Fidesz
Template:Short description Template:Redirect Template:Protection padlock Template:Use dmy dates Template:Infobox political party
Fidesz – Hungarian Civic Alliance (Template:IPA; Template:Langx Template:IPA) is a national-conservative political party in Hungary led by Viktor Orbán. It has increasingly identified as illiberal.
Originally formed in 1988 under the name of Alliance of Young Democrats (Template:Lang) as a centre-left and liberal activist movement that opposed the ruling Marxist–Leninist government, it was registered as a political party in 1990, with Orbán as its leader. It entered the National Assembly following the 1990 parliamentary election. Following the 1998 election, it successfully formed a centre-right government. It adopted nationalism in the early 2000s, but its popularity declined due to corruption scandals. It was in opposition between 2002 and 2010, and in 2006 it formed a coalition with the Christian Democratic People's Party (KDNP).
Fidesz won a supermajority in the 2010 election, adopted national-conservative policies, shifted further to the right and became Eurosceptic. The 2011 adoption of a new Hungarian constitution was highly controversial as it consolidated power with Fidesz. Having set Hungary on a path of democratic backsliding, its majority of seats remained after the 2014 election, and following the escalation of the migrant crisis, Fidesz began using right-wing populist and anti-immigrant rhetoric.
Following the 2022 Hungarian parliamentary election, it currently holds a majority in the National Assembly with 135 seats. It has also held the presidency since 2010, has endorsed the election of every president since 2000, and it enjoys majorities in all 19 county assemblies, while being in opposition in the General Assembly of Budapest. Fidesz was initially a member of the Liberal International until 2000, after which it joined the European People's Party. It remained its member until 2021, and since then it has served with the Non-Inscrits group within the European Parliament. On 30 June 2024, ANO 2011, the Freedom Party of Austria, and Fidesz, created a new alliance named Patriots for Europe.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
History
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1988–1989: Liberal activist beginnings
The party was founded in the spring of 1988<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> and named Fiatal Demokraták Szövetsége (Alliance of Young Democrats) with the acronym FIDESZ. It grew out of an underground liberal student activist movement opposed to the ruling Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="It happened there: how democracy died in Hungary">Template:Cite news</ref> Founding such a movement was semi-illegal at the time, so the founders risked their careers by being involved in the opposition.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> The membership had an upper age limit of 35 years (this requirement was abolished at the 1993 party congress).<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
In 1989, Fidesz won the Thorolf Rafto Memorial Prize. The movement was represented at the award ceremony by one of its leaders, Péter Molnár, who later became a Member of Parliament in Hungary.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
1990–1998: Centre-left opposition and conservative turn
In the 1990 elections, the party entered the National Assembly after winning about 6% of the vote. They became a small, though quite popular oppositional party. In 1992, Fidesz joined the Liberal International.<ref name="History of Fidesz"/> At the time, it was a moderate liberal centrist party, sometimes also described as social-liberal.<ref name="LaBruyère2010">Template:Cite web</ref>
At the 1993 party congress, it changed its political position from liberal to civic-centrist ("polgári centrumpárt"). The turn in ideology caused a severe split in the membership. Péter Molnár left the party along with Gábor Fodor and Klára Ungár, who joined the liberal Alliance of Free Democrats.Template:Citation needed Viktor Orbán was elected party chairman.
After its disappointing result in the 1994 elections, Fidesz remained an opposition party but grew increasingly conservative.<ref name="Bakke">Template:Citation</ref><ref name="History of Fidesz">Template:Cite web</ref> In 1995, it changed its name to Hungarian Civic Party (Magyar Polgári Párt) and sought connections to the national-conservative Hungarian Democratic Forum, a former governing party.
1998–2002: First Orbán government
Fidesz gained power for the first time at the 1998 elections, with Viktor Orbán becoming prime minister. Their coalition partners were the smaller Hungarian Democratic Forum and the Independent Smallholders' Party. In 2000, Fidesz terminated its membership in the Liberal International and joined the European People's Party.<ref name="History of Fidesz"/> The government constituted a "relatively conventional European conservative" rule.<ref name="It happened there: how democracy died in Hungary" />
2002–2010: Return to opposition
Fidesz narrowly lost the 2002 elections to the Hungarian Socialist Party, garnering 41.07% to the Socialists' 42.05%. Fidesz had 169 members of the National Assembly, out of a total of 386. Immediately after the election, they accused the opponents of electoral fraud.<ref name="It happened there: how democracy died in Hungary" /> The 2002 Hungarian municipal elections saw again huge Fidesz losses.Template:Citation needed
In the spring of 2003, Fidesz took its current name, Fidesz – Hungarian Civic Union.<ref name="History of Fidesz" />
It was the most successful party in the 2004 European Parliamentary Elections: it won 47.4% of the vote and 12 of its candidates were elected as Members of the European Parliament (MEPs),Template:Citation needed including Lívia Járóka, the second Romani MEP.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
Fidesz's nominee, Dr. László Sólyom, was elected President of Hungary in the 2005 election. He was endorsed by Védegylet, an NGO including people from the whole political spectrum. A self-described "conservative liberal," he championed elements of both political wings with a selective, but conscious choice of values.<ref>Template:In lang Sólyom politikaformáló erő akar lenni, Kern Tamás, Index.hu, 22 August 2005</ref>
In 2005, Fidesz and the Christian Democratic People's Party (KDNP) formed an alliance for the 2006 elections, which were won by the social-democratic and liberal coalition of Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP) and the Alliance of Free Democrats (SZDSZ). Fidesz received 42% of the list votes and 164 of 386 representatives in the National Assembly.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
On 1 October 2006, Fidesz won the municipal elections, which counterbalanced the MSZP-led government's power to some extent. Fidesz won 15 of 23 mayoralties in Hungary's largest cities—although its candidate narrowly lost the city of Budapest to a member of the SZDSZ—and majorities in 18 out of 20 regional assemblies.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref name= OctElects06>Template:Cite web</ref>
