View source for Suzhou dialect

{{Short description|Dialect of Wu Chinese}}
{{Infobox language
| name             = Suzhounese
| nativename       = {{lang|wuu-Hant|蘇州閒話}}；{{lang|wuu-Hans|苏州闲话}} <br/>{{transliteration|wuu|Sou-tseu ghé-ghô}}
| pronunciation    = {{IPA|wuu|soʊ˥tsøʏ˥꜓ ɦɛ˨˨˧꜕ɦo˨˧˩꜔||generic=yes}} or {{IPA|wuu|soʊ˥tsøʏ˥꜓ ɦɛ˨˨˦꜔ɦo˨˧˩꜕꜖||generic=yes}}
| states           = [[China]]
| region           = [[Suzhou]] and southeast [[Jiangsu]] province
| speakers         = 
| date             = no date
| ref              = 
| familycolor      = Sino-Tibetan
| fam2             = [[Sinitic languages|Sinitic]]
| fam3             = [[Chinese language|Chinese]]
| fam4             = [[Wu Chinese|Wu]]
| fam5             = [[Taihu Wu|Taihu]]
| fam6             = Suzhou–Shanghai–Jiaxing <br>(Su-Hu-Jia)
| isoexception     = dialect
| iso6             = suji
| linglist         = wuu-suh
| glotto           = suzh1234
| glottorefname    = Suzhou
| lingua           = 79-AAA-dbb
| notice           = IPA
|script=[[Chinese characters]] }}
{{Infobox Chinese
| t = 蘇州話
| s = 苏州话
| p = Sūzhōuhuà
| y = Sōujāu wá
| j = sou1 zau1 waa2
| t2 = 蘇州閒話
| suz2 = Sou-tseu ghé-ghô
}}

'''Suzhounese''' (Suzhounese:&nbsp;{{lang|wuu-Hant|蘇州閒話}}; {{transliteration|wuu|sou<sup>1</sup> tseu<sup>1</sup> ghe<sup>2</sup> gho<sup>6</sup>}}), also known as the '''Suzhou dialect''' (alternatively '''Soochow dialect'''), is the [[variety of Chinese]] traditionally spoken in the city of [[Suzhou]] in [[Jiangsu]], China. Suzhounese is a variety of [[Wu Chinese]], and was traditionally considered the Wu Chinese [[prestige dialect]]. Suzhounese has a large vowel inventory and it is relatively conservative in initials by preserving voiced consonants from [[Middle Chinese]].{{Citation needed|date=December 2019}}

==Distribution==
Suzhou dialect is spoken within the city itself and the surrounding area, including migrants living in nearby [[Shanghai]].

The Suzhou dialect is mutually intelligible with dialects spoken in its satellite cities such as [[Kunshan]], [[Changshu]], and [[Zhangjiagang]], as well as those spoken in its former satellites [[Wuxi dialect|Wuxi]] and [[Shanghainese|Shanghai]]. It is also partially intelligible with dialects spoken in other areas of the Wu cultural sphere such as [[Hangzhou dialect|Hangzhou]] and [[Ningbo dialect|Ningbo]]. However, it is ''not'' mutually intelligible with [[Cantonese]] or [[Standard Chinese]]; but, as all public schools and most broadcast communication in [[Suzhou]] use Mandarin exclusively, nearly all speakers of the dialect are at least bilingual. Owing to migration within China, many residents of the city cannot speak the local dialect but can usually understand it after a few months or years in the area.{{citation needed|date=January 2016}}

==History==
{{Empty section|date=October 2022}}

==Grammar==

===Personal pronouns===
Source:<ref>{{cite book |last=叶 |first=祥苓 |author-link= |date=1993 |title=蘇州方言詞典 |location= |publisher=江苏教育出版社 |page=407 }}</ref><ref>{{cite book |last=叶 |first=祥苓 |author-link= |date=1988 |title=苏州方言志 |location= |publisher=江苏教育出版社 |page=454 }}</ref>

{| class="wikitable"
|+
! Pronoun
! Number
! Word
! Pinyin
! IPA
|-
| rowspan="2" | 1st
| Singular
| 吾
| ngou6
| ŋəu
|-
| Plural
| 伲
| gni6
| nʲi
|-
| rowspan="2" | 2nd
| Singular
| 倷
| ne6
| ne
|-
| Plural
| 唔笃
| n6 toq7
| n toʔ
|-
| rowspan="4" | 3rd
| rowspan="3" | Singular
| 俚
| li1
| li
|-
| 俚倷
| li1 ne6
| li ne
|-
| 唔倷
| n1 ne6
| n ne
|-
| Plural
| 俚笃
| li1 toq7
| li toʔ
|}

Second and third-person pronouns are suffixed with 笃 {{IPA|[toʔ]}} for the plural. The first-person plural is a separate root, 伲 {{IPA|[nʲi]}}.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Yue |first=Anne O. |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5MeWSTQ7F44C&pg=PA86 |title=The Sino-Tibetan Languages |date=2003 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=0-7007-1129-5 |editor-last=Thurgood |editor-first=Graham |edition=illustrated |location=London |page=86 |chapter=Chinese Dialects: Grammar |editor-last2=LaPolla |editor-first2=Randy J.}}</ref>

===Demonstrative===
{| class="wikitable"
|+
! colspan="2" | Proximal
! colspan="2" | Neutral
! colspan="2" | Distal
|-
| 哀
| e1
| rowspan="2" | 搿
| rowspan="2" | geq8
| 弯
| ue1
|-
| 该
| ke1
| 归
| kue1
|}

