Vietnamese Americans

Vietnamese Americans (Template:Langx, Template:IPA) are Americans of Vietnamese ancestry.<ref>Template:Cite encyclopedia</ref> They constitute a major part of all overseas Vietnamese. As of 2023, over 2.3 million people of Vietnamese descent live in the United States, making them the fourth largest Asian American ethnic group.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref> The majority (60%) are immigrants, while 40% were born in the United States.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> The number includes people of other ethnicities such as Montagnards, Tais, Chams, or Hoa Chinese.

The Vietnamese American population grew significantly after 1975, when a large wave of South Vietnamese refugees arrived in the U.S. following the end of the Vietnam War.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> Today, over half of Vietnamese-Americans reside in California and Texas, particularly in metropolitan areas like Los Angeles, Houston, and San Jose.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

History

Early arrivals (pre-1975)

The history of Vietnamese Americans is relatively recent. Early arrivals included both laborers and elites. Among them was Ho Chi Minh, who later became a Vietnamese communist leader. He arrived in 1912 as a ship’s cook, although parts of his American experience may have been embellished.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite journal</ref>

According to the U.S. Department of Homeland Security's Office of Immigration Statistics, the earliest recorded instances of Vietnamese individuals obtaining lawful permanent resident (LPR) status in the United States occurred between 1951 and 1959, when 290 Vietnamese were granted residency.<ref name=":13">Template:Cite report</ref> These numbers began to grow during the Vietnam War, with around 2,949 Vietnamese obtaining LPR status between 1960 and 1969.<ref name=":13" /> Between 1955 and 1974, about 18,000 immigrants from Vietnam were admitted to the U.S.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref>

First wave of immigration: 1975 and the Fall of Saigon

The Fall of Saigon on April 30, 1975, which marked the end of the Vietnam War, triggered the first major wave of Vietnamese immigration, as many with ties to the United States or the South Vietnam government feared reprisals from the communist regime.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Crewmen of the USS Durham (LKA-114) take Vietnamese refugees from a small craft in 1975.

In the week leading up to the Fall of Saigon, between 10,000 and 15,000 people departed on scheduled flights, followed by an additional 80,000 who were evacuated by air.<ref name=":5">Template:Cite book</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref> The final group was transported aboard U.S. Navy ships.<ref name=":5" /><ref>Template:Cite web</ref> Altogether, approximately 125,000 to 130,000 Vietnamese refugees were evacuated and resettled in the United States during the first wave.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite journal</ref><ref name="Rutledge1992">Template:Cite book</ref>

After leaving Vietnam, the refugees first arrived at reception camps in the Philippines and Guam before being transferred to temporary housing at U.S. military bases, including Camp Pendleton (California), Fort Chaffee (Arkansas), Eglin Air Force Base (Florida), and Fort Indiantown Gap (Pennsylvania).<ref>Template:Cite book</ref> Following resettlement preparations, they were assigned to voluntary agencies (VOLAGs), which provided assistance in securing financial and personal support from sponsors in the U.S.<ref name="AsianAmerica">Wieder, Rosalie. "Vietnamese American". In Reference Library of Asian America, vol I, edited by Susan Gall and Irene Natividad, 165–173. Detroit: Gale Research Inc., 1996</ref><ref name="AmeCulture">Nguyen-Hong-Nhiem, Lucy and Joel M.Halpen. "Vietnamese". In American Immigrant Cultures, vol 2, edited by David Levinson and Melvin Ember, pp. 923–930. New York: Macmillan Reference USA, 1998</ref>

Most first-wave refugees were better educated, wealthier, and more proficient in English than those in subsequent waves.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref name="AsianAmerica" /> According to 1975 U.S. State Department data, over 30% of first-wave household heads were medical professionals or technical managers, 16.9% worked in transportation, and 11.7% held clerical or sales jobs in Vietnam. Less than 5% were fishermen or farmers.<ref name="Gale">Bankston, Carl L. "Vietnamese American." In Gale Encyclopedia of Multicultural America vol 2, edited by Judy Galens, Anna Sheets, and Robyn V. Young, 1393-1407. Detroit: Gale Research Inc., 1995</ref>