In the 2009 European Parliament election, Fidesz won a landslide victory, gaining 56.36% of the vote and 14 of Hungary's 22 seats.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
In a closed-door party meeting in 2009, Orbán called for a "central political forcefield" to govern Hungary for up to 20 years to achieve political stability.<ref name="It happened there: how democracy died in Hungary" />
In January 2010, László Kövér, head of the party's national board, told reporters the party was aiming at winning a two-thirds majority at the parliamentary elections in April. He noted that Fidesz had a realistic chance to win a landslide. However, this feat was threatened by the rise of the radical nationalist Jobbik party. Kövér said it was a "lamentably negative" tendency, adding that it was rooted in the "disaster government" of the Socialist Party and its former liberal ally Free Democrats.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
2010–present: In power
The strong and preeminent Fidesz has benefited from the fragmented and disjointed opposition that has proved inept at mounting a unified challenge to the ruling party in a country where a majority of parliamentary seats are allocated to the party that garners the plurality of votes in a constituency.<ref name=":26">Template:Cite news</ref>
Government debt has fallen by 6% in the 8 years after Fidesz took power in 2010 while the country's credit ratings have improved. Economic growth had almost quadrupled with wages rising by over 10% and destitution decreasing by almost 50% (though still considerable). According to official figures, unemployment had fallen by nearly two-thirds. However, as many as almost half of newly employed Hungarians had found work elsewhere in the EU. A public works program has also been criticized by some economists for artificially and deceptively reducing unemployment numbers while engaging in and compensating people for possibly unneeded or unnecessarily inefficient work.<ref name=":31"/> Hungary has been highly dependent on EU funds during Fidesz's rule; these representing nearly 4% of the country's GDP, more than for any other EU member.<ref name=":29">Template:Cite news</ref>
2010–2014: Second Orbán government
In a landslide victory in the 2010 parliamentary elections, the party won an outright majority in the first round on 11 April, with the Fidesz-KDNP alliance winning 206 seats, including 119 individual seats. In the final result, Fidesz 263 seats, of which 173 are individual seats.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> Fidesz held 227 of these seats, giving it an outright majority in the National Assembly by itself.Template:Citation needed
Fidesz was widely seen as propelled to a sweeping victory in large part due to the dissatisfaction with the ruling political establishment which was plagued by corruption scandals and by the 2008 financial crisis.<ref name="It happened there: how democracy died in Hungary" /> The socialist government had also imposed harsh austerity measures in an attempt to rein in its ballooning budget deficits even before the late 2000s’ crisis. In September 2006, a recording of the prime minister admitting to lying about the country's dire economic prospects was revealed by the media and broadcast on radio. Steel barriers were erected around the parliament to protect it from tens of thousands of protesters.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
After winning 53% of the popular vote in the first round of the 2010 parliamentary election, which translated into a supermajority of 68% of parliamentary seats, giving Fidesz sufficient power to revise or replace the constitution, the party embarked on an extraordinary project of passing over 200 laws and drafting and adopting a new constitution—since followed by nearly 2000 amendments.Template:Citation needed
The new constitution has been widely criticized<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref> by the European Commission for Democracy through Law,<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> the Council of Europe, the European Parliament<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> and the United States<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> for concentrating too much power in the hands of the ruling party, for limiting oversight of the new constitution by the Constitutional Court of Hungary, and for removing democratic checks and balances in various areas, including the ordinary judiciary,<ref>[1] Template:Webarchive</ref> supervision of elections, and the media.<ref>Template:Cite journal</ref>
In October 2013, Thorbjørn Jagland, Secretary General of the Council of Europe said that the council was satisfied with the amendments which had been made to the criticized laws.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
2014–2018: Third Orbán government
Fidesz won the nationwide parliamentary election in April 2014 and secured a second supermajority with 133 seats (of 199) in the legislature.<ref name="The Wall Street Journal">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="Index.hu">Template:Cite news</ref> Observers from The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe stated that Fidesz "enjoyed an undue advantage, including in biased media coverage.”<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
This supermajority was lost, however, when Tibor Navracsics was appointed to the European Commission. His Veszprém County seat was taken by an independent candidate in a by-election.<ref name="The Wall Street Journal"/> Another by-election on 12 April 2015 saw the supermajority lose a second seat, also in Veszprém, to a Jobbik candidate.<ref name="Index.hu"/>
2018–2022: Fourth Orbán government
Fidesz won the nationwide parliamentary election in April 2018 and secured a 3rd supermajority with 133 seats (of 199) in the legislature.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Orbán and Fidesz campaigned primarily on the issues of immigration and foreign meddling, and the election was seen as a victory for right-wing populism in Europe.<ref name="OrbanReuters">Template:Cite web</ref><ref name="OrbanEUobserver">Template:Cite web</ref><ref name="MurphyKheraToI">Template:Cite web</ref>
With the start of 2019, the prime minister's residence was relocated from the Hungarian Parliament Building to the Buda Castle, a former Carmelite monastery and former royal residence. The move was first planned in 2002 during the first Fidesz government, but was never carried out. Government representatives stated the move was necessary to uphold the separation of the executive and legislative branch by physically separating the two (in contrast to the Communist era when the two branches operated in the same building) while the opposition criticized the move as profligate (the renovation cost Ft21bn, or €65.5M) and as a symbolic revival of the Horthy era (Miklós Horthy also took up residence in the building).<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
In 2019 local elections, the party lost its majority in General Assembly of Budapest and numerous city councils.