In the Suzhou dialect, ''geq8'' {{IPA|/ɡəʔ/ [gə̯]}} is a very special demonstrative that is used alongside a separate set of proximal and distal demonstratives. ''geq8'' can indicate referents appearing in a speech situation, which may be close to or far away from the deictic center, and under these conditions, ''geq8'' is always used in combination with gestures. Hence ''geq8'' can serve both proximal and distal functions.<ref>{{Citation|last=Chen|first=Yujie|editor1-first=Hilary M|editor1-last=Chappell|title=The semantic differentiation of demonstratives in Sinitic languages|date=2015|url=https://oxford.universitypressscholarship.com/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198723790.001.0001/acprof-9780198723790-chapter-4|work=Diversity in Sinitic Languages|place=Oxford|publisher=Oxford University Press|doi=10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198723790.001.0001|isbn=978-0-19-872379-0|access-date=2021-12-06|url-access=subscription}}</ref>

哀 with 该 and 弯 with 归 means exactly the same thing and only differ in pronunciation. 
The use of neutral demonstrative pronoun became clear once proximal and neutral demonstrative pronouns are used.

* 哀杯茶是吾葛，掰杯茶是僚葛，弯杯茶是俚葛。

When "搿" refers to time, there is no need to use the proximal and distal in opposition. The role of the neutral demonstrative is very obvious.

* 抗战是民国二十六年到民国三十四年，掰歇(弯歇)辰光日脚勿好过。

In this sentence, "掰歇(弯歇)" cannot be replaced by "哀歇" because the Anti-Japanese War happened more than fifty years ago, so only the neutral or distal demonstrative can be used, not proximal.

When not referring to time, the proximal "哀" and the neutral demonstrative "掰" can be interchanged. For example, the "掰" in "掰个人勿认得" can be replaced by "哀".

"哀", "该", "掰", "弯" and "归" cannot be used as subjects or objects alone, but must be combined with the following quantifiers, locative words, etc.

{| class="wikitable"
|+
! colspan="2" | Suzhou
! Mandarin
! English
|-
| 哀葛
| e1 keq7
| 这个
| this (thing)
|-
| 哀点
| e1 tie3
| 这些
| these
|-
| 哀歇
| e1 shieq3
| 这时候
| this (moment)
|-
| 哀呛
| e1 tie3
| 这阵子
| this (period)
|-
| 哀面
| e1 mie6
| 这边
| this (side)
|-
| 哀搭
| e1 taeq7
| 这里
| this place (here)
|}

Example phrases:
* 哀歇啥辰光则？
现在什么时候了？
What time is it now?
* 哀呛倷身体好啘？
现阵子你身体好吗？
How are you now?

==Varieties==
Some non-native speakers of Suzhou speak the Suzhou dialect in a "stylized variety" to tell tales.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Clements |first=Clancy |date=2000 |title=Review of Creole and Dialect Continua |journal=Language |volume=76 |issue=1 |page=160 |doi=10.1353/lan.2000.0054 |jstor=417399 |s2cid=141755433 |quote=She also examines a stylized variety of Suzhou Wu as used to tell stories by native speakers of another dialect.}}</ref>

==Phonology==
===Initials===

{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center"
|+ [[syllable onset|Initial consonants]]
! colspan=2|&nbsp;
! [[Labial consonant|Labial]] 
! [[dental consonant|Dental]]/[[Alveolar consonant|Alveolar]]
! [[alveolo-palatal consonant|Alveolo-palatal]]
! [[velar consonant|Velar]]
! [[glottal consonant|Glottal]]
|-
! colspan=2|[[Nasal consonant|Nasal]]
| {{IPA link|m}}
| {{IPA link|n}}
| {{IPA link|n̠ʲ}}
| {{IPA link|ŋ}}
| 
|-
! rowspan=3|[[Plosive consonant|Plosive]]
! <small>[[tenuis consonant|tenuis]]</small>
| {{IPA link|p}}
| {{IPA link|t}}
| 
| {{IPA link|k}}
| {{IPA link|ʔ}}
|-
! <small>[[aspiration (phonetics)|aspirated]]</small>
| {{IPA link|pʰ}}
| {{IPA link|tʰ}}
| 
| {{IPA link|kʰ}}
| 
|-
! <small>[[Voice (phonetics)|voiced]]</small>
| {{IPA link|b}}
| {{IPA link|d}}
| 
| {{IPA link|ɡ}}
| 
|-
! rowspan=3|[[Affricate consonant|Affricate]]
!<small>[[tenuis consonant|tenuis]]</small>
| 
| {{IPA link|ts}}
| {{IPA link|tɕ}}
| 
| 
|-
! <small>[[aspiration (phonetics)|aspirated]]</small>
| 
| {{IPA link|tsʰ}}
| {{IPA link|tɕʰ}}
| 
| 
|-
!<small>[[voice (phonetics)|voiced]]</small>
| 
| 
| {{IPA link|dʑ}}
| 
| 
|-
! rowspan=2|[[Fricative consonant|Fricative]]
!<small>[[voicelessness|voiceless]]</small>
| {{IPA link|f}}
| {{IPA link|s}}
| {{IPA link|ɕ}}
| 
| {{IPA link|h}}
|-
!<small>[[voice (phonetics)|voiced]]</small>
| {{IPA link|v}}
| {{IPA link|z}}
| 
| 
|{{IPA link|ɦ}}
|-
! colspan=2|[[Lateral consonant|Lateral]]
| 
| {{IPA link|l}}
| 
| 
| 
|}

The Suzhou dialect has series of voiced, voiceless, and aspirated [[stop consonant|stops]], and voiceless and voiced [[fricative]]s. Moreover, [[palatalization (phonetics)|palatalized]] initials also occur.

