref name="Juliana Geran Pilon"/> According to Livezeanu the creation of Greater Romania with "a unifying concept of nationhood" started to evolve in the late 1910s.<ref name="divided nations">Tristan James Mabry, John McGarry, Margaret Moore, Brendan O'Leary, Divided Nations and European Integration, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013, p. 113 and p. 117</ref> World War I played a crucial part in the development of Romanian national consciousness.

World War I

The Treaty of Bucharest (1916) was signed between Romania and the Entente Powers on 4 (Old Style)/17 (New Style) August 1916 in Bucharest.<ref name=Kiritescu>Constantin Kirițescu, "Istoria războiului pentru întregirea României: 1916-1919", 1922, p. 179</ref> The treaty stipulated the conditions under which Romania agreed to join the war on the side of the Entente, particularly territorial promises in Austria-Hungary. The signatories bound themselves to keep secret the contents of the treaty until a general peace was concluded.

Lucian Boia summarised the territorial extent of the nationalist dream as following:

The phrase "De la Nistru pana la Tisa" (From Dniester to Tisza) is well known to Romanians, it defines the limits of an ideal Romania, though we should note that the Romanian population extends in the east beyond the Dniester, while both banks of the Tisza are completely Hungarian for most of the river's length. To the south, the Danube completes the symbolic geography of Romania: an enclosed space between 3 rivers, with an area of 300.000 sq km, comparable to that of Italy or the British Isles. Rivers then are perceived as natural borders, separating Romanians from Others.<ref>Lucian Boia, "Romania: Borderlands of Europe", Reaktion Books Publishing, 2001, p. 59</ref>

Interwar Romania

Regions of the Kingdom of Romania (1918–1940)

Physical map of Greater Romania (1933)

The concept of "Greater Romania" materialized as a geopolitical reality after the First World War.<ref name="Berteanu"/> Romania gained control over Bessarabia, Bukovina and Transylvania. The borders established by the treaties concluding the war did not change until 1940. The resulting state, often referred to as "România Mare" or, alternatively, as Template:Langx (roughly translated in English as "Romania Made Whole," or "Entire Romania"), was seen as the 'true', whole Romanian state, or, as Tom Gallagher states, the "Holy Grail of Romanian nationalism".<ref name="Gallagher" >Template:Cite book</ref> Its constitution, proclaimed in 1923, "largely ignored the new ethnic and cultural realities".<ref name="Hitchins">Keith Hitchins, A Concise History of Romania, Cambridge University Press, 2014, p. 183, Template:ISBN</ref>

The Romanian ideology changed due to the demographic, cultural and social alterations, however the nationalist desire for a homogeneous Romanian state conflicted with the multiethnic, multicultural truth of Greater Romania.<ref name="Livezeanu"/> The ideological rewriting of the role of "spiritual victimization", turning it into "spiritual police", was a radical and challenging task for the Romanian intellectuals because they had to entirely revise the national identity and the destiny of the Romanian nation.<ref name="icr">Template:Cite web</ref> In accordance with this view, Livezeanu states that the Great Union created a "deeply fragmented" interwar Romania where the determination of national identity met with great difficulties mainly because of the effects of the hundred years of political separation.<ref name="Conflicted Memories">Konrad Hugo Jarausch, Thomas Lindenberger, Annelie Ramsbrock, Conflicted Memories: Europeanizing Contemporary Histories, Berghahn Books, 2007, pp. 39-42</ref> Due to the inability of the government to solve the problems of the Transylvanian Romanians' integration and the effects of the worldwide and national economic depression, "the population gradually lost its faith in the democratic conception of Greater Romania".<ref name="Kührer-Wielach, Florian">Template:Cite web</ref>

The Great Depression in Romania, which started in 1929, destabilised the country. The early 1930s were marked by social unrest, high unemployment, and strikes. In several instances, the Romanian government violently repressed strikes and riots, notably the 1929 miners' strike in Valea Jiului and the strike in the Grivița railroad workshops. In the mid-1930s, the Romanian economy recovered and the industry grew significantly, although about 80% of Romanians were still employed in agriculture. French economic and political influence was predominant in the early 1920s but then Germany became more dominant, especially in the 1930s.<ref>William A. Hoisington Jr, "The Struggle for Economic Influence in Southeastern Europe: The French Failure in Romania, 1940." Journal of Modern History 43.3 (1971): 468-482.</ref>