Vietnamese refugees at Fort Chaffee, Arkansas, during the late 1970s

The resettlement of South Vietnamese refugees in the U.S. initially faced mixed reception, fueled by fears of job competition, welfare strain, and cultural concerns.<ref name=":6">Template:Cite news</ref> According to a 1975 Gallup poll, only 36% of Americans approved of the resettlement, while 54% disapproved.<ref name=":6" />

Despite initial public reluctance, President Gerald Ford emphasized a "profound moral obligation" to assist the refugees,<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> calling it a "great human tragedy."<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> In response, Congress passed the Indochina Migration and Refugee Assistance Act of 1975, providing special entry status and $455 million in resettlement aid.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

To prevent the refugees from forming ethnic enclaves and minimize impact on local communities, they were initially dispersed across the country.<ref name=":17">Template:Cite report</ref><ref name="AsianAmerica" /> However, within a few years, many relocated to California and Texas.<ref name=":17" />

Second wave of immigration: "boat people" (1978–1980s)

Vietnamese boat people awaiting rescue.

Between 1978 to the mid-1980s, a second major wave of refugees from former South Vietnam fled, primarily by sea on fishing boats, becoming known as "boat people."<ref name=":7">Template:Cite journal</ref> This group represented a diverse range of backgrounds, including South Vietnamese elites, former South Vietnam military and government officials, Chinese minorities, religious minorities, farmers, fishermen, and merchants.<ref name=":7" /><ref>Template:Cite book</ref>

Many fled persecution following the fall of Saigon, where many South Vietnamese, particularly former South Vietnamese military officers and government employees, were detained in re-education camps for political indoctrination, forced labor, and torture.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref> A significant number of boat people included ethnic Chinese, Hmong, and other minority groups, many of whom were Vietnamese citizens.<ref name=":8">Template:Cite book</ref> Notably, ethnic Chinese were specifically targeted for expulsion and accounted for 50% to 80% of the over 50,000 monthly refugee arrivals at Southeast Asian camps in 1979.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref name=":8" /><ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

The boat people were often rescued up by foreign ships and transported to asylum camps in Hong Kong and Southeast Asia such as Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, and the Philippines. From these camps, many were resettled in countries that agreed to accept them, including the United States, Canada, Australia, France, and others.<ref name="AsianAmerica" /><ref name="Gale" /><ref name="AmeCulture" />

Between 1975 and 1979, limitations in existing refugee admission laws required U.S. presidential actions to admit approximately 300,000 Southeast Asian refugees, including many from Vietnam.<ref name=":11">Template:Cite web</ref> In response to the plight of Vietnamese boat people, Congress passed the Refugee Act of 1980 to ease restrictions on refugee admissions.<ref name=":11" /><ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

In 1979, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) established the Orderly Departure Program (ODP) to facilitate legal emigration from Vietnam to the U.S. and other countries.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref> The ODP initially succeeded in relocating an average of 16,500 individuals annually—over 115,000 people by 1986, including 50,000 to the United States.<ref name=":12">Template:Cite journal</ref> However, progress eventually stalled due to disagreements over priorities, as the U.S. focused on specific groups such as Amerasian children and re-education camp prisoners, while Vietnam prioritized the exodus of ethnic Chinese.<ref name=":12" /> Template:See also

Vietnamese Fishermen's Association Antitrust Suit

Vietnamese refugees in the Gulf Coast faced discrimination as they arrived throughout the 1970s and 1980s. White fishermen complained about unfair competition from their Vietnamese American counterparts. "Non-Vietnamese docks refused to allow Vietnamese American boats to dock, [and] wholesalers refused to buy shrimp from Vietnamese Americans." The Ku Klux Klan attempted to intimidate Vietnamese American shrimp fishermen, at one time having plans to burn Vietnamese shrimp boats.<ref>[1] Template:Webarchive</ref> The Vietnamese Fishermen's Association, with the aid of the Southern Poverty Law Center, won a 1981 antitrust suit against the Klan, disbanding the "private army of white supremacists."<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Shifts in Vietnamese immigration pathways (post-1980s)

While Vietnamese immigration has remained relatively steady since the 1980s, the pathways for Vietnamese immigrants to obtain lawful permanent resident (LPR) status have changed dramatically.

Prior to 1998, the majority of Vietnamese green card holders were granted LPR status on humanitarian grounds, such as through refugee or asylum programs.<ref name=":14">Template:Cite web</ref> In 1982, for example, 99% of Vietnamese immigrants received green cards via these channels.<ref name=":14" />

By 2022, this figure had fallen to less than 1%, or fewer than 100 Vietnamese. Instead, the majority of Vietnamese immigrants (87%) gained green cards through family reunification, a rate much higher than the overall figure of 58%.<ref name=":14" /> About 12% secured LPR status via employment sponsorship.<ref name=":14" />

Demographics

Population and distribution

As of 2023, nearly 2.4 million Vietnamese Americans lived in the United States, according to the U.S. Census Bureau,<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref> with approximately 60% being immigrants ("foreign-born") and 40% born in the U.S.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref name=":10">Template:Cite web</ref>

Vietnamese Americans have the highest naturalization rate among all immigrant groups.<ref name=":0">Template:Cite web</ref> By 2023, 78% of eligible Vietnamese immigrants in the United States had become U.S. citizens, surpassing the 53% naturalization rate of the overall foreign-born population.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> In fiscal year 2024, Vietnam ranked among the top five countries of origin for new U.S. citizens, accounting for 4.1% of all naturalizations.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Geographically, Vietnamese Americans are predominantly concentrated in California (38%), Texas (14%), and Washington State (5%).<ref name=":4">Template:Cite web</ref> Florida, Virginia, Georgia, and Massachusetts each accounted for about 3% to 4% of the Vietnamese American population.<ref name=":4" /> Major hubs include Orange, Santa Clara, and Los Angeles counties in California, and Harris County in Texas, together making up 31% of Vietnamese immigrants in the U.S.<ref name=":4" />

The largest and oldest Vietnamese-American enclave in the United States, Little Saigon, is located in Westminster and Garden Grove.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> According to the 2023 United States Census American Community Survey (ACS), Vietnamese Americans account for 43.8% and 32.6% of the population, respectively.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Vietnamese Immigrants (Foreign-born) by County (2023)<ref name=":10" />

Rank	County	State	Population
1	Orange County	California	152,500
2	Santa Clara County	California	99,000
3	Los Angeles County	California	97,100
4	Harris County	Texas	75,400
5	San Diego County	California	34,500
6	King County	Washington	34,000
7	Sacramento County	California	27,500
8	Alameda County	California	27,000
9	Dallas County	Texas	23,400
10	Fairfax County	Virginia	23,200

Socioeconomics

Education

Coming from different waves of immigration, Vietnamese Americans have a lower educational attainment than overall Asian American population but it is higher than other Southeast Asian groups and is also trending upward, with each generation more likely to attain higher degrees and/or qualifications overall than the generation prior.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref>

As of 2019, 32% of Vietnamese Americans held a bachelor's degree or higher, compared to 54% of Asian Americans overall and 33% of the total U.S. population.<ref name="pewresearch.org">Template:Cite web</ref> Educational attainment varies notably between U.S.-born and foreign-born Vietnamese Americans. Among those born in the U.S., 55% have earned a bachelor's degree or higher, while 27% of those born abroad have achieved the same level of education.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Income

Phước Lộc Thọ (Asian Garden Mall), the first Vietnamese American business center in Little Saigon, California

In 2023, Vietnamese Americans had a median household income of $88,467, which was 9.7% higher than the national median of $80,610.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

As of 2022, around 11% Vietnamese Americans lived below the poverty line, a rate similar to the 11.5% rate for the general U.S. population.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref> This poverty rate has shown a gradual decline over recent years. In 2015, about 14.3% of Vietnamese Americans were living in poverty,<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> which decreased to 12% by 2019.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Employment

Template:Pie chartIn 2023, the employment rate for Vietnamese Americans was 61.4%, surpassing the overall U.S. employment rate of 60.3% during the same period.<ref name=":20">Template:Cite web</ref> The unemployment rate was 2.8%, notably lower than the national average of 3.6%.<ref name=":20" /> Vietnamese Americans work in a wide array of occupations, with employment distributed as follows:<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

• Management, business, science, and arts: 36%
• Services: 30%
• Sales and office: 13%
• Natural resources, construction, and maintenance: 4%
• Production, transportation, and material moving: 17%

Culture

Language

Spread of the Vietnamese language in the United States

According to the U.S. Census Bureau’s 2019 American Community Survey, approximately 1.5 million people aged five and older speak Vietnamese at home, making it the fifth most commonly spoken language in the U.S., after English, Spanish, Chinese, and Tagalog.<ref name=":9">Template:Cite web</ref>

Additionally, the survey indicates that 57% of Vietnamese speakers reported speaking English "less than very well."<ref name=":9" /> This percentage is higher than that of Spanish (39%) and Tagalog (30%) speakers, and comparable to Chinese speakers (52%).<ref name=":9" />

English proficiency varies significantly between U.S.-born and foreign-born Vietnamese Americans. While 90% of U.S.-born Vietnamese Americans are fluent in English, only 35% of the foreign-born counterparts report the same level of proficiency.<ref name="pewresearch.org" />

Linguistic differences

English relies on tonal inflection sparingly, primarily to convey questions, whereas Vietnamese is a tonal language in which the tone of a word determines its meaning. For example, the syllable ma can have different meanings depending on its tone, as marked by diacritics:

• ma: "ghost"
• mà: "but"
• mã: "code"
• mạ: "rice plant"
• má: "cheek"
• mả: "tomb"<ref name="AsianAmerica" />

Another key difference between Vietnamese and English is the extensive use of relationship-specific pronouns in Vietnamese. English employs "you" as a universal second-person singular pronoun, regardless of age, gender, or relationship. In contrast, Vietnamese employs different pronouns depending on factors like the person's age, gender (anh or chị), and relationship (bạn, cậu, or mày).<ref name="Gale" />

Religion

Template:Pie chartAccording to the Pew Research Center, 37% of Vietnamese Americans identify as Buddhist, 36% as Christian, and 23% have no religious affiliation, while smaller proportions adhere to other faiths (2%), identify as Muslim (<1%), or did not provide an answer (3%).<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref name=":3">Template:Cite web</ref>

In 2024, Vietnamese Americans are more likely to identify as Christian compared to those in Vietnam. While Christians, primarily Roman Catholics, make up about 10% of Vietnam's population,<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> they make up approximately 36% of the Vietnamese American population.<ref name=":3" /> Due to hostility between Communists and Catholics in Vietnam, many Catholics fled the country after the Communist takeover, and many Catholic Churches had sponsored them to the United States.<ref name="Vietnamese-American">Template:Cite web</ref>

Many practice Mahayana Buddhism,<ref name="AsianAmerica" /><ref name="Gale" /> Taoism, Confucianism and animist practices (including ancestor veneration) influenced by Chinese folk religion.<ref name="Pew">Template:Citation</ref> Vietnamese are a major ethnic group notable among Asian American Catholics.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref> Hòa Hảo and Caodaism are two of the other religions of Vietnamese Americans.

There are 150 to 165 Vietnamese Buddhist temples in the United States, with most observing a mixture of Pure Land (Tịnh Độ Tông) and Zen (Thiền) doctrines and practices.<ref name="laderman">Template:Cite book</ref><ref name="preb">Template:Cite book</ref> Most temples are small, consisting of a converted house with one or two resident monks or nuns.<ref name="laderman" /> Two of the most prominent figures in Vietnamese American Buddhism are Thich Thien-An and Thich Nhat Hanh.<ref name="preb" /> There are also Theravada-based Vietnamese temples like Chua Buu Mon in Port Arthur, Texas.

Cuisine

Phở

Bánh mì

Huy Fong sriracha

Vietnamese immigration to the United States post-Vietnam War (1975) profoundly influenced American cuisine.<ref name=":15">Template:Cite web</ref> Vietnamese Americans opened restaurants to preserve traditions and support families, introducing iconic dishes like phở, bánh mì, and gỏi cuốn, which have since become widely popular and embraced across the country.<ref name=":15" /><ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Alongside traditional dishes, Vietnamese Americans have introduced notable fusion creations. Garlic noodles, introduced in the 1970s, blend Vietnamese flavors with Italian pasta.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref> Huy Fong sriracha sauce, created in 1980 by a Vietnamese refugee, was originally made for the Vietnamese and other Asian immigrant communities but has since gained nationwide popularity, becoming a staple in U.S. kitchens.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Viet-Cajun cuisine is another prominent example of fusion, which has flourished in Gulf Coast regions like Louisiana and Texas.<ref name=":15" /> Vietnamese Americans in these areas integrated Vietnamese and Cajun culinary elements, creating dishes such as crawfish boils infused with lemongrass, garlic, and other Vietnamese seasonings.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Festivals and celebrations

Vietnamese Americans continue to celebrate Vietnamese lunar calendar holidays, with Tết (Vietnamese New Year) being the most significant.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> Festivities include activities like bầu cua tôm cá (dice games), múa lân (lion dances), the exchange of lì xì (red envelopes), and sharing festive meals featuring dishes such as bánh chưng, bánh tét, and mứt (candied fruit).<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref name=":16">Template:Cite web</ref>

In recent years, Lunar New Year, which includes Tết, has gained recognition in the U.S. California (2022), Colorado (2023), and Washington State (2024) have officially designated it as a state holiday, while New York declared it a school holiday in 2023.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Template:Lang, or the Mid-Autumn Festival, is also widely celebrated by Vietnamese Americans. Much like Tết, cities with sizable Vietnamese communities often organize large-scale Tết Trung Thu festivities that include lion dances, traditional performances, and community-centered activities.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite AV media</ref> The festival is known for its iconic mooncakes and colorful lanterns.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Politics

Vietnamese community float at the Portland Rose Festival parade

Political preferences and generational differences

Vietnamese Americans, shaped by a history of fleeing communism as refugees, tend to lean Republican (51%) more than any other Asian American group.<ref name=":18">Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref> However, younger Vietnamese Americans are increasingly shifting toward the Democratic Party.<ref name=":18" /> Among voters aged 50 and older, 68% identified with or leaned Republican, while 58% of younger voters identified with or leaned Democratic.<ref name=":18" />

Many older, first-generation Vietnamese American refugees who fled communist rule after the Vietnam War exhibit strong patriotism toward the United States, support for the military, and anti-communist views that often align with the Republican Party.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref><ref name=":19">Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite journal</ref> The party's vocal anti-communism appealed to those who resettled during the Reagan administration and has continued to resonate with many since 2016, particularly due to Donald Trump's anti-China rhetoric.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref> This support persists despite Trump’s plans to deport some Vietnamese refugees.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

According to the 2008 National Asian American Survey, 22 percent identified with the Democratic Party and 29 percent with the Republican Party.<ref name="naas">Template:Cite web</ref> Exit polls during the 2004 presidential election indicated that 72 percent of Vietnamese American voters in eight eastern states polled voted for Republican incumbent George W. Bush, compared to the 28 percent voting for Democratic challenger John Kerry.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> In a poll conducted before the 2008 presidential election, two-thirds of Vietnamese Americans who had decided said that they would vote for Republican candidate John McCain.<ref name="naas" />

In contrast, younger Vietnamese Americans lean Democratic, marking a generational shift from the Republican preferences of older immigrants who fled communism.<ref name=":18" /> The younger generation's political preferences are shaped by exposure to diverse viewpoints, including those on economic policy, healthcare, and social justice, which encourage a shift toward progressive values.<ref name=":18" /><ref name=":19" />

Polling data underscores this generational divide. A survey by the Asian American Legal Defense and Education Fund (AALDEF) revealed that Vietnamese Americans aged 18–29 favored Democrat Barack Obama by 60 percentage points during the 2008 presidential election.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> According to a 2012 Pew Research Center survey, 47% of registered Vietnamese American voters leaned Republican and 32% Democratic. Among Vietnamese Americans overall (including non-registered voters), 36% leaned Democratic and 35% Republican.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

January 6 United States Capitol attack

Several Vietnamese Americans took part in the January 6 United States Capitol attack, with some reportedly waving the South Vietnamese flag and marching alongside neo-Nazi and white nationalist groups.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref name="Nguyen2021">Template:Cite news</ref> Of the seven Asian individuals charged in connection with the event, five were of Vietnamese descent.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

The flag's display during the Capitol riot disappointed many Vietnamese Americans, particularly younger generations, who denounced its association "with hate, with racism, with supremacy."<ref name=":1">Template:Cite news</ref> TheyTemplate:Who argued that "the ideas of authoritarianism, of overturning the people's will, are not the principles that this flag stands for,"<ref name=":2">Template:Cite web</ref> and expressed feeling embarrassed by the incident, saying it made them "looked like clowns."<ref name=":1" /> The event also prompted many young people to question "their elders' unyielding loyalty to and interpretation of the banner's values."<ref name=":2" /><ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Congresswoman Stephanie Murphy, the first Vietnamese American woman elected to Congress, served on the January 6th Committee, where she co-led a public hearing and contributed to the investigation of the attack on the U.S. Capitol.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Notable Vietnamese American politicians

• Joseph Cao: Elected in 2008 as a Republican to represent Louisiana’s 2nd congressional district, Cao served one term in the U.S. House of Representatives from 2009 to 2011, becoming the first Vietnamese American to hold this position.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
• Stephanie Murphy: Elected in 2016 as a Democrat to represent Florida’s 7th congressional district, Murphy served three terms in Congress from 2017 to 2023, becoming the first Vietnamese American woman and first Vietnamese American Democrat to hold this position.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref> During her tenure, she also served on the January 6th Committee, which investigated the attack on the U.S. Capitol.<ref>Template:Cite magazine</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
• Derek Tran: Elected in 2024 as a Democrat to represent California's 45th congressional district, Tran began serving in the U.S. House of Representatives in 2025, becoming the first Vietnamese American to represent California in Congress.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Activism

Opposition to communism

According to a 1995 study, the relationship between Vietnam and the United States has been the most important issue for most Vietnamese Americans.<ref name="Gale" /> As many are refugees from South Vietnam, many are strongly opposed to communism; this attitude could also take root during and after the Vietnam War, injustice in communist reeducation camps as well as other issues with the communist government.<ref name="Hoang 2016">Template:Cite journal</ref> In a 2000 Orange County Register poll, 71 percent of respondents ranked fighting communism as a "top priority" or "very important."<ref name="collet">Template:Cite conference</ref> Vietnamese Americans stage protests against the Vietnamese government's policies.<ref name="protests">Template:Cite journal</ref>

In 1999, opposition to a video-store owner in Westminster, California who displayed the flag of Vietnam and a photo of Ho Chi Minh peaked when 15,000 people held a nighttime vigil in front of the store;<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> this raised free speech issues. Although few Vietnamese Americans enrolled in the Democratic Party because it was seen as more sympathetic to communism than the Republican Party, Republican support has eroded in the second generation and among newer, poorer refugees.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> However, the Republican Party still has strong support; in 2007, in Orange County, Vietnamese Americans registered as Republicans outnumbered registered Democrats (55 and 22 percent, respectively).<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Vietnamese Americans marching with the South Vietnam flag during Tết

Advocacy for the South Vietnamese flag

The flag of South Vietnam, also known as the Vietnamese Heritage and Freedom Flag, carries significant cultural and historical significance for Vietnamese Americans in the United States, particularly among refugees impacted by the Vietnam War.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref> It serves as a "potent symbol of struggle and pride for Vietnamese Americans."<ref name=":21">Template:Cite journal</ref> Community leaders describe it embodying "the longing for one’s lost homeland that is felt by so many Vietnamese in the diaspora."<ref name=":21" /><ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Over the years, the Vietnamese have poured a great deal of resources into getting recognition for the flag across the U.S. By 2023, resolutions recognizing the South Vietnamese flag as the Vietnamese Heritage and Freedom Flag had been adopted by 20 states, 15 counties, and 85 cities.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref name="VATV">Template:Cite web</ref>

Community activism post-Hurricane Katrina

During the months following Hurricane Katrina, the Vietnamese American community in New Orleans (among the first to return to the city) rallied against a landfill used to dump debris near their community.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> After months of legal wrangling, the landfill was closed.<ref name="vietnamese-political-force">Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Support for Hong Kong protests

Since the onset of Hong Kong protests in June 2019, Vietnamese Americans have been the most active Asian Americans rallying in favor of the pro-democracy (pro-Labor Union) Hongkongers, organizing vocal marches in California, where their largest community exists. They clashed with pro-communist Mainland Chinese immigrants.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Trúc Hồ, a famed Vietnamese American singer, wrote a song in July 2019 to praise the Hong Kong protesters. The song went viral among Vietnamese and Hong Kong citizens.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>

Ethnic subgroups

Although census data counts those who identify as ethnically Vietnamese, how Vietnamese ethnic groups view themselves may affect that reporting.

Hoa

The Hoa people are Han Chinese who migrated to Vietnam. In 2013, they made up 11.5 percent of the Vietnamese American population, and in majority, identified itself as Vietnamese.<ref>Trieu, M.M. (2013). Chinese-Vietnamese Americans. X. Zhao, & E.J. Park (Eds.), Asian Americans: An Encyclopedia of Social, Cultural, Economic, and Political History (pp. 305-310). Santa Barbara, USA: Greenwood.</ref> Some Hoa Vietnamese Americans also speak a dialect of Yue Chinese, generally code-switching between Cantonese and Vietnamese to speak to both Hoa immigrants from Vietnam and ethnic Vietnamese. Teochew, a variety of Southern Min which had virtually no speakers in the US before the 1980s, is spoken by another group of Hoa immigrants. A small number of Vietnamese Americans may also speak Mandarin as a third (or fourth) language in business and other interaction.

Eurasians and Amerasians

Some Vietnamese Americans are Eurasians: people of European and Asian descent. They are descendants of ethnic Vietnamese and French settlers and soldiers (and sometimes Hoa) during the French colonial period (1883–1945) or the First Indochina War (1946–1954).

Amerasians are descendants of an ethnic Vietnamese (or Hoa) parent and an American parent, most commonly white or black. The first substantial generation of Amerasian Vietnamese Americans were born to American personnel, primarily military men, during the Vietnam War from 1961 to 1975. Many Amerasians were ignored by their American parent; in Vietnam, the fatherless children of foreign men were called con lai ("mixed race") or the pejorative bụi đời ("dust of life").<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> Since 1982, Amerasians and their families have come to the United States under the Orderly Departure Program. Many could not be reunited with their fathers, and commonly arrived with their mothers. In some cases, they were part of false families that were created to escape from Vietnam.<ref name=AmeCulture /> Many of the first-generation Amerasians and their mothers experienced significant social and institutional discrimination in Vietnam, where they were denied the right to education; discrimination worsening after the 1973 American withdrawal, and by the U.S. government, which discouraged American military personnel from marrying Vietnamese nationals and frequently refused claims of U.S. citizenship that were lodged by Amerasians born in Vietnam if their mothers were not married to their American fathers.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Discrimination was even greater for children of black servicemen than for children of white fathers.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> Subsequent generations of Amerasians (children born in the United States) and Vietnamese-born Amerasians whose American paternity was documented by their parents' marriage or their subsequent legitimization have had an arguably more favorable outlook.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

The 1988 American Homecoming Act helped over 25,000 Amerasians and their 67,000 relatives in Vietnam, to emigrate to the United States. Although they received permanent-resident status, many have been unable to obtain citizenship and express a lack of belonging or acceptance in the US because of differences in culture, language and citizenship status.<ref>[2] Template:Webarchive</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Ethnic Tai-Lao

The Thái peoples, including the Laotians, Nungs and other Tai ethnicities who migrated to the United States were majority from Northern Vietnam. The community, overall, do not develop a separate ethnic identity sentiment due to long friendly relations with the Vietnamese rulers, thus the community don't regard itself Thai Americans or Laotian Americans, and see itself part of Vietnamese American diaspora.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref>

Cham

Cham are an ethnic minority of Vietnam and Cambodia, and a small number of them came to the United States as refugees fleeing the Cambodian genocide. The main Cham populations in the United States are located in Orange County, California, Portland, and Seattle.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite thesis</ref>

Montagnards

In 1975, thousands of Montagnards fled to Cambodia after the fall of Saigon to the North Vietnamese Army, fearing that the new government would launch reprisals against them because they had aided the U.S. Army. The U.S. military resettled some Montagnards in the United States, primarily in North Carolina, but these evacuees numbered less than 2,000.

Outside of southeast Asia, the largest community of Montagnards in the world is located in Greensboro, North Carolina, US.<ref name="uncg">Template:Cite web</ref> Greensboro is also the home of several community and lobbying organizations, such as the Montagnard Foundation, Inc.

See also

• Asian Americans
• List of Vietnamese Americans
• List of Vietnamese American groups
• List of U.S. cities with large Vietnamese-American populations
• Vietnam–United States relations
• Vietnamese language in the United States

Further reading

• Chan, Sucheng, ed. (2006). The Vietnamese American 1.5 Generation: Stories of War, Revolution, Flight, and New Beginnings 323pp
• Yến Lê Espiritu, “Toward a Critical Refugee Study: The Vietnamese Refugee Subject in US Scholarship,” Journal of Vietnamese Studies 1 (1–2): 2006: 410–433;

• Yến Lê Espiritu, “The ‘We-Win-Even-When-We-Lose’ Syndrome: US press Coverage of the Twenty-Fifth Anniversary of the ‘Fall of Saigon,’” American Quarterly 58 (2): 2006: 329–352; online.
• Ho, Canary H.   "Perspectives of First-Generation Vietnamese Americans and Filipino/a Americans : Lack of Representation and the Model Minority Myth" (EdD dissertation, California State Polytechnic University, Pomona; ProQuest Dissertations Publishing,  2023. 30494382).

• Kelly, G. P. From Vietnam to America: A chronicle of the Vietnamese immigration to the United States (Routledge, 2019). .

• Lipman, Jana K. In Camps: Vietnamese Refugees, Asylum-Seekers, and Repatriates (University of California Press, 2020)

• Nguyen, Nhi T. Not an American Dream: first-generation Vietnamese females’ success in higher education. ( Thesis, California State University, Long Beach;  ProQuest Dissertations Publishing,  2019. 22589873).

• Template:Cite book; see also online book review and further readings
• Segui, Alan Serrano.  "The immigration generation: Nativity and the political socialization of Filipino and Vietnamese Americans" (Dissertation, University of California, Santa Barbara; ProQuest Dissertations Publishing,  2009. 3379510)
• Tran, Tuyen Ngoc. Behind the Smoke and Mirrors: The Vietnamese in California, 1975–1994 (PhD dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 2007).
• Min Zhou and Carl L. Bankston (1998). Growing Up American: How Vietnamese Children Adapt to Life in the United States. New York: Russell Sage Foundation

External links

• Vietnamese American Heritage Project, Vietnam Center & Sam Johnson Vietnam Archive, Texas Tech University.
• Viet Stories: Vietnamese American Oral History Project at University of California, Irvine.
• Other oral history projects about Vietnamese Americans.
• Vietnamese in the Diaspora Digital Archive.
• Vietnamese Heritage Museum.
• US–Vietnam Research Center at University of Oregon.