Voiced obstruents {{ipa|/b d ɡ dʑ v z/}} are typologically partially voiced instead of fully voiced. These consonants are devoiced word/phrase-initially, but are fully voiced within a phrase. This is most apparent for the fricatives {{ipa|/v z/}} becoming {{ipa|[f s]}}. Because of this devoicing, in single-syllable forms the distinction is actually the tone contour.

The glottal initials {{ipa|/ʔ ɦ/}} disappear if they are not at the beginning of a word/phrase, resulting in a smooth vocalic transition from the previous syllable.<ref name="Wang 2011"></ref>{{rp|p=21–22}} In this regard, it is possible to analyze both initials as a single phonological null onset {{ipa|/∅︀-/}} when in this environment.  
: 蛙 {{ipa|/ʔo⁴⁴/}} ≠ 华 {{ipa|/ɦo²²³/}}, but 青蛙 = 清华 {{ipa|[tsʰin‿o⁴⁰]}}

===Finals===
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align: center"
|+ Vowel nuclei
! rowspan=2|
! colspan=2|[[Front vowel|Front]]
! rowspan=2|[[Central vowel|Central]]
! rowspan=2|[[Back vowel|Back]]
|-
!<small>[[Unrounded vowel|Unrounded]]</small>
!<small>[[Rounded vowel|Rounded]]</small>
|-
![[Sinological phonetic notation|Apical]]
|/ɿ/
|/ʮ/
|
|
|-
!Fricated
|{{IPA|/i/}}
|{{IPA|/y/}}
|
|{{IPA|/u/}}
|-
!([[Near-close vowel|Near-]])[[Close vowel|Close]]
|{{IPA|/ɪ/}}
|{{IPA|/ʏ/}}
|{{IPA|/ɵ/}}
|{{IPA|/o/}}
|-
! [[Mid vowel|Mid]]
| {{IPA|/ɛ/}}
|
| {{IPA|/ə/}}
|
|-
! [[Open vowel|Open]]
| {{IPA|/æ/}}
|
| ({{IPA|/a/}})
| {{IPA|/ɑ/}}
|-
! [[Diphthong]]
| colspan="4" |{{IPA|/øʏ, oʊ/}}
|}

{| class="wikitable" style="text-align: center"
|+ Finals<ref name="Ling 2009">{{Cite thesis |last=Ling |first=Feng |title=A Phonetic Study of the Vowel System in Suzhou Chinese |date=2009 |degree=PhD |publisher=City University of Hong Kong |url=https://scholars.cityu.edu.hk/en/theses/a-phonetic-study-of-the-vowel-system-in-suzhou-chinese(52b089ed-b109-4b7f-968d-5e9a96e6f9b1).html}}</ref>
! colspan=2|Coda
! colspan=3|Open
! colspan=4|Nasal
! colspan=4|[[Glottal stop]]
|-
! colspan=2|Medial
!{{IPA|∅}}!!{{IPA|j}}!!{{IPA|w}}
!{{IPA|∅}}!!{{IPA|j}}!!{{IPA|w}}!!{{IPA|ɥ}}
!{{IPA|∅}}!!{{IPA|j}}!!{{IPA|w}}!!{{IPA|ɥ}}
|-
! rowspan="16" |Nucleus
!ɿ [z̩]
|z̩
|&nbsp;
|&nbsp;
|&nbsp;
|&nbsp;
|&nbsp;
|&nbsp;
|&nbsp;
|&nbsp;
|&nbsp;
|&nbsp;
|-
!ʮ [z̩ʷ]
|z̩ʷ
|&nbsp;
|&nbsp;
|&nbsp;
|&nbsp;
|&nbsp;
|&nbsp;
|&nbsp;
|&nbsp;
|&nbsp;
|&nbsp;
|-
!u
|u
|&nbsp;
|&nbsp;
|&nbsp;
|&nbsp;
|&nbsp;
|&nbsp;
|&nbsp;
|&nbsp;
|&nbsp;
|&nbsp;
|-
! {{IPA|i}}
|{{IPA|i}}||&nbsp;||&nbsp;
|||&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;
|&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;
|-
! {{IPA|y}}
|{{IPA|y}}||&nbsp;||&nbsp;
|&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;
|&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;
|-
! {{IPA|ɪ}}
|&nbsp;||{{IPA|(j)ɪ}}||&nbsp;
|{{IPA|in}}||&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;
|&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;
|-
! {{IPA|ʏ}}
|||{{IPA|(j)ʏ}}||&nbsp;
|({{IPA|yn}})||&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;
|&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;
|-
! {{IPA|ɵ}}
|{{IPA|ɵ}}||{{IPA|jɵ}}||{{IPA|wɵ}}
|&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;
|&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;
|-
! {{IPA|ɛ}}
|{{IPA|ɛ}}||&nbsp;||{{IPA|wɛ}}
|&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;
|&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;
|-
! {{IPA|ə}}
|&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;
|{{IPA|ən}}||&nbsp;||{{IPA|wən}}||{{IPA|ɥən}}<br>(= yn)
|{{IPA|əʔ}}||{{IPA|jəʔ}}||{{IPA|wəʔ}}||{{IPA|ɥəʔ}}
|-
! {{IPA|o}}
|{{IPA|o}}||{{IPA|jo}}||&nbsp;
|{{IPA|oŋ}}||{{IPA|joŋ}}||&nbsp;||&nbsp;
|{{IPA|oʔ}}||{{IPA|joʔ}}||&nbsp;||&nbsp;
|-
! {{IPA|oʊ}}
|{{IPA|oʊ}}||&nbsp;||&nbsp;
|&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;
|&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;
|-
! {{IPA|øʏ}}
|{{IPA|øʏ}}||&nbsp;||&nbsp;
|&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;
|&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;
|-
! {{IPA|æ}}
|{{IPA|æ}}||{{IPA|jæ}}||&nbsp;
|&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;
|&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;
|-
! {{IPA|a}}
|&nbsp;||&nbsp;||&nbsp;
|{{IPA|ã}}||{{IPA|jã}}||{{IPA|wã}}||&nbsp;
|{{IPA|aʔ}}||{{IPA|jaʔ}}||{{IPA|waʔ}}||{{IPA|ɥaʔ}}
|-
! {{IPA|ɑ}}
|{{IPA|ɑ}}||{{IPA|jɑ}}||{{IPA|wɑ}}
|{{IPA|ɑ̃}}||{{IPA|jɑ̃}}||{{IPA|wɑ̃}}||&nbsp;
|{{IPA|ɑʔ}}||{{IPA|jɑʔ}}||&nbsp;||&nbsp;
|} 
:'''Syllabic continuants:''' {{IPA|/ɿ/ [z̩]}} {{IPA|/ʮ/ [z̩ʷ]}} {{IPA|/u/ [β̩~v̩]}} {{IPA|[m̩]}} {{IPA|[ŋ̩]}} {{IPA|[l̩]}}