Territorial changes

Extension of Romanian Kingdom after the First World War

Bessarabia

Template:Main Template:See also Bessarabia declared its sovereignty as the Moldavian Democratic Republic in 1917 by the newly formed "Council of the Country" ("Sfatul Țării"). The state was faced with the disorderly retreat through its territory of Russian troops from disbanded units. In January 1918, the "Sfatul Țării" called on Romanian troops to protect the province from the Bolsheviks who were spreading the Russian Revolution.<ref>Ion Nistor, Istoria Basarabiei, Cernăuți, 1923, reprinted Chișinău, Cartea Moldovenească, 1991 and Humanitas, Bucharest, 1991. Template:ISBN</ref><ref>Charles Upson Clark, Bessarabia: Russia and Roumania on the Black Sea Template:Webarchive</ref><ref>Pantelimon Halippa, Anatolie Moraru, Testament pentru urmași, Munich, 1967, reprinted Chișinău, Hyperion, 1991, p. 143</ref> After declaring independence from Russia on 24 January 1918, the "Sfatul Țării" voted for union with Romania on 9 April 1918. Of the 138 deputies in the council, 86 voted for union, 3 against, 36 abstained (mostly the deputies representing minorities, 52% of the population at the time)<ref>Results of the 1897 Russian Census at demoscope.ru: Молдавский и румынский: 469,852; 451067; total population--"Moldavian and Romanian: 920,919 people", Template:Webarchive</ref> and 13 were not present. The United Kingdom, France, Italy and Japan recognized the incorporation of Bessarabia through the Treaty of Paris. The United States and the Soviet Union however refused to do so, the latter maintaining a claim to the territory for the whole interwar period. Furthermore, Japan failed to ratify the treaty, which therefore never entered into force.

Bukovina

Template:Main In Bukovina, after being occupied by the Romanian Army,<ref>Volodymyr Kubijovyč, Arkadii Zhukovsky, Bukovyna, in "Encyclopedia of Ukraine", Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, 2001</ref><ref>Sherman David Spector, "Rumania at the Paris Peace Conference: A Study of the Diplomacy of Ioan I. C. Brătianu", Bookman Associates, 1962, p. 70</ref> a National Council voted for union with Romania. While the Romanian, German, and Polish deputies unanimously voted for union,<ref name="Livezeanu2000"/> the Ukrainian deputies (representing 38% of the population according to the 1910 Austrian census)<ref>Donald Peckham, Christina Bratt Paulston, "Linguistic Minorities in Central and Eastern Europe", Multilingual Matters, 1998, p. 190</ref> and Jewish deputies did not attend the council.<ref name="Livezeanu2000">Template:Cite book</ref> The unification was ratified in the Treaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye.

Transylvania

On 1 December 1918, the Great National Assembly of Alba Iulia proclaimed the union of Transylvania and other territories with Romania in Alba Iulia, adopted by the Deputies of the Romanians of Transylvania, and supported one month later by the vote of the Deputies of the Saxons of Transylvania.<ref name="Hupchick1995">Template:Cite book</ref> The Hungarians of Transylvania, about 32% at the time (including the Hungarian-speaking Jewish community), and the Germans of Banat did not elect deputies upon the dissolution of Austria-Hungary, since they were considered represented by the Budapest government of Hungary, nevertheless on 22 December 1918 the Hungarian General Assembly in Cluj (Kolozsvár) reaffirmed the loyalty of Hungarians from Transylvania to Hungary. In the 1920 Treaty of Trianon, Hungary was forced to give up all claims over Transylvania and the treaty set the new borders between the two countries.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

World War II losses

Ethnic map of interwar Romania (1930 Romanian census)

In 1940, the Romanian state agreed to cede Bessarabia to the Soviet Union, as provided for by the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact between the Soviet Union and Germany. It also lost Northern Bukovina and the Hertsa region, which were not mentioned in the pact, to the Soviet Union. It lost Northern Transylvania to Hungary, through the Second Vienna Award, and the Southern Dobruja to Bulgaria by the Treaty of Craiova. In the course of World War II, Romania, which was allied with the Axis powers, not only re-annexed Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina, but also took under administrative control lands to the east of Dniester (parts of recently formed Moldavian SSR, and of Odessa and Vinnytsia oblasts of Ukrainian SSR), creating Transnistria Governorate.