2022–present: Fifth Orbán government
Fidesz won the 2022 Hungarian parliamentary election and secured a supermajority for the fourth time with 135 seats (of 199) in the legislature. Reuters described it as a "crushing victory".<ref name=":6">Template:Cite news</ref> With 54.13% of the popular vote, Fidesz received the highest vote share by any party since Hungary returned to democracy in 1989.<ref name=tait>Template:Cite news</ref>
In June 2024 it was revealed that Fidesz had become Google's biggest advertiser in the whole of the European Union.<ref name="ki1">Template:Cite web</ref>
Ideology and policies
Template:Conservatism in Hungary Template:See also Fidesz's position on the political spectrum has changed over time.
Early years
At its inception as a student movement in the late 1980s, the party was positioned on the centre-left on the political spectrum,<ref name="LaBruyère20102">Template:Cite web</ref> and it advocated for liberalism<ref name="Dieringer">Template:Cite book</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref> and libertarianism.<ref name="handbook">Template:Cite book</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref> It was strongly committed towards anti-clerical<ref name="pappas">Template:Cite book</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref> and secular policies.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref name="handbook" /> As the Hungarian political landscape crystallized following the fall of Communism and the first free elections in 1990, Fidesz moved to the right four years later. Although Fidesz was in opposition to the Hungarian Democratic Forum's national-conservative coalition government from 1990 to 1994, Fidesz became the most prominent liberal-conservative political force in Hungary by 1998.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref> It adopted nationalism,<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite journal</ref> national-liberalism,<ref name="Dieringer" /><ref name="pappas" /><ref>Template:Cite book</ref> and Christian democracy in the early 2000s.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> It was positioned on the centre-right,<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> although it moved more to the right as the decade progressed.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
Contemporary
Since the late 2010s, Fidesz has increasingly been described as far-right.<ref name="far-right">*Template:Cite news
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- Template:Cite web</ref><ref name="HloušekKopeček">Template:Cite book</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref> The party is national conservative<ref name="Nordsieck">Template:Cite web</ref><ref name="HloušekKopeček" /><ref name="Bakke" /> while favoring interventionist policies on economic issues like handling of banks,<ref name="Vít Hloušek 2013">Dr Vít Hloušek, Dr Lubomír Kopecek (2013). Origin, Ideology and Transformation of Political Parties: East-Central and Western Europe Compared. Ashgate Publishing. ps. 177.</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref> and has a strong conservative stance on social issues,<ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref><ref>Template:Cite book</ref> a soft Eurosceptic vision towards European integration,<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite conferenceTemplate:Dead link</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref> and has been described as right-wing populist.<ref name="HloušekKopeček" /><ref name="Bakke" /><ref name="Bieling2015">Template:Cite book</ref> Its ruling style has also been variously described as "soft fascism",<ref name="It happened there: how democracy died in Hungary" /><ref name="Hungary's prime minister stole the country's democracy. Now Hungarians are rising up.">Template:Cite news</ref> "soft dictatorship",<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> and "soft autocracy".<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> The Fidesz party has denied such accusations and distanced itself from the extreme right,<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> criticizing such accusations as politically motivated opposition to its anti-immigrant policies<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> and pursuit of illiberal democracy.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref name=":4">Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite journal</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite newsTemplate:Cbignore</ref>
Illiberal democracy
Orbán and other Fidesz politicians have prominently described their model of government as a Christian illiberal democracy.<ref name=":3">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="It happened there: how democracy died in Hungary" /><ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
Orbán has described liberal democracy as having undemocratic characteristics because of "being intolerant of alternative views"<ref name=":3" /> and being incompatible with and antithetical to Christian democracy (saying: "Christian democracy is, by definition, not liberal: it is, if you like, illiberal.").<ref name="It happened there: how democracy died in Hungary" /> Orbán has praised Turkey, Russia, China, and Singapore as successful examples of illiberal states.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
System of National Cooperation (NER)
Clientelism plays a central role in Fidesz's governance strategy. Fidesz uses European Union and Hungarian state monies to support an extensive network of infrastructure projects, commercial enterprises, nonprofits, academic or para-academic institutions (e.g., Mathias Corvinus Collegium), and religious and cultural institutions—including the established churches like the Catholic and Reformed Churches—both within Hungary and in the diaspora. Fidesz uses this network to attempt to create and preserve an ethnic Hungarian national bourgeoisie or "Establishment" with strong financial, ideological, and familial ties to the party leadership. In return, the party expects these groups' overt or tacit political support. In Hungary, this governance strategy is (originally descriptively, but now primarily pejoratively) called the System of National Cooperation (Template:Lang, NER).<ref>Template:Cite book</ref>
Economy
Template:See also Like the Hungarian right in general, Fidesz has been more skeptical of the neoliberal economic policies than the Hungarian left. According to researchers, the elites of the Hungarian left (the Hungarian Socialist Party and the former Alliance of Free Democrats) have been differentiated from the right by being more supportive of the classical liberal economic policies, while the right (especially extreme right) has advocated more economic interventionist policies. In contrast, on issues like church and state and family policies, the liberals show alignment along the traditional left–right spectrum.<ref>Bodan Todosijević The Hungarian Voter: Left–Right Dimension as a Clue to Policy Preferences in International Political Science Review (2004), Vol 25, No. 4, p. 421</ref> In the past, Fidesz has implemented several economic liberal policies, including an income flat tax, reductions in the corporate tax rate, restrictions on unemployment benefits, and privatization of state-owned land.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
The Fidesz government has embraced some government schemes, including "public works job program, pension hikes, utility bill cuts, a minimum wage increase and cash gifts for retirees."<ref name=":25">Template:Cite news</ref> It has also implemented a national public works program<ref name=":31">Template:Cite news</ref> aimed in particular at assisting neglected rural communities.<ref name="Santora">Template:Cite news</ref> It has sought national control of key economic sectors while assuming a cautious stance on economic globalization.<ref name=":25"/>
Foreign policy
NATO intervention in Yugoslavia
During the NATO-led bombing of Yugoslavia, Orbán refused the requests of the United States and Great Britain to invade the northernmost territory of Serbia in order to hinder the intervention of Serbian forces in Kosovo. However, he expressed concern about the situation of the Hungarian minority in Serbia and allowed NATO forces to use Hungarian airspace.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
Invasion of Iraq
Fidesz opposed the 2003 invasion of Iraq and Hungarian participation in it, questioning the international legitimacy of the invasion.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
European Union