Notes:
*The Suzhou dialect has a rare contrast between "fricative vowels" {{IPA|/i, y/}} and ordinary vowels {{IPA|/ɪ, ʏ/}}.
**phonetically, {{ipa|/ɪ ʏ/}} are regular plain vowels [i y], while {{ipa|/i, y/}} have further constriction
***an acoustic study found {{ipa|/i, y/}} to be phonetically syllabic voiced laminal post-alveolar fricatives {{ipa|[ʒ̻̍ ʒ̻̍ʷ]}}<ref name="Ling 2009"></ref>{{rp|p=179}}
*{{IPA|/j/}} is pronounced {{IPA|[ɥ]}} before rounded vowels.
*{{IPA|/ɛ/}} is a true mid vowel, {{IPA|[ɛ̝]}}. May also be transcribed with the [[Sinological phonetic notation|Sinological]] symbol /ᴇ/. 
*In open syllables, {{IPA|/o/}} is articulated close to a position for a close back vowel {{IPA|[o̝]}} 
*Depending on the source, transcriptions differ:
**{{IPA|/oʊ/}} may also be transcribed as {{IPA|/əu/}}
**{{IPA|/ɵ/}} may also be transcribed as {{IPA|/ø/}}; also applies to on-glide final rhymes {{IPA|/jɵ/ (/iø/) and /wɵ/ (/uø/)}}
**{{IPA|/øʏ/}} may also be transcribed as {{IPA|/ʏ/}}
**Close vowels {{IPA|/ɪ ʏ/}} may be analyzed as diphthongs and transcribed as {{IPA|/iɪ iʏ/}}

====Historical Finals====

The Suzhou dialect allows a nasal coda but does not distinguish between them. As such, the [[Middle Chinese]] nasal codas {{IPA|*-m *-n *-ŋ}} have largely either merged or been lost depending on the vowel it follows. Historical {{IPA|*-ŋ}} [[Syllable rime|rime]]s following certain vowels are distinguished as the nasalized vowels {{IPA|/ã ɑ̃/}}, but otherwise merge into modern {{IPA|/-n/}}. Historical {{IPA|*-n}} and {{IPA|*-m}} rimes are entirely merged and also result in modern {{IPA|/-n/}}, or are lost after certain vowels becoming modern {{IPA|/ɪ ɛ ɵ/}}. Modern {{IPA|/ɛ/}} also results from the monophthongization of the historical diphthong rime {{IPA|*-ɑi}} ({{IPA|-oj}} in Baxter's notation, corresponding to the 咍 final).

Middle Chinese {{IPA|*-p *-t *-k}} rimes have become glottal stops, {{IPA|[-ʔ]}}. Like other Northern Wu varieties, syllables with an underlying glottal stop coda {{IPA|/-ʔ/}} usually manifest as a [[Northern Wu phonology#Checked coda|shortening of the vowel]] instead of an actual glottal stop {{IPA|[-ʔ]}}, unless before a pause or at the end of an utterance.

===Tones===
Suzhou is considered to have seven tones. However, since the tone split dating from Middle Chinese still depends on the voicing of the initial consonant. Yang tones are only found with voiced initials, namely [b d ɡ z v dʑ ʑ m n nʲ ŋ l ɦ], while the yin tones are only found with voiceless initials. These constitute just three phonemic tones: ''ping'', ''shang,'' and ''qu.'' (''Ru'' syllables are phonemically toneless.)

{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center"
|+ Tone chart
|-
! Tone number 
!Wugniu Tone!! [[Tone name]] !! [[Tone contour|Tone letters]] !! Description
|-
! 1
|1
| yin ping ({{lang|zh|阴平}})|| {{IPA|˦}} (44) ||''high''
|-
! 2
|2
| yang ping ({{lang|zh|阳平}})|| {{IPA|˨˨˦}} (224) ||''level-rising''
|-
! 3
|3
| shang ({{lang|zh|阴上}})|| {{IPA|˥˨}} (52) ||''high falling''
|-
! 4
|5
| yin qu ({{lang|zh|阴去}})|| {{IPA|˦˩˨}} (412) ||''dipping''
|-
! 5
|6
| yang qu ({{lang|zh|阳去}})|| {{IPA|˨˧˩}} (231) ||''rising-falling''
|-
! 6
|7
| yin ru ({{lang|zh|阴入}})|| {{IPA|˦ʔ}} (4) ||''high checked''
|-
! 7 
|8
| yang ru ({{lang|zh|阳入}})|| {{IPA|˨˧ʔ}} (23) ||''rising checked''
|}

In Suzhou, the Middle Chinese 阳上 tone and 阳去 tones have fully merged as (2)31. The original 阳去 313 tone possibly still occurs in tone sandhi patterns as the second element of a chain, following a 阴入 syllable<ref>{{Cite book |last=叶 |first=祥苓 |title=苏州方言志 |publisher=江苏教育出版社 |year=1993 |pages=3}}</ref> (though it could be analyzed differently; see Tone Sandhi section below).

