Party of Free Change

The Party of Free Change (Template:Langx, PLS) was a satirical political party in Romania, founded by Template:Ill and with Template:Ill as its first president. Its name, message and symbols were overt references and homages to Ion Luca Caragiale, the classical Romanian humorist; building on an inside joke, its agenda praised opportunism and even encouraged members to leave the party. However, the PLS was also criticized for its alleged links with the ruling National Salvation Front (FSN), and for being one of the many groups which split the vote in the general election of 1990 and local ones of 1992. It won a seat in Chamber, taken by Cazimir, and several positions on local councils; it was also considered for the government coalition built by Theodor Stolojan in late 1991.

While criticized in many contexts for allegedly serving as the FSN's vehicle, the PLS had appeal as an elaborate joke among disgruntled intellectuals. At various times, its rank-and-file included comedian Dem Rădulescu, scholar Alexandru Călinescu, and singer-songwriter Doru Stănculescu, as well as scores of others of literary and artistic professionals. Changes in the electoral legislation signaled its decline—a rapid one, after Cazimir had endorsed Ion Iliescu and the Democratic National Salvation Front ahead of general elections in 1992. Other party activists declared him a defector, and continued to organize separately, but failed to win any seats. Cazimir continued his political career with Iliescu's Social Democratic Party. Although technically undissolvable according to its statutes, the PLS eventually disappeared before the 1996 election. Theater director Mircea Cornișteanu was its second and last president.

History

Creation

The PLS began existence shortly after the December 1989 revolution, which toppled the communist regime and restored multiparty democracy. It was founded by editorial cartoonist Octavian Andronic, with a manifesto published on February 6, 1990 in Libertatea daily; literary critic Ștefan Cazimir adhered "by phone" on February 7.<ref name="ștcaprx">Ștefan Cazimir, Emanoil Toma, "...aproximări mai mult sau mai puțin ingenioase...", in Revista Nouă, Issue 3/2011, p. 28</ref><ref name="șcauro">Template:In lang Ștefan Cazimir, "Aurora democratică", in România Literară, Issue 30/2005</ref> The name was adapted from Ion Luca Caragiale's comedy O scrisoare pierdută (1884), which Andronic had just watched on Romanian Television, in the Liviu Ciulei adaptation.<ref name="șcauro"/> In the original text, it already appears as a malapropism and double entendre: one of the key characters, Nae Cațavencu, declares himself liber schimbist, technically "a supporter of free trade", but this can also be read as "easy changer"—one who changes views or convictions easily, without scruples.<ref name="șcauro"/><ref name="vesel">Template:In lang "Scurta istorie a celui mai vesel partid din România", in Evenimentul Zilei, February 6, 2010</ref> One of the main principles of the party was granting the status of honorary membership to anyone who changed their allegiance from one political party to another.<ref name="vesel"/>

Cazimir, often mistaken as the party founder,<ref name="ștcaprx"/><ref name="mihuleac">Cătălin Mihuleac, "Omu' cu textu'. Bastarzii lui Caragiale", in Flacăra Iașului, February 1, 2006, p. 1</ref> had had a political involvement with the Romanian Communist Party and, earlier, the Union of Communist Youth, to which he adhered Template:Circa.<ref name="așshow">Alex. Ștefănescu, "Reacții rapide. Ștefan Cazimir-show", in România Literară, Issue 16/2007</ref> In December, he had been caught up in the revolutionary events, first as an unwilling participant in the communist counter-manifestation, then as a supporter of the street movement in Bucharest.<ref name="șcauro"/> Overall, the new enterprise was entirely built on his deadpan humor (for which he was already famous)<ref name="așshow"/> and his deep familiarity with Caragiale's work—he was recognized as a Caragiale expert since the 1960s.<ref name="ștcaprx"/><ref name="cp25ani">Template:In lang Cristian Preda, "25 de ani și câteva sute de partide", in Adevărul, February 18, 2015</ref> During January, Cazimir pondered entering politics as an independent, promising his constituents to "read out from Caragiale as often as possible".<ref name="șcauro"/> Another founding member, Mircea Cornișteanu, produced and directed Caragiale plays, and is described as one of Caragiale's "feverish admirers".<ref>Template:In lang Alice Georgescu, "De două ori Caragiale", in Ziarul Financiar, January 14, 2004</ref> Looking part on the first post-revolutionary years in 2010, philologist Mona Momescu argues that the abundance of references to Caragiale—present with both the PLS as a "literary party" and the unrelated humor magazine, Academia Cațavencu—showed that Romanians had not yet abandoned the practice of "cultural resistance", which had been favored by communist-era dissidents.<ref name="mmliteratura">Mona Momescu, "Opinii. Literatura ca model și referință pentru politic. Cazul recent al operei lui I. L. Caragiale", in Observator Cultural, Issue 525, May 2010, p. 13</ref>

Due to its literary pedigree leading back to the 1880s, the PLS called itself an "historic party".<ref name="vesel"/> A portrait of Caragiale appeared on its first-ever logo,<ref name="mp20deani">Marin Pop, "20 de ani de libertate. 22 Decembrie 1989 — 22 Decembrie 2009", in Magazin Sălăjean, Issue 216, November 2009, p. 4</ref> later changed to "the drawing of a child biting on a flower"<ref name="mmliteratura"/> (also noted as a "five-leaf clover").<ref>Gabriel Moisiu, "Hîrtia de turnesol. 'E vremea rozelor ce mor'", in Cronica, Vol. XXV, Issue 16, April 1990, p. 2</ref> Tributes for the writer extended into other areas of party activity—including the PLS motto, Caragiale e cu noi! ("Caragiale is with us!").<ref name="vesel"/> The party hymn, called Mărire vouă, lupte seculare ("Glory to Thee, Combats of Centuries"),<ref name="mp20deani"/> ended with another paraphrase from O scrisoare...: Trădare fie, dar s-o știm și noi! ("Let's have betrayal, but let's be aware of it!").<ref name="șcauro"/><ref name="așshow"/> Its official tribune, founded by Andronic<ref name="șcauro"/> and called Răcnetul Carpaților ("The Roar of the Carpathians", after Cațavencu's fictional gazette), ran fragments from Caragiale's political satire as genuine political news and commentary.<ref>Template:In lang Liviu Papadima, "Un decalog sau mai multe? (VIII)", in Dilema Veche, Issue 642, June 9–15, 2016</ref> Reviving Cațavencu's rhetoric, perceived enemies of the party where addressed as reprobabili ("detestable people"), and allies as venerabili or stimabili ("venerable" or "esteemed people").<ref name="vesel"/><ref name="șcauro"/>

The group's early recruits included singer-songwriter Doru Stănculescu, though he quit politics shortly after and started a new life in France.<ref>Florin Condurățeanu, "Interviu. Doru Stănculescu: Catrenul 'ai, hai, haide, hai, / Pe sub flori mă legănai...' este chintesența 'Mioriței'", in Jurnalul Național, April 23, 2000, p. 8</ref> The PLS soon had embryonic local chapters, or "initiative committees"—economist Eugen Bâlc presided over one such unit in Sălaj County.<ref name="mp20deani"/> The national organizing conference took place on February 18 at the People's Art College, on Cosmonauților Street, Bucharest. It was here that Cazimir was made president, with Andronic's blessing—the latter, being chief editor of the independent Libertatea, did not wish to become politically involved.<ref name="șcauro"/> Under Cazimir, the party would not declare its ideology, but parodied serious parties for their quick adoption of "centrism". In this context, it announced itself as being a party "on the outer edge", because "two cannot be at the center without stifling or crushing each other. Plus, one can get a better perspective from the edge".<ref name="șcauro"/> The PSL's self-depiction as an extremist party was immediately contradicted by the statutes, which criticized other political forces for dealing in "annoyance, tension, and violence", proposing that dialogue needed to be fostered between all political forces.<ref name="mmliteratura"/> Cazimir noted that the party platform only ever stood out from that of serious groups "in being grammatically correct". While "most other groups cultivate unwitting humor", PLS statutes endorsed "witting humor".<ref name="șcauro"/> This also meant that the PLS "is militating for a reduction of Caragiale's applicability to the present day. This applicability is however endorsed by the other political forces."<ref name="pruteanu">George Pruteanu, "Biblioteci în flăcări. Ștefan Cazimir: 'Nu!'", in Cronica, Vol. XXV, Issue 21, May 1990, p. 7</ref>

1990 performance and controversy

Soon after its official registration on March 1,<ref name="șcauro"/><ref name="pruteanu"/> the PLS was invited by the governing National Salvation Front (FSN) to join Romania's temporary legislature, or Provisional National Unity Council (CPUN). Its one seat there was taken by Cazimir.<ref name="ambufo">Template:In lang Andrei Manolescu, "Țara bufonilor triști", in Dilema Veche, Issue 458, November 22–28, 2012</ref> For a while, the PLS was attractive to intellectuals who had come to resent the FSN, such as the literary historian Alexandru Călinescu—who joined the party because he intended to highlight the "comedy" of Romanian politics.<ref>Emilia Chiscop, "Dacă ar fi avut mai mulți ca Alexandru Călinescu, poate că Iașul ar fi rămas un oraș liber de provincialisme. Povestea unui intelectual adevărat", in Ziarul de Iași, October 9, 2004, p. 7A</ref> Cazimir himself was critical of the FSN and its leader Ion Iliescu, establishing contacts with the Golaniad protest movement (named after golani, "hoodlums", the word used by Iliescu to describe his opponents). As he noted in an April 1990 interview with academic George Pruteanu, he considered himself a "veteran hoodlum" (golan veteran), and suggested that the anti-FSN movement was "too numerous not to be taken into account" (Cazimir's emphasis); according to Pruteanu's marginal comments, part of this statement may have been sarcastic.<ref name="pruteanu"/> Also then, Cazimir stated that he was not opposed to the Proclamation of Timișoara, which had asked for the lustration of high-ranking communists, and which the FSN was formally opposing. As he put it, the PLS statues contained a similar provision, barring "people who have held high-ranking central- or local-level positions between January 1, 1980 and December 22, 1989" from applying as members; the same provisions forbade people "compromised by their active support for the former regime", as well as those "lacking in sense of humor" from joining the PLS.<ref name="pruteanu"/>

With Cazimir as president, seconded by Gheorghe Boșman, the party held its first congress at Cervantes High School, Bucharest, shortly before the May 1990 general elections.<ref name="vesel"/> The PLS benefited from the liberal electoral law of that period, which required registrations to have only 251 signatures. Politician and scholar Cristian Preda places the PLS in a category of ephemeral groups created in that interval, alongside a Romanian Democratic Popular Realist Revolutionary Party and a Party of Heroes Killed for the Freedom of Living Heroes Maimed by the Barbarian Bullets.<ref name="cp25ani"/> Unlike these highly localized projects, the PLS ran candidates in 26 precincts, and formed small but active county organizations—according to Cazimir, these were mostly run by divorcée ladies.<ref name="vesel"/> The party claimed to have recruited a celebrated comedic actor, Dem Rădulescu, though he apparently defected to the "Party of Democratic Unity" just days before the election, and was registered on its Senate list at Vîlcea.<ref>Magda Brighidău, "Breviar. Contestații acceptate", in România Liberă, May 16, 1990, p. 3</ref>

The PLS received around 0.3% of the vote in both the Senate and Chamber of Deputies elections. Although it failed to win any senatorial mandates, it took a single seat in the Chamber,<ref>1990 Parliamentary Elections: Chamber of Deputies, University of Essex database: Political Transformation and the Electoral Process in Post-Communist Europe</ref> which went to Cazimir. In his early speeches at Cervantes, Cazimir had joked that they only ran in elections "because I was tired of things going smooth."<ref name="vesel"/> In his Pruteanu interview, he noted being serious about capturing the vote: "our main effort at the present time is not the recruitment of new members, but the earning of electoral sympathies and trust. Once we will win the votes, we will also bring in new members."<ref name="pruteanu"/> Cazimir used his speaking time in Chamber mainly to popularize the sayings of Caragiale and Ion Creangă, as well as his own epigrams. At times, he also expressed mild criticism of the FSN as the party of "dead roses", and commented negatively on the June 1990 Mineriad, braving threats of violence from the Front's working-class electorate.<ref name="vesel"/>

Various commentators see the PLS as a tool for the FSN's alleged plan to stifle or ridicule serious opposition. Radu Câmpeanu, chairman of the National Liberal Party–Câmpeanu, once suggested that the PSL's very creation had served someone else's "political interests", adding that he did not known whether Cazimir had been aware of that being the case: "Some serve [such interests] whether they know it or not".<ref>Viorel Andriescu, "'Datoria liberalilor este să contribuie la formarea unui pol liberal puternic' afirmă dl Radu Câmpeanu, președintele PNL(C)", in Tribuna Sibiului, February 21, 1998, p. 2</ref> In November 1991, columnist Cornel Nistorescu proposed that Cazimir may have taken his seat through electoral fraud carried out by the FSN, and that his activity was meant to glamorize political apathy; this view was endorsed by the staff writers at România Literară, who called Cazimir and his followers the "humorless humorists".<ref>Cronicar, "Revista revistelor. Ghinionul dlui Surdu", in România Literară, Issue 48/1991, p. 24</ref> Also at România Literară, columnist Alex. Ștefănescu, a member of the opposition National Peasants' Party (PNȚCD), saw it as a "sociological oddity" that "a parody of a party was taken seriously by the voters".<ref name="așcărți">Alex. Ștefănescu, "Cărți primite la redacție", in România Literară, Issue 1/1999, p. 4</ref> Journalist George Baltac believes that the PLS "deliberately" helped the FSN to fragment the PNȚCD's voting weight with "an explosion of minuscule parties." He notes that Cazimir, as a "left-wing intellectual", had a personal relationship with Iliescu.<ref>Template:In lang George Baltac, "Involuții previzibile ale unor intelectuali iliescieni", in România Liberă, September 9, 2005</ref> In a 2006 piece, writer Cătălin Mihuleac described the PLS doctrines as an "idiotic jest" (hlizeala idioată), arguing that Caragiale would have never approved of it; he described Cazimir and his group as a toxic influence on Romanian politics.<ref name="mihuleac"/> Likewise, commentator Andrei Manolescu argues that "[Cazimir's] humor and irony turned into actual opportunism."<ref name="ambufo"/>

Demise

During the early months of 1991, the FSN engaged in talks with all other parliamentary groups, in order to obtain support for a Third Roman cabinet. Speaking for the PLS, Cazimir ridiculed the move in a widely quoted, television interview: observing that the FSN had 66% of parliamentary seats, with all other 15 parties only holding the remainder, he declared that a coalition government would have resembled "Gulliver and 15 dwarfs".<ref>"AR Press transmite: 'Piticii' vor intra în guvern?", in România Liberă, April 24, 1991, p. 2</ref> Late that year, Theodor Stolojan, the Prime Minister-designate, held talks with all parliamentary parties, including the PLS, in an effort to secure backing for his own government team. His move reportedly angered the larger parties.<ref>Florin-Gabriel Mărculescu, "Mulți chemați", in România Liberă, October 8, 1991, p. 1</ref> Although the legislation updated in 1992 provided an election threshold, which harmed its chances,<ref name="vesel"/> the PLS continued to be active, and staged high-profile stunts. In one such event, its delegation to Brussels made Manneken Pis an honorary party member.<ref name="vesel"/>

The party also contested the February 1992 elections for local councils. It fielded 75 candidates for the General Council of Bucharest (the maximum allowed by law),<ref name="localeagerpres">Template:In lang Documentare alegeri locale 2010. Primele alegeri locale libere, 1992, Agerpres, May 3, 2012</ref> and was acclaimed by independent observers for the high quality of its recruitment base: 14 of the candidates were from the various liberal arts, including four journalists.<ref>Iulian Costandache, "Liste pentru coadă la un os", in Tinereul Liber, January 17, 1992, p. 1</ref> The PLS also endorsed Tudor Popescu as its candidate for Bucharest Mayor.<ref name="localeagerpres"/> This strategy contrasted its approach to other urban centers—in Brașov, it only had one candidate for the local council.<ref>AVR PRESS, "Puls electoral. Cine va fi primarul Brașovului?", in Tinereul Liber, January 12, 1992, p. 2</ref> In the end, it elected several councilors throughout the country, and only one at Bucharest.<ref name="vesel"/> At Iași, the PLS endorsed Mandache Leocov of the Romanian Democratic Convention for the mayoral office; its list for the local council was headlined by physician René Corneliu Duda,<ref>"Cu ce Template:Sic ne vom alege? Partidul Liber-Schimbist. Lista candidaților", in Cronica, Vol. XXVII, Issue 2, January 1992, p. 3</ref> who managed to obtain a seat.<ref name="cuscrul">"Lumea românească. Scurt. Cuscrul Regelui Mihai", in Minimum, Vol. X, Issues 113–114, September 1996, p. 32</ref> Mayoral elections also took place at Tîrgu Mureș in April 1992. In preparation for these, the PLS joined an electoral pact, or "Mureș Democratic Alliance", alongside the FSN (now opposing Stolojan), the PNȚCD, the National Unity Party, the Democratic Agrarianists, the Democratic Ecologists, the Union of the Roma, and other groups; this was designed to block out a perceived partnership between government and the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians, at a time when the latter was dominating city politics.<ref>"Viața partidelor. Alianța Democratică Mureșeană", in Curierul Național, April 11, 1992, p. 4</ref>

In the presidential and parliamentary elections of September, Iliescu tried out for a second term as President of Romania, with backing from the Democratic National Salvation Front (FDSN). His ticket was also endorsed by three other groups—the Humanist Party, the Socialist Democratic Party, and the PLS.<ref>"Carnet electoral", in Curierul Național, August 22, 1992, p. 1</ref> On August 26, three of four members of the PLS permanent bureau (Boșman, Cornișteanu, and Vasile Groza) went public with their opposition to this move, attributing it to Cazimir as the fourth man. They voted to expel Cazimir from the bureau permanently, and also to strip him of his party membership for a nine-months "gestation period".<ref>"Năravurile rămîn", in România Liberă, August 26, 1992, p. 3</ref> This resulted in the PSL losing its only parliamentary seat; it fielded candidates in 24 counties, but acknowledged that it had no hope of passing the threshold.<ref>Oana Armeanu, "Partidele neparlamentare și campania electorală", in Revista 22, Vol. III, Issue 137, September 1992, p. 7</ref> While Iliescu managed to be reconfirmed during the election, the PLS vote share fell to 0.1%.<ref>1992 Parliamentary Elections: Chamber of Deputies, University of Essex database: Political Transformation and the Electoral Process in Post-Communist Europe</ref>

Cazimir appeared on the FDSN list of candidates for a Bucharest precinct,<ref>Dan Andronic, Bogdan Ionescu, "Surprize pe listele FDSN. Liber schimbistul Ștefan Cazimir a trecut la noul partid. Alte nume: Nestor Vornicescu și Sergiu Nicolaescu", in Evenimentul Zilei, August 27, 1992, p. 4</ref> and later joined the consolidated pro-Iliescu group, eventually called Social Democratic Party (PSD).<ref name="vesel"/><ref name="așshow"/><ref name="crnwalt">Template:In lang "De la Walt Disney la Naționalul din Bănie", in Gazeta de Sud, August 27, 2012</ref> Writing in 1999, Ștefănescu suggested that Cazimir had never properly explained his own defection: "at some point he dropped his joking with the PLS and transferred toward [the PSD], a party that has led Romania into a position which is not at all joyful."<ref name="așcărți"/> Interviewed in 2010, Cazimir explained that his entry into the PSD was a continuation of PLS goals.<ref name="vesel"/> Many other members of the PLS were similarly recruited by the PSD. They included councilor Duda, whose son, Radu Duda, married Margareta of Romania and became titular royal consort of Romania; this paradox was highlighted in the press, which commented on the PSD's staunch republicanism.<ref name="cuscrul"/> In a 2003 article, Lucian Gheorghiu suggested that the PSD had "gobbled up" the PSL as a whole in 1996.<ref>Lucian Gheorghiu, "Scena politică. Partidul de guvernământ a înghițit aproape toate formațiunile de centru-stânga. PSD — căpcăunul partidelor mici ", in Cotidianul, July 14, 2003, p. 2</ref>

The PLS–PSD continuity was highlighted by journalist Dumitru Tinu, who attended the PSD conference of January 1997, where he reported hearing Cazimir "free-changing clowning" (clovnerii liber-schimbiste), played out in front of a new public.<ref name="mihuleac"/> Both Pruteanu and Cazimir were elected as PSD parliamentarians in November 2000, but found themselves taking opposite sides on issues such as linguistic protectionism. In discussing the issue, Pruteanu noted that Cazimir was still flippant, a man of derizoriu liber-schimbist ("paltry free-change").<ref>"Actualitatea internă. Dispută Ștefan Cazimir–George Pruteanu la dezbaterea legii privind protecția limbii române", in Cuvântul Libertății, April 19, 2002, p. 2</ref> A rump PLS had continued to exist for part of that interval. Cornișteanu, who succeeded Cazimir as ad-interim president, argues that he had "betrayed" the party statues, and notes that he was consequently listed as an "abandoned member".<ref name="crnwalt"/> The group was ultimately disbanded in 1996 when new rules required that any party should have at least 10,000 members,<ref name="vesel"/><ref name="cp25ani"/> or, according to Cornișteanu, when it could no longer support itself financially.<ref name="crnwalt"/> Despite publishing a history of the party in 1998, when he was referred to as its "ex-president",<ref name="așcărți"/> Cazimir viewed the PLS as undissolvable. According to him, it still technically existed by 2010, because its own statutory clauses encouraged all members to join other parties.<ref name="vesel"/>

Electoral history

Legislative elections

Election	Chamber			Senate			Position	Aftermath
	Votes	%	Seats	Votes	%	Seats
1990	47,017	0.34	Template:Composition bar	46,247	0.33	Template:Composition bar	13th	Template:Partial
								Template:Partial (1991–1992)
1992	12,360	0.11	Template:Composition bar	8,720	0.07	Template:Composition bar	38th	Template:Partial

External links

• Partidul Liber Schimbist, Romanian Chamber of Deputies record