Despite the conflict with the European People's Party and European Union (EU) institutions, Fidesz and the Orbán government have claimed to be not in conflict with, but purportedly in line with pan-European values. As he struggled to maintain rapport with the EPP, Orbán began forming a right-wing populist alliance to electorally challenge the conservative EU establishment despite voicing a desire for Fidesz to remain a member.<ref name=":9"/><ref name="Reuters">Template:Cite news</ref> Orbán and his government have clashed with the EU over the handling of the 2014–2016 European migrant crisis and the death penalty, which is prohibited by EU rules.<ref name=":9">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name=":10">Template:Cite news</ref>
Russia and Ukraine
Hungary was the only EU member state to vote against financial aid for Ukraine during its conflict with Russia-sponsored separatists, and has been a vocal critic of EU sanctions against Russia for its actions in Ukraine.<ref name=":1">Template:Cite web</ref> The main cause is that since 2017, relations with Ukraine rapidly deteriorated over the issue of the Hungarian minority in Ukraine. Hungary has been obstructing Ukraine's integration efforts in the EU and NATO, even though Hungary has also been continuously helping and supporting Ukraine, with an exceptional attention to Transcarpathia.<ref>"Hungary-Ukraine relations hit new low over troop deployment Template:Webarchive". New Europe. 26 March 2018.</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref> Orbán has strongly criticized EU sanctions against Russia but abstained from vetoing them. The Fidesz government joined the UK-led diplomatic offensive after the poisoning of Sergei and Yulia Skripal, expelling Russian embassy officials. Orbán has hailed Russia as an exemplary case of illiberal democracy.<ref name=":2">Template:Cite news</ref>
During his prime ministership, Orbán has been described as drawing closer to Russian president Vladimir Putin.<ref name=":9"/> The closer relationship between the two leaders and nations has however largely been motivated by a tighter economic relationship,<ref name=":1" /><ref name=":2" /> part of the government's "Eastern Opening" strategy, announced in 2011.<ref name=":2" />
The Fourth Orbán Government initially strongly condemned the Russian invasion of Ukraine, aligning the country with NATO and the European Union on the matter: Orbán announced that Hungary would be sending humanitarian aid to Ukraine, but declined to send military equipment.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> President János Áder (also a Fidesz member) strongly condemned the Russian invasion, comparing it to the 1956 Soviet invasion of Hungary.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> However, Fidesz soon realigned with its formerly pro-Russian position: the party repeatedly opposed sanctions against the Russian Federation, prompting international press to describe Orbán as "a key Putin's ally".<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref> Orbán has called for Russia and the United States to negotiate a diplomatic resolution to the conflict, stating that the Ukrainians could not win the war militarily.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
Nativism and immigration
Fidesz adopted anti-immigration stances and rhetoric in the mid-2010s in the context of the European migrant crisis.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref name=":0">Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref> However, starting in the early 2020s, the Orbán government began admitting increasing numbers of foreign guest workers into Hungary due to a labor shortage resulting from strong economic growth, native population decline, and rising wages.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
Fidesz is opposed to multiculturalism. In a 2018 address, Orbán said: "We must state that we do not want to be diverse and do not want to be mixed: we do not want our own color, traditions and national culture to be mixed with those of others. We do not want this. We do not want that at all. We do not want to be a diverse country."<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> Orbán has "often expressed a preference for a racially homogeneous society."<ref name=":5">Template:Cite news</ref> The government has modified the country's Constitution to make it illegal to "settle foreign populations in Hungary."<ref name=":27">Template:Cite news</ref>
Despite a very low fertility rate that has led to a demographic deficit, the Fidesz government has remained steadfastly opposed to economic immigration that has been harnessed by other European countries to relieve its worker deficits. Instead, the government announced pecuniary incentives (including eliminating taxes for mothers with more than 3 children, and reducing credit payments and easier access to government-subsidized mortgages), and expanding day care and kindergarten access.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> The Fidesz government's child incentive program also offers a 10-million-forint government-subsidized zero-interest loan to married couples who are willing to have a baby after 1 July 2019.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
Social policy
Changes passed by the Fidesz government have given citizens the right to use arms for self-defense on one's own property.<ref name=":13">Template:Cite news</ref> Fidesz has passed legislation criminalising homelessness.<ref name=":34">Template:Cite news</ref> Fidesz has opposed proposals supported by Jobbik and LMP to require nightclubs in Budapest to close after midnight.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
Christianity
Orbán has on multiple occasions emphasized upholding Christian values as central to his government,<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref name=":21">Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref> and has described his government as creating a Christian democracy.<ref name=":21" /><ref name=":3" /> Hungarian Catholic bishop András Veres described some of Fidesz' policies, such as providing free IVF treatment for couples at state-run clinics, as being at odds with some Christian denominations, particularly the Roman Catholic Church, which opposes IVF.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> Orbán is a member of the Reformed Church in Hungary.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> However, the party has been described as taking a more secular position on abortion, the role of the church and education than its ally, the Christian Democratic People's Party.<ref>Template:Cite book</ref>
Family policy
Fidesz is opposed to an abortion ban, instead preferring to promote natalism.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> However, the Fidesz government has introduced a requirement for women seeking abortions to listen to a pulse generated by the ultrasound monitor before making their decision.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
The Fidesz government has introduced loan subsidies for married couples that have three or more children<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> and a personal income tax exemption for women that have four or more children.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
Other
Anti-communism
The party is anti-communist.<ref name="yahoo">"EU chief defends Marx in controversial speech to mark communist's birth". Yahoo News. 4 May 2018.</ref> In May 2018, the President of the European Commission Jean-Claude Juncker attended and spoke at a celebration of the deceased Karl Marx's 200th birthday, where he defended Marx's legacy. In response, MEPs from Fidesz wrote: "Marxist ideology led to the death of tens of millions and ruined the lives of hundreds of millions. The celebration of its founder is a mockery of their memory."<ref name="yahoo" />
The Fidesz government spokesman Zoltán Kovács justified the government's controversial policies as an effort to "get rid of the remnants of communism that are still with us, not only in terms of institutions but in terms of mentality."<ref name=":34" />
During the party's rule, statues of communists regarded as traitors have been removed with Fidesz politicians in attendance. In December 2018, Hungarian authorities removed a statue of Imre Nagy for renovation. Nagy was a Hungarian reformist communist politician who led the failed anti-Soviet 1956 Hungarian Revolution and was later executed for his role in the uprising; the statue was replaced with a memorial dedicated to the victims of the short-lived 1919 Hungarian Soviet Republic.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
Poster campaigns and National Consultations
In addition to regular political advertising, Fidesz directs government organs to use taxpayer money to regularly produce and disseminate two major forms of political propaganda in Hungary: poster campaigns and so-called "National Consultations." These two techniques are meant to influence public opinion about controversial issues outside of the legally demarcated campaign season.