Population structure in Romania (Transnistria Governorate included) according to the 1941 Romanian census.

Despite clear Ukrainian majority in the governorate's ethnic composition, demonstrated by a census conducted in December 1941, Romanian government hoped to annex it eventually as a "compensation" for Northern Transylvania lost to Hungary.Template:Cn

These territories were lost again when the tide of the war turned. After the war, Romania regained the Transylvanian territories lost to Hungary, but not territory lost to Bulgaria or the Soviet Union. In 1948 a treaty between the Soviet Union and Soviet-occupied Communist Romania also provided for the transfer of four uninhabited islands to the Soviet Union, three in the Danube Delta and Snake Island in the Black Sea.Template:Cn

After World War II

Template:See also After the war, the concept was interpreted as "obsolete" because of the Romanian defeat.<ref>Bernard A. Cook, Europe Since 1945: An Encyclopedia, Volume 2, Taylor & Francis, 2001, p. 1074</ref> However, even the Communist politicians between 1944 and 1947 plainly supported the re-establishment of Greater Romania.<ref name="Roe"/> Gheorghe Apostol's reminiscence strengthens the view for the nationalist argument of the Communists at the negotiations with Stalin about the future of Northern Transylvania.<ref name="Conflicted Memories"/> In contrast with this view, Romsics quotes Valter Roman, one of the heads of the Romanian Communist Party, as writing in his memo of April 1944: "the two parts of Transylvania should be reunited as an independent state."<ref>Ignác Romsics, The Paris Peace Treaty of 1947, In: Storia & Diplomazia Rassegna dell’Archivio Storico del Ministero degli Affari Esteri, 2013, p. 18</ref>

The Romanian Communist politicians' behavior were depictedTemplate:By whom as nationalist, and this circumstance brought about the concept of National Communism,<ref name="Roe"/> which amalgamated elements of Stalinism and Fascism.<ref>Costica Bradatan, Serguei Oushakine, In Marx's Shadow: Knowledge, Power, and Intellectuals in Eastern Europe and Russia, Lexington Books, 2010, p. 225</ref> According to Trond Gilberg the regime needed the strongly nationalist attitude because of the social, economic and political challenges.<ref name="Roe">Paul Roe, Ethnic Violence and the Societal Security Dilemma, Routledge, 2004, p. 128</ref> After the retreat of the Soviet troops from Romania in 1958, the national ideology was reborn, however it raises questions about its reconcilability with internationalist communism.<ref name="Conflicted Memories"/> Nicolae Ceaușescu fancied the idea that the creation of Greater Romania was the fruit of the end of the nation-formation process.Template:Blockquote

Recent developments

Graffiti with shapes of Greater Romania near Briceni, Moldova

The fall of the communist regimes in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union and the economic downturn accompanying it led to a resurgence of nationalism in the region. Romania and Moldova, state comprising the bulk of Bessarabia which had become independent after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, confronted with their eastern neighbor, Ukraine. Bucharest and Chișinău announced territorial claims on Ukrainian lands (on parts of Chernivtsi and Odessa regions).<ref>Bohdan Nahaylo, The Ukrainian Resurgence, C. Hurst & Co. Publishers, 1999, pp. 408-409</ref> Bulgaria surmised that the concept of Greater Romania stood behind Romanian foreign policy toward Moldova therefore expressed concerns about possible developments on Dobruja.<ref name="Arbatov"/>