Therefore, 买 and 卖 has exactly the same pronunciation in literary and colloquial readings ''<sup>6</sup>ma'' {{ipa|/mɑ˨˧˩/}}, but can be distinguished in tone sandhi. 弗买 {{ipa|[fəʔ mɑ<sup>5{{underline|51}}</sup>]}} ≠ 弗卖 {{ipa|[fəʔ mɑ<sup>5{{underline|523}}</sup>]}}.<ref name="Wang 2011"></ref>{{rp|p=114}}

====Tone Sandhi====

Tone in Suzhou dialect, like other Northern Wu varieties is generally grouped by phrasal tone pattern, also called ''sandhi chains'' or ''sandhi domains''.

An analysis by Wang (2011)<ref name="Wang 2011">{{Cite book |author=Wang, Ping ({{lang|zh|汪平}}) |title=苏州方言研究 |year=2011}}</ref>{{rp|p=28-29}} describes Suzhou tone sandhi as rightward tone-spreading of the left-most (i.e. initial) syllable of a phrase. Such described "left-prominent" phrases with non-checked initial syllables of a given length have one of five possible contours, each equivalent to each of the five tones. While generally described as rightward tone-spreading of the initial syllable, it is also common for the phrasal tone pattern to not be the same as that of the initial tone. This is currently the system used on Wiktionary entries with Suzhou data.

To distinguish the individual tone from the pattern expected from its tone spreading, the patterns themselves are referred to with the format of ''tone number'' + X (1x, 2x, 3x, etc.).

{| class="wikitable" 
|+Non-checked initial syllable patterns
! Initial syllable's tone
! 2-syllable
! 3-syllable
! 4-syllable
! Chain
|-
| 陰平 44
| 4 0<br />歡喜
| 4 4 0
| 4 4 4 0
| 1x
|-
| 陽平 223
| 2 3<br />圍身
| 2 3 0
| 2 3 4 0
| 2x
|-
| 上聲 52
| 52 1<br />寫意
| 52 1 0
| 52 1 1 0
| 3x
|-
| 陰去 523
| 52 3<br />啥體
| 52 3 0
| 52 3 4 0
| 5x
|-
| 陽去 231
| 23 1<br />後日
| 23 1 0
| 23 1 1 0
| 6x (or 4x)
|}
A tone level of 0 in the above chart indicates a syllable with a neutral tone ({{zhi|s=轻声|t=輕聲|p=qīngshēng|l=light tone}}), functionally comparable to that of [[Standard Chinese phonology#Neutral tone|Standard Chinese]]. The surface realization at the end of an utterance is a low akin to downstep, but in flowing speech is a mid/neutral pitch or may appear to copy the previous tone target.

Additionally, Li (1998)<ref>{{Cite book |author=Li, Xiaofan ({{lang|zh|李小凡}}) |title=苏州方言语法研究 |year=1998 |pages=217, 222}}</ref> describes the 5x chain such that the second syllable has a slight rise. Li also describes a higher mid/high-level for the second syllable of a 6x chain. Li's 1x chain describes the pitch declining after the second syllable.

{| class="wikitable" 
|-
! Tone pattern
! 2-syllable
! 3-syllable
|-
| 阳上式 (6x/4x)
| 23 1<br />两人
| 23 44 21{{efn|described as /23 33 21/ on the following page}}<br />同志们，碰碰看，五十岁
|-
| 去声式 (5x)
| 52 23<br />四首
| 52 23 21<br />解放军，打火机，卷心菜
|}

{| class="wikitable" 
|-
! Tone pattern
! 2-syllable
! 3-syllable
! 4-syllable
! 5-syllable
|-
| 阴平式 (1x)
| 44 21<br />天花
| 44 44 21<br />天花板
| 44 44 33 21<br />天花乱坠
| 44 44 33 22 21<br />天花板浪向
|}
{{notelist}}

In phrases with checked initial syllables, the first two tones determine the overall contour. The resulting contour can be summarized as retaining the tone class (平上去) of the second syllable, but not the voicing class (陰陽). Both Tone 1 陰平 /44/ and Tone 2 陽平 /223/ will result in a Tone 2 contour (/223/). Both Tone 5 陰去 /523/ and Tone 6 陽去 /231/ will result in a Tone 5 contour (/523/). 
{| class="wikitable" 
|+Checked initial syllable patterns
! First tone
! Second tone
! 2-syllable
! 3-syllable
! 4-syllable
! Chain
|-
| 陰入 5
| rowspan="2" | 平聲 <br />44 or 223
| 4 23<br />塌車
| 4 23 0
| 4 23 4 0
| 7.2
|-
| 陽入 23
| 2 3<br />搿星
| 2 3 0
| 2 3 4 0
| 8.2
|-
| 陰入 5
| rowspan="2" | 上聲 52
| 5 51<br />則到
| 5 51 0
| 5 51 1 0
| 7.3
|-
| 陽入 23
| 2 51<br />杌子
| 2 51 0
| 2 51 1 0
| 8.3
|-
| 陰入 5
| rowspan="2" | 去聲<br />523 or 231
| 5 523<br />搭檔
| 5 52 3
| 5 52 2 3
| 7.5
|-
| 陽入 23
| 2 523<br />白菜
| 2 52 3
| 2 52 2 3
| 8.5
|-
| 陰入 5ˀ
| rowspan="2" | 入聲<br />5ˀ or 23ˀ
| 4 4<br />赤膊
| 4 4 0
| 4 4 2 0
| 7.7
|-
| 陽入 23ˀ
| 3 4<br />直腳
| 3 4 0
| 3 4 2 0
| 8.7
|}

Ye 1988<ref>{{Cite book |author=Ye, Xiangling ({{lang|zh|叶祥苓}}) |title=苏州方言志 |publisher=江苏教育出版社 |year=1988 |pages=118}}</ref> describes additional patterns where
* Tone 7 阴入 + Tone 1/3/5 retaining full tone, resulting in a /5ˀ 5/ pattern if Tone 7 阴入 is followed by Tone 1 阴平
* the original un-merged Yangshang 阳去 313 tone still occurs as the second element of a chain, following a 阴入 syllable (7.6 chain). 
* The second syllable of an 8x chain having a low-falling /21/ regardless of original tone

However, Wang describes the same phrases differently, and so it is debatable whether these form distinct patterns:

{| class="wikitable" 
|-
! Phrase
! Wang 2011
! Ye 1988
|-
| 菊花<br />cioq ho
| 4 23<br />(p.&nbsp;190)
| ˥ˀ ˥ (~4ˀ 44)<br />(p.&nbsp;124, 366)
|-
| 綠豆<br />loq deu
| 2 51<br />(p.&nbsp;191)
| (~3ˀ 21)<br />(p.&nbsp;126, 361)
|-
| 赤豆<br />tshaq deu
| 5 523<br />(p.&nbsp;181)
| 5 313<br />(p.&nbsp;119)
|-
| 結冰<br />ciq pin
| 4 23<br />(p.&nbsp;182)
| 5ˀ 5 (i.e. no change)<br />(p.&nbsp;124)
|}

=====Tone Category Shifts=====

As mentioned above, the tone pattern of a phrase frequently does not match the expected pattern based on the initial syllable's underlying tone.

Most frequently:
* a phrase beginning with a Tone 3 syllable takes on the tone pattern expected of a Tone 5 syllable (in other words, a 5x chain) or a Tone 1 syllable (a 1x chain)
** i.e. expected ''3x'' > ''5x'' or ''1x'' 
***(5x) 短衫 : <sup>5</sup>toe<sub>3</sub>-se<sub>1</sub> {{ipa|[tɵ<sup>52</sup> sɛ<sup>3</sup>]}}
***(1x) 暑假 : <sup>1</sup>syu<sub>3</sub>-ka<sub>5</sub> {{ipa|[sʮ<sup>44</sup> kɑ<sup>0</sup>]}}
* a phrase beginning with a Tone 5 syllable frequently takes on the tone pattern expected of a Tone 1 syllable (a 1x chain)
**i.e. expected ''5x'' > ''1x''
***(1x) 菜飯 : <sup>1</sup>tshe<sub>5</sub>-ve<sub>6</sub> {{ipa|[tsʰɛ<sup>44</sup> vɛ<sup>0</sup>]}}
* a phrase beginning with a Tone 6 syllable frequently takes on the tone pattern expected of a Tone 2 syllable (a 2x chain)
** i.e. expected ''6x'' > ''2x''
*** (2x) 大菜 : <sup>2</sup>da<sub>6</sub>-tshe<sub>5</sub>, <sup>2</sup>dou<sub>6</sub>-tshe<sub>5</sub> {{ipa|[dɑ<sup>22</sup> tsʰɛ<sup>33</sup> ~ dəu<sup>22</sup> tsʰɛ<sup>33</sup>]}}
* less frequently, the above shifts can happen in reverse
** i.e. expected 5x > 3x
** i.e. expected 2x > 6x
* syllables following Tone 7 can also shift chains<ref>{{Cite thesis |last=Bu |first=Tianrang |title=Phonologies and Language Use in Bindae 評彈, A Genre of Traditional Chinese Music and Storytelling
 |date=2025 |degree=PhD |publisher=University of Chicago |url=https://knowledge.uchicago.edu/record/15058 |pages=142}}</ref>
** Tone 7 + Tone 5/6 > (Tone 7 + Tone 1/2) > 7.2
** Tone 7 + Tone 6 > 7.3
* most non-checked syllables following Tone 8 collapse into a falling tone, equivalent to an 8.3 chain
** Tone 8 + {Tone 1, 2, 3, 5, 6} > 8.3

Functionally, a Tone 3 pattern (3x chain) is the least common to occur and mostly surfaces when the initial syllable is a numeral phrase ({{zhi|t=機時|s=几时}} <sup>3</sup>ci-zyu<sub>6</sub> {{IPA|[tɕi⁵² zʮ¹]}}) or reduplicated verb ({{zhi|t=寫寫|s=写写}} <sup>3</sup>sia-sia<sub>3</sub> {{IPA|[siɑ⁵² siɑ¹]}}). Below is a chart with examples of the common tone patterns:

{| class="wikitable" 
|-
! Initial syllable's tone
! Chains
! 2-syllable<ref>{{cite web |title=【苏白学堂/教程】苏州话连读变调第二课-二字变调 |url=https://www.bilibili.com/video/BV1Jo4y1X7gn?spm_id_from=333.788.videopod.sections}}</ref>
! 3-syllable<ref>{{cite web |title=【苏白学堂/教程】苏州话连读变调第三课，多字变调 |url=https://www.bilibili.com/video/BV1ch411a79X?spm_id_from=333.788.videopod.sections}}</ref>
|-
| 陰平 44
| 1x
|sin syu<br />新书
|sy tsy lin<br />狮子林
|-
| rowspan="2" | 陽平 223
| 2x
|zie syu<br />泉水
|waon thie gnioe<br />黃天源
|-
| 6x
|don zin<br />同情
|don zy men<br />同志们
|-
| rowspan="3" | 上聲 52
| 5x
|tshau tsy<br />草纸
|tan hou ci<br />打火机
|-
| 3x
|cieu ngeq<br />九月
|
|-
| 1x
|khou nen<br />可能
|
|-
| rowspan="3" | 陰去 523
| 1x
|syu ka<br />世界
|
|-
| 5x
|ho kon<br />化工
|cia faon ciun<br />解放军
|-
| 3x
|phiau lian<br />漂亮
|
|-
| rowspan="3" | 陽去 231
| 2x
|zy ka<br />自家
|dou khue deu<br />大块头
|-
| 6x
|gheu gnie<br />后年
|ng seq se<br />五十岁
|-
| 1x
|lau sy<br />老师
|
|}
{| class="wikitable" 
|-
! Initial Syllable
! Chain
! 阴平 44
! 阳平 223
! 阴上 52
! 阴去 523
! 阳上去 231
|-
| rowspan="3" | 陰入 4ˀ
| 7.2
| tshaeq tsho<br />塌车
| tsiq deu<br />节头
| 
| piq kou<br />不过
| feq de<br />弗但
|-
| 7.3
| 
| 
| poq pau ve<br />八宝饭
| 
| 
|-
| 7.5
| 
| 
| 
| taeq taon<br />搭档
| 
|-
| 陽入 23ˀ
| 8.3
| gnioq te<br />褥单
| ngoq jiau<br />乐桥
| 
| beq thi<br />鼻涕
| gniq li<br />日里
|}

=====Tone reduction=====

Wang (p.&nbsp;50) additionally identifies a pattern where in certain constructions Tone 5 (/523/) followed by another syllable simplifies to [52] while the second syllable retains its full tone. This can be analyzed comparably to Shanghainese right-prominent sandhi that prioritizes the second syllable and reduces preceding syllables. This right-prominent sandhi pattern occurs commonly in ''Verb + Object'' compounds. 
:做人 {{ipa|tsəu<sup>523-52</sup> ɲin<sup>223</sup>}}

In addition to the above simplification of Tone 5 /523/ to [52], Li (p.&nbsp;216) additionally describes Tone 2 /223/ and Tone 6 /231/ similarly simplifying to [23 ˨˧] in similar ''Verb + Object'', as well as ''Adverb + Adjective'' structures
: 穷大 dʑioŋ<sup>223-23</sup> dou<sup>231</sup>
: 是鬼 zɿ<sup>231-23</sup> tɕy<sup>52</sup>
: 过桥 kou<sup>523-52</sup> dʑiæ<sup>223</sup>

Identified by Bu (2025)<ref>{{Cite thesis |last=Bu |first=Tianrang |title=Phonologies and Language Use in Bindae 評彈, A Genre of Traditional Chinese Music and Storytelling
 |date=2025 |degree=PhD |publisher=University of Chicago |url=https://knowledge.uchicago.edu/record/15058 |pages=152-155}}</ref> describing [[Suzhou pingtan]] (but also applicable to Suzhou dialect normally), such tonal reduction generally occurs particularly for Tone 2 and Tone 6 syllables even when not in sandhi chains, and can further reduce to a simple mid/low tone. Because it can occur outside of ''Verb + Object'' or ''Adverb + Adjective'' syntactic conditions, Bu considers this tonal reduction to simply be a reduction of non-final syllables motivated by those tones (Tone 5 /523/, Tone 2 /223/, Tone 6 /231/) underlyingly being longer and having more tonal targets.

{{fs interlinear |indent=2 |glossing5=yes
|我 是 {蘇 州 人}
|<sup>6</sup>ngou <sup>6</sup>zy {<sup>1</sup>sou-tseu<sub>1</sub>-gnin<sub>2</sub>}
|/ŋəu˨˧˩ zz̩˨˧˩ {səu˥ tsøʏ˥ ɲ̟iɲ˨˧}/
|[ŋəuᵝ˨˧ zz̩˨˧~zz̩˨ {səuᵝ˥ tsʏ˥ ɲ̟iɲ˩}]
|1sg COP {Suzhou person}
|"I am a Soutseu native"
}}In contrast, Wang (p.&nbsp;348) treats this pronoun + copula construction as a single 6x phrase.

{{Fs interlinear|{我 是} {老 三}|ŋəu‿zɿ<sup>{{underline|23}}1</sup> læ‿sᴇ<sup>23</sup>|{1sg COP} {Lao San}|"I am Lao San"|indent=2|italics2=no}}

======Casual Speech======
There can be additional variation in how reduced the tones can become based on how casual the sentence is spoken by the speaker.

{{fs interlinear |indent=2 |glossing=no
|搿麽 倷 吃仔 飯 勒 再 去吧
|{<sup>8</sup>geq meq} <sup>6</sup>ne {<sup>7</sup>chiq-<sup>3</sup>tsy} <sup>6</sup>ve leq <sup>5</sup>tse {<sup>5</sup>chi ba}
|{ɡəʔ˨ məʔ˦} ne˨˧ {tɕiəʔ˦ tsz̩˥˩} vɛ˨˧ ləʔ˨ tse˥˩ {tɕi<sup>ʑ</sup>˥˩ bɑ˨˧}
|{ɡəʔ˨ məʔ˧} ne˨˧ {tɕiəʔ˦ tsz̩˥} vɛ˨˧ ləʔ˨ tse˥ {tɕi<sup>ʑ</sup>˥˩ bɑ˨˧}
|"So, maybe you eat your meal first and then go."
}}

In the above sentence, the falling tone [˥˩] on 仔 ''tsy'' and 再 ''tse'' is reduced to a high-flat [˥] in casual speech, in addition to the Tone 6 /231 ˨˧˩/ (倷 ''ne'', 飯 ''ve'') and Tone 5 /523 ˥˩˧/ (再 ''tse'', 去 ''chi'') words already reducing to [23 ˨˧] and [52 ˥˩] even in slower speech.

In the case of casual speech spoken quickly, Wang does describe a pattern where the preceding syllable takes a neutral tone. If the word (often a pronoun, adverb, or quantifier) precedes another phrase, it can reduce to a simple /3/ tone. This reduced pattern can apply across polysyllabic words or even multiple words.<ref name="Wang 2011"></ref>{{rp|p=91}} This can be considered as describing the same phenomenon as above but with less phonetic detail. 
: 交差 | {{ipa|kæ<sup>44-3</sup> tsʰɑ<sup>44</sup>}}
: 搿人有点弗大适意 | {{ipa|ɡəʔ<sup>23-3</sup> ȵin<sup>223</sup> ʏ‿tɪ<sup>{{underline|23}}1-33</sup> fəʔ‿dɑ<sup>4{{underline|23}}-33</sup> səʔ‿i<sup>5{{underline|523}}</sup>}}

======Stress======

The same phrase can take a different chain depending on which syllable or word is stressed.

: 看戏 {{ipa|/kʰø523 ɕi523/}} 'to watch shows/movies"
: {{ipa|[kʰø‿ɕi<sup>40</sup>]}} (a 1x chain)
::generally without emphasis, it would be treated as a single concept and be a single sandhi chain. 
: {{ipa|[kʰø<sup>523-52</sup> ɕi<sup>523</sup>] or [kʰø<sup>523-3</sup> ɕi<sup>523</sup>]}}
::emphasizing what is being watched—the verb is treated separately and reduced to either /52/ or /3/

== Writing ==
{{See also|Romanization of Wu Chinese}}

== Suzhou dialect in literature ==
'''Ballad-narratives'''

A "ballad–narrative" ({{lang|zh-Hant|說唱詞話}}) known as "The story of Xue Rengui crossing the sea and Pacifying Liao" ({{lang|zh|薛仁貴跨海征遼故事}}), which is about the [[Tang dynasty]] hero [[Xue Rengui]]<ref>{{Cite book|last=Idema|first=Wilt L.|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yCDZtFu_1UIC&pg=PA341|title=Korea in the Middle: Korean Studies and Area Studies: Essays in Honour of Boudewijn Walraven|date=2007|publisher=CNWS Publications|isbn=978-90-5789-153-3|editor-last=Breuker|editor-first=Remco E.|edition=illustrated|location=Leiden|page=341|chapter=Fighting in Korea: Two Early Narratives of the Story of Xue Rengui|quote=A prosimetrical rendition, entitled Xue Rengui kuahai zheng Liao gushi 薛仁貴跨海征遼故事 (The story of Xue Rengui crossing the sea and Pacifying Liao), which shares its opening prose paragraph with the Xue Rengui zheng Liao shilüe, is preserved in a printing of 1471; it is one of the shuochang cihua 說唱詞話 (ballad-narratives}}</ref> is believed to have been written in the Suzhou dialect.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Idema|first=Wilt L.|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yCDZtFu_1UIC&pg=PA342|title=Korea in the Middle: Korean Studies and Area Studies: Essays in Honour of Boudewijn Walraven|date=2007|publisher=CNWS Publications|isbn=978-90-5789-153-3|editor-last=Breuker|editor-first=Remco E.|edition=illustrated|location=Leiden|page=342|chapter=Fighting in Korea: Two Early Narratives of the Story of Xue Rengui|quote=for telling and singing) which were discovered in the suburbs of Shanghai in 1967. While these shuochang cihua had been printed in modern-day Beijing, their language suggests that they had been composed in the Wu Chinese area of Suzhou and surroundings,}}</ref>

'''Novels'''

[[Han Bangqing]] wrote ''[[The Sing-song Girls of Shanghai]]'', one of the earliest novels in [[Wu dialect]], in Suzhou dialect. Suzhou serves as an important drive for Han to write the novel. Suzhou dialect is used in  innovative methods to demonstrate urban space and time, as well as the interrupted narrative aesthetics, making it an integral part of an effort, which is presented as a fundamental and self-conscious new thing.<ref>{{Cite book|last=Des Forges|first=Alexander|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt13x1jm2|title=Mediasphere Shanghai: The Aesthetics of Cultural Production|date=2007|publisher=University of Hawai'i Press|jstor=j.ctt13x1jm2|isbn=978-0-8248-3081-6}}</ref> Han's novel also inspired other authors to write in Wu dialect.

==See also==
*[[Wu Chinese]]
**[[Shanghainese]]
**[[Hangzhou dialect|Hangzhounese]]
**[[Ningbo dialect|Ningbonese]]
*[[List of varieties of Chinese]]
{{commons category|Suzhou dialect}}

==References==
{{reflist}}

==External links==
*[http://wu-chinese.com Wu Association]
{{Sino-Tibetan languages}}
{{Chinese language}}

{{DEFAULTSORT:Suzhou Dialect}}
[[Category:Languages of China]]
[[Category:Wu Chinese]]
[[Category:Culture in Suzhou]]
[[Category:City colloquials]]