Past poster campaign subjects have included a grinning George Soros while calling on the citizens to oppose his purported support of illegal immigration (many of the posters portraying Soros, who is Jewish, were defaced with antisemitic graffiti);<ref name="Beauchamp">Template:Cite web</ref><ref name=":16">Template:Cite news</ref> Soros and President of the European Commission Jean-Claude Juncker laughing together, with text suggesting Soros controls major European institutions (while also disseminating the accusation by letters sent to all Hungarian citizens);<ref name="Rankin">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name=":17">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name=":18">Template:Cite news</ref> and the "distracted boyfriend" internet meme, retooled to promote family values.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref> These "information campaigns" or "national messaging initiatives," as successive Fidesz governments have called them, have been allocated annual budgets in the tens of millions of euros.<ref name=":28">Template:Cite news</ref>
National Consultations, meanwhile, are questionnaires sent to all citizens that survey their opinions on government policy and legislation. By posing loaded questions, Fidesz uses these questionnaires to disseminate Fidesz's ideological positions and agenda. A 2015 Consultation, for example, explicitly referred to a "Soros plan" to "convince Brussels to resettle at least one million immigrants from Africa and the Middle East annually on the territory of the European Union, including Hungary," wrote that this "is part of the Soros plan to launch political attacks on countries objecting to immigration and impose strict penalties on them," and then asked citizens whether they agree. Another questionnaire about family policy used the term "Brussels bureaucrats."<ref name=":16" /><ref>Template:Cite journal</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref name="Santora" /> On other occasions, such as just prior to elections, the government sent letters notifying citizens that it will reduce their gas payments by €38 and sent pensioners gift vouchers.<ref name=":25" />
Organization
Leaders
| Image | Name | Entered office | Left office | Length of Leadership | Note | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | File:Pha01 mariavaleriabridge Orban cropped 2.jpg | Viktor Orbán | 18 April 1993 | 29 January 2000 | Template:Ayd | Prime Minister, 1998–2002 |
| 2 | File:László Kövér Senate of Poland 01.JPG | László Kövér | 29 January 2000 | 6 May 2001 | Template:Ayd | |
| 3 | File:Pokorni Zoltan 2008-10-23 (crop).JPG | Zoltán Pokorni | 6 May 2001 | 3 July 2002 | Template:Ayd | |
| 4 | File:Ader Janos.jpg | János Áder | 3 July 2002 | 17 May 2003 | Template:Ayd | |
| 5 | File:Viktor Orban.jpg | Viktor Orbán | 17 May 2003 | Incumbent | Template:Ayd | Prime Minister, 2010–present |
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Youth wing
The Fidesz youth affiliate Fidelitas was founded in 1996.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref> In December 2022, Dániel Farkas was elected president, succeeding Boglárka Illés.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> Fidelitas is a member of European Democrat Students (EDS)<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> and the International Young Democracy Union.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
International affiliations
Fidesz was a member of the Liberal International from 1992 to 2000. From 2000 to 2024, it was a member of the International Democracy Union.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> It is currently a member of Centrist Democrat International.
European Union
Following its ideological turn to conservatism, it joined the centre-right European People's Party (EPP) but was suspended on 20 March 2019. Fidesz MEPs left the European People's Party group in the European Parliament on 3 March 2021,<ref name="DW2">Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="Fid-EPP2">Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref> after the EPP changed its rules to allow it to expel a party's entire delegation.<ref>Template:Cite tweet</ref><ref name="Fid-EPP">Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="DW">Template:Cite news</ref> It has served with the Non-Inscrits since then.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
In July 2021, Fidesz signed a joint declaration with National Rally, Law and Justice, Vox, the League, the Brothers of Italy, the Estonian Conservative People's Party, the Freedom Party of Austria, Belgium's Vlaams Belang, the Danish People's Party, the Finns Party, VMRO – Bulgarian National Movement, Greek Solution, the Romanian Christian Democratic National Peasants' Party and Electoral Action of Poles in Lithuania – Christian Families Alliance on the future of the EU.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
In December 2021, the party participated in the Warsaw summit with Law and Justice, the Estonian Conservative People's Party, the Finns Party, the Christian Democratic National Peasants' Party, Electoral Action of Poles in Lithuania – Christian Families Alliance, the Freedom Party of Austria, Vox, National Rally, Vlaams Belang and the Dutch JA21, signing a document outlining new collaboration at the EU level between the parties.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> <ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
In January 2022, the party participated in the Madrid summit, hosted by Vox, alongside National Rally, Law and Justice, Vlaams Belang, JA21, the Estonian Conservative People's Party, the Freedom Party of Austria, VMRO - Bulgarian National Movement, the Christian Democratic National Peasants' Party and Electoral Action of Poles in Lithuania – Christian Families Alliance, signing a joint declaration on policies towards the EU and Russia.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
In November 2022, Fidesz MEPs signed a cooperation agreement with MEPs from Sovereign Poland, Vox, Lega, the Freedom Party of Austria and the National Rally to collaborate within the European Parliament.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
In June 2024, Fidesz announced its intention to form the Patriots for Europe parliamentary group in the European Parliament, which subsequently included the Czech ANO 2011, Motorists for Themselves and Přísaha, the Freedom Party of Austria, the Portuguese Chega, the Dutch Party for Freedom, the French National Rally, the Italian Lega, the Danish People's Party, the Belgian Vlaams Belang, the Spanish Vox, Latvia First and the Greek Voice of Reason.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
In September 2024, Fidesz joined the pan-European political party Patriots.eu, which includes the members of the Patriots for Europe group and the Estonian Conservative People's Party.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
European countries
- Austria
Orbán has more recently cultivated close ties between Fidesz and the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ), noting "strategic cooperation" between the parties and "friendly ties based on mutual confidence and Christian-conservative values".<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
Prior to the 2019 Austrian legislative election, he held a joint press conference with FPÖ leader Norbert Hofer, where he wished the party success in the upcoming election and stressed the "similar views" of the two parties.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
- Belgium
Hungarian Justice Minister Judit Varga addressed a rally in Antwerp hosted by Vlaams Belang in June 2022, alongside representatives of other Identity and Democracy Party member parties.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
- Bosnia
Orbán released a video message endorsing Milorad Dodik, the leader of the Alliance of Independent Social Democrats (SNSD) and the President of Republika Srpska, ahead of the 2022 Bosnian general election.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Orbán's government has reportedly provided political and financial support to the SNSD.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
- Czech Republic
Orbán sent a letter of support to Václav Klaus Jr.'s newly formed Tricolour Citizens' Movement in the Czech Republic in 2019.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> Orbán has a relationship with Klaus's father, President Václav Klaus, who has expressed support for Orbán's rule.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
During the 2021 Czech parliamentary election, Orbán endorsed Czech Prime Minister and ANO 2011 leader Andrej Babiš, appearing alongside him at campaign events in the Czech Republic.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
- Croatia
Orbán expressed strong support for Tomislav Karamarko's leadership of the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), having written a letter endorsing Karamarko for his stance on immigration that was read out at an HDZ rally during the 2015 Croatian parliamentary election campaign.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
Fidesz later established contacts with the International Secretary of the Homeland Movement, Stephen Nikola Bartulica.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
- France
Orbán initially rejected association with Marine Le Pen's National Rally,<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> and instead endorsed François Fillon, the candidate of The Republicans, in the 2017 French presidential election.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
However, in 2021, Fidesz opened relations with National Rally, congratulating Le Pen on her re-election as the party's leader.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Orbán subsequently hosted Le Pen during her October 2021 visit to Budapest and had discussions with her regarding a formal alliance between the parties.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Orbán released a video of support for Le Pen during the 2022 French presidential election, which was aired at one of her campaign rallies.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
Orbán also has relations with Reconquête leader Éric Zemmour, hosting him in Budapest in September 2021.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
- Germany
Fidesz initially rejected cooperation with Alternative for Germany (AfD), describing the Christian Democratic Union of Germany and the Christian Social Union in Bavaria as its natural allies there.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
However, in February 2025, Orbán invited AfD co-leader Alice Weidel to meet with him in Budapest.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref> After the meeting, Orbán stated that with the rise in AfD's support, the German government could no longer penalise cooperation with it, and expressed his belief that "the AfD is the future".<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
- Italy
Template:Expand section Orbán has praised the tenure of former Italian Interior Minister Matteo Salvini, the leader of the League, declaring him an "ally and our fellow combatant in the fight for the preservation of European Christian heritage and the tackling of migration" after Salvini's departure from the Italian government in August 2019.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
Orbán previously urged closer political ties between the EPP and the League,<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> and cooperated extensively on immigration with Salvini, describing Salvini as "my hero".<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
Orbán has also fostered ties with Brothers of Italy leader Giorgia Meloni,<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> but Meloni later blocked Fidesz joining the European Conservatives and Reformists.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
- North Macedonia
Orbán has also fostered close political ties with right-wing Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (VMRO-DPMNE) politician and former PM Nikola Gruevski. While awaiting a ruling on an appeal to a corruption conviction in early 2019, Gruevski fled to Hungary to evade a looming jail sentence. The whereabouts of Gruevski were revealed only 4 days after he failed to report to serve his prison sentence. Macedonian officials have suggested that Gruevski (for whom an international arrest warrant had been issued) was in contact with Hungarian officials in the days preceding his flight, and Macedonian authorities have launched an investigation into whether Gruevski was transported across the border in a Hungarian diplomatic vehicle. The Hungarian government denied accusations of impropriety.<ref name=":12">Template:Cite news</ref>
Hungarian businesspeople close to Orbán that had previously invested into Slovenian right-wing media also entered into ownership of Macedonian right-wing media companies, propping up outlets friendly to Gruevski and his party.<ref name=":12" /> In May 2023, Orbán pledged that Fidesz would assist VMRO-DPMNE in "various policy areas" ahead of the 2024 Macedonian parliamentary election.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
- Poland
Prior to the 2019 European Parliament election, Fidesz announced it would discuss an alliance with Poland's Law and Justice (PiS) party if it leaves the EPP.<ref name="Hungary's Fidesz could consider alliance with Polish ruling party">Template:Cite news</ref> The two nations' conservative governments have shared a close friendship and alliance for multiple years and the Polish government has pledged political support for Hungary within the EU.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
Orbán and PiS leader Jarosław Kaczyński have vowed to wage a "cultural counter-revolution" within the EU together,<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> with the Polish government seeing Hungary under Fidesz as a model for Poland.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
The relationship between Fidesz and PiS deteriorated following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, after the two parties took different stances on the conflict.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> The relationship was later repaired after PiS lost power in Poland, with Mateusz Morawiecki inviting Fidesz to join the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group in the European Parliament in February 2024.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
Although PiS initially negotiated with Fidesz's Patriots for Europe group in June 2024, it later chose to remain in the ECR after disagreements over the ECR leadership were resolved.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> The Fidesz government also granted asylum to former PiS Deputy Minister of Justice Marcin Romanowski in December 2024.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
Fidesz also developed ties with PiS's former junior coalition partner, Zbigniew Ziobro's Sovereign Poland party, particularly during the time period when relations with PiS were tense.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
- Serbia
Orbán has a warm relationship with Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić and his Serbian Progressive Party (SNS), with the Hungarian Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó campaigning for Vučić before the 2017 Serbian presidential election.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Companies close to the Orbán government have won public contracts with the Serbian government.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> The Serbian government has also been accused of taking a similar approach to the Hungarian government towards the media.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
In May 2023, Szijjártó once again addressed an SNS rally in support of President Vučić, ahead of the 2023 Serbian parliamentary election.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Fidesz has also participated in conferences hosted by one of the SNS's junior coalition partners, the Serbian People's Party (SNP),<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> and included the SNP in a working lunch of Fidesz-allied right-wing parties hosted by Orbán.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
In April 2025, Orbán sent a video message to a pro-government rally in Belgrade in support of Vučić, claiming that "foreign powers want to tell Serbs how to live".<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
- Slovenia
Orbán has allied closely with Slovenian PM Janez Janša and the right-wing Slovenian Democratic Party (SDS) he heads, going so far as to campaign for SDS during the 2018 Slovenian parliamentary election. Businesspeople close to Orbán also provided funds to SDS-affiliated media companies that then also used some of the funds to purchase campaign ads on behalf of SDS to circumvent Slovenian campaign finance laws.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
After the election, and while SDS was struggling to secure political support to form a coalition government, Janša again met with Orbán on a private visit to Budapest; during the meeting, Orbán also conducted a conference call with former US president Donald Trump with Janša joining in.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> SDS's unconditional backing of Fidesz within the EPP was reportedly pivotal in preventing Fidesz's expulsion from EPP, resulting in a more lenient suspension.<ref name=":40">Template:Cite web</ref> In a letter to EPP leader, Janša warned of an "inevitable" split in the EPP if the vote to expel Fidesz were to take place.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
Despite its close links, in 2024 when Orbán formed the Patriots for Europe, a new EU political group. The SDS, which has four MEPs, ultimately remained part of the EPP Group, while noting that not all SDS MEPs agreed with this decision.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
- Slovakia
Fidesz provided campaign advisers to Robert Fico's Smer party ahead of the 2023 Slovak parliamentary election.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> Prior to the election, Hungarian Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó held a joint press conference with Fico.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> However, Smer declined to join Fidesz's Patriots for Europe group in 2024, citing an ideological divide with the right-wing parties involved.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> In November 2024, Orbán gave a video address to a Smer party conference.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
In 2020, Hungarian officials from the Fidesz government suggested it was in their interest that the Slovak National Party win seats during the 2020 Slovak parliamentary election.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> Szijjárto also praised the Slovak National Party following a 2022 meeting with its leader, Andrej Danko, stating that "parties standing on national foundations always understand each other well" and emphasising their shared "Christian-conservative values".<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
Danko has close relations with Fidesz politicians,<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> and has advocated for an alliance between the Slovak National Party, Smer, Hlas, Slovak PATRIOT and even Hungarian minority parties in order to form what he described as a "Slovak Fidesz".<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
- Other
Orbán has also developed ties with Dutch Party for Freedom (PVV) leader Geert Wilders,<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> Vox leader Santiago Abascal,<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Conservative People's Party of Estonia leader Mart Helme<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> the Chega leader André Ventura,<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> and Lithuanian National Alliance leader Vytautas Radžvilas.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
As of 2024, the Finns Party rejects cooperation with Fidesz, strongly supporting the exclusion of Fidesz from the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group in the European Parliament.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> The Sweden Democrats initially ruled out cooperation with Fidesz altogether,<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> but later insisted that Fidesz sign a declaration in support of Ukrainian territorial integrity prior to allowing formal cooperation.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
Fidesz refuses cooperation with the Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR), describing it as "anti-Hungarian" and ceasing its attempts to join the ECR after AUR was admitted.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Nevertheless, after a victory by AUR leader George Simion in the first round of the 2025 Romanian presidential election, Orbán favourably quoted Simion and expressed support for Romania in its "fights for Christianity and sovereignty", noting that while he would not personally support a candidate in the election, he would oppose attempts for "isolation or political revenge" against the next Romanian President.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
- Hungarian national minority parties
Some political parties of Hungarian minorities are said to be allies of the Fidesz like the Slovak Hungarian Alliance (MKP),<ref name="KAS" /> the Serbian Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians (VMSZ),<ref name="VMSZ" /> the Ukrainian KMKSZ – Hungarian Party in Ukraine,<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref> and Hungarian Democratic Party in Ukraine (UMDP),<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> Democratic Union of Hungarians of Croatia (HMDK),<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> the Slovenian Hungarian National Self-Government Association of Prekmurje (MMNÖK),<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> the Romanian Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (RMDSZ),<ref>[2]Template:Dead link</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref name="KAS">Template:Cite web</ref> the Hungarian Civic Party (MPP)<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> and the Hungarian People's Party of Transylvania (EMNP).<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> The Fidesz, the RMDSZ,<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> MKP,<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> VMSZ<ref name="VMSZ">Template:Cite web</ref> the HMDK<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> and the Democratic Party of Vojvodina Hungarians (VMDP)<ref>Template:Cite web</ref> support each other in the 2019 European Parliament election. The MKP, VMSZ and RMDSZ are members or associates of the EPP.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
Non-European countries
Israel
Orbán and his government have also fostered close ties with the Israeli Likud government under Benjamin Netanyahu, with the two heads of government forging a cordial relationship, having known one another for decades. Netanyahu advised Orbán on economic reforms conducted by the Hungarian government in the early 2000s.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Netanyahu later extended public political support to Orbán at a time when Orbán was confronting criticism for praising Miklós Horthy, Hungary's former leader, whose government passed anti-Jewish legislation and collaborated with Nazi Germany, and for allegedly employing anti-Semitic tropes in his criticism of George Soros.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref> The Israeli foreign ministry issued a statement condemning Soros in a show of solidarity with the Orbán government.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref> A Likud lawmaker also introduced legislation modeled on Fidesz's "Stop Soros law" in the Israeli Knesset.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
United States of America
Orbán and his government have gained favor with US president Donald Trump and his Republican administration (in stark contrast to the policy of isolation practiced by the preceding Obama Administration).<ref name=":11">Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Orbán was the first European head of government to endorse Trump's presidential bid during the 2016 United States presidential election.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
Trump has praised Hungary's immigration policies in a discussion with Orbán.<ref name=":11" /> The more amiable attitude of the Trump Administration toward the Hungarian government prompted criticism and a protest by 22 Democratic Party lawmakers that called for a more disciplinary policy towards the country's government over what they perceived as a problematic track record.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
Steve Bannon, former head of Breitbart News and a former close associate of President Trump who had an integral role in Trump's electoral campaign and administration, has also praised Orbán and announced plans to work with Fidesz in orchestrating the party's electoral campaign for the 2019 European parliament election.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite news</ref><ref name="It happened there: how democracy died in Hungary" />
Other
The Fidesz government had a strong relationship with former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro of the Liberal Party, including sheltering him at the Hungarian Embassy in Brazil after he faced criminal charges.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref> Fidesz also has ties with the founder of the Chilean Republican Party, José Antonio Kast, María Fernanda Cabal of the Colombian Democratic Center party, and the Argentinian La Libertad Avanza.<ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref><ref>Template:Cite web</ref>
Orbán's Political Director, Balázs Orbán, suggested Fidesz has "many things in common" with the Indian Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) following meetings with BJP politicians, including sovereignty, opposing progressivism, and support for peace in the Russo-Ukrainian War.<ref>Template:Cite news</ref>
Criticism
Template:Main Fidesz has been accused of exhibiting anti-democratic and authoritarian tendencies while in government. The Fidesz-led government has been accused of severely restricting media freedom, undermining the independence of the courts, subjugating and politicising independent and non-governmental institutions, spying on political opponents, engaging in electoral engineering, and assailing critical NGOs. The Fidesz-led government has been accused of engaging in cronyism and corruption. Fidesz has been accused of antisemitism, and the Fidesz-led government has been accused of passing legislation that violates the rights of queer persons. Due to its controversial actions, Fidesz and its government have come in conflict with the EU on multiple occasions.
Election results
National Assembly
European Parliament
| Election | List leader | Votes | % | Seats | +/− | EP Group |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2004 | Pál Schmitt | 1,457,750 | 47.40 (#1) | Template:Composition bar | New | EPP-ED |
| 2009Template:Efn | 1,632,309 | 56.36 (#1) | Template:Composition bar | Template:Increase 1 | EPP Template:Small | |
| 2014Template:Efn | Ildikó Pelczné Gáll | 1,193,991 | 51.48 (#1) | Template:Composition bar | Template:Decrease 2 | |
| 2019Template:Efn | László Trócsányi | 1,824,220 | 52.56 (#1) | Template:Composition bar | Template:Increase 1 | |
| NI Template:Small | ||||||
| 2024Template:Efn | Tamás Deutsch | 2,048,211 | 44.82 (#1) | Template:Composition bar | Template:Decrease 2 | PfE |
Notes
References
External links
- Fidesz – Hungarian Civic Union Official website
- Fidesz page on the website of the European People's Party
- Speech delivered by Mr Viktor Orban at the 17th Congress of Fidesz upon his election as president of Fidesz – Hungarian Civic Union, 17 May 2003 (from Google's cache)
- The History of Fidesz (from Google's cache)
- Hungary's PM calls confidence vote
Template:Patriots.eu Template:Hungarian political parties Template:Authority control
- Pages with broken file links
- Fidesz
- 1988 establishments in Hungary
- Anti-communist parties
- Anti-immigration politics in Europe
- Christian democratic parties in Hungary
- Conservative parties in Hungary
- Eurosceptic parties in Hungary
- International Democracy Union member parties
- Member parties of the European People's Party
- National conservative parties
- Organisations that oppose LGBTQ rights in Hungary
- Opposition to same-sex marriage in Europe
- Anti-gender movement
- Parties represented in the European Parliament
- Political parties established in 1988
- Political parties in Hungary
- Right-wing populism in Europe
- Right-wing populism in Hungary
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