In 1992, the issue on unification of Moldova and Romania was negotiated between the Romanian and Moldovan governments and they wanted to achieve it by the end of the year.<ref name="Moldova - Narrative"/> However, the "unionists" lost their dominance in Moldova in the middle of the year.<ref name="Moldova - Narrative">Template:Cite web</ref> Bucharest admitted the existence of the two Romanian states (Romania and Moldova) and defined priorities in reference to this matter: "the creation of a common cultural space; the creation of an economically integrated zone; and gradual political integration".<ref name="Arbatov">Alekseĭ Georgievich Arbatov, Managing Conflict in the Former Soviet Union: Russian and American Perspectives, MIT Press, 1997, pp. 202-204</ref> The Moldovan Snegur government became more pragmatic and realized that the nationalist propaganda from Bucharest did not help their aims especially on the problem of "Soviet annexed Bessarabia".<ref name="Arbatov"/> The Romanian organizations ignored the result of the Moldovan referendum on independence because the referendum did not ask Romanians in Romania.<ref name="Arbatov"/> Romanian politicians blamed Russia and the Moldovan regime that unification became unreal.<ref name="Arbatov"/> According to Edward Ozhiganov (Head of the Division for Ethnopolitical Research at the Analytical Center of the Federation Council in Russia), the armed conflict in Moldova was due to the Romanian ethnic nationalism, in other words, "the attempt to create a unitary, ethnic state with power concentrated in the hands of ethnic nationalists in what was actually a multiethnic society."<ref name="Arbatov"/> Furthermore, Bucharest's behavior toward Ukraine did not change until 1997 when Romanian politicians realized that resolving border disputes was a precondition for NATO membership.<ref>Marta Dyczok, Ukraine: Movement Without Change, Change Without Movement, Routledge, 2013, p. 108</ref>

Present-day Romanian irredentists (such as members of PRM) aim to take possession of territories of northern Bukovina and Bessarabia.<ref name="Miroslav Mares"/><ref name="Radu Cinpoes">Template:Cite web</ref> These regions currently belong to Ukraine and Moldova.<ref name="Miroslav Mares">Template:Cite web</ref> The Russian presence and the tense political situation in Moldova also inflame their demands.<ref name="Miroslav Mares"/> Nevertheless, radicals make territorial demands on Hungary too.<ref name="Miroslav Mares"/> The Greater Romania Party (Partidul România Mare – PRM) is an emblematic representative of the aforesaid concept, though the conception is fostered also by other right-wing groups (e.g. the organisation of the New Right –Noua Dreaptă).<ref name="Miroslav Mares"/><ref>Uwe Backes, Patrick Moreau, The Extreme Right in Europe: Current Trends and Perspectives, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2011, p. 276</ref> Today, the phrase "Bessarabia, Romanian land" (Template:Lang, with several variations) is commonly used in Romania, and it poses territorial claims over the region of Bessarabia.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref> It is also used in Moldova.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>

As of 2024 Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR) supports the unification of Moldova and Romania. While S.O.S. Romania leader Diana Iovanovici Șoșoacă proposed a law in 2023 for a project on the Romanian Parliament for the annexation by Romania of Northern Bukovina, the Hertsa region, Budjak, Northern Maramureș and Snake Island from Ukraine, as they were "historical territories" that belong to Romania as stated in the law project.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> In retaliation, Ukraine announced it would impose sanctions against Iovanovici Șoșoacă, labeling her as a threat to Ukrainian national security.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Sticker in Bucharest, near the Palace of the Parliament, with the following text: "Chernivtsi. 1940. We will not forget", as a reference to the 1940 Soviet occupation of Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina

See also

• List of Romanians who were born outside present-day Romania
• Moldovenism
• Greater Moldova
• Romanianization
• Little Entente
• Greater Serbia
• Hungarian irredentism
• Greater Bulgaria
• Greater Ukraine
• Unification of Moldova and Romania

Further reading

• Bucur, Maria. Eugenics and Modernization in Interwar Romania, Pittsburg: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2010
• Hoisington Jr, William A. "The Struggle for Economic Influence in Southeastern Europe: The French Failure in Romania, 1940." Journal of Modern History 43.3 (1971): 468–482. online
• Luetkens, Gerhart. "Roumania To-Day," International Affairs (Sep. – Oct., 1938), 17#5 pp. 682–695 in JSTOR
• Template:Cite journal
• Suveica, Svetlana, Bessarabia in the First Interwar Decade (1918–1928): Modernization by Means of Reforms, Chișinau: Pontos, 2010, 360 p. (Romanian)Template:ISBN.
• Thomas, Martin. "To arm an ally: French arms sales to Romania, 1926–1940." Journal of Strategic Studies 19.2 (1996): 